Дисертації з теми "Politique publique – Philosophie"
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Bibeau-Gagnon, Alexis. "Philosophie politique et opinion publique. La question de la justice distributive." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/66681.
This Master’s thesis offers an analysis of the relationship between political philosophy and public opinion. More specifically, its objective is to define the role of public opinion in political philosophy in relation to the issue of distributive justice. The thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter lays the theoretical foundations on the issues of social and distributive justice, as well as on the place of empirical research in political philosophy. The second chapter is an empirical public opinion research on the structure and determinants of attitudes toward distributive justice in Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States. The third chapter presents an original theoretical proposition of the role of public opinion in political philosophy. We put forward four arguments in favor of the inclusion of public opinion in political philosophy through the notion of public reflective equilibrium.
Perruchot, Béatrice. "Le règne de l'opinion publique : étude philosophique de la nature politique de l'information de masse et de l'opinion publique." Paris 4, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA040049.
Bénétullière, Sébastien. "La démocratie d'opinion : contribution à une approche constitutionnelle de l'opinion publique." Lyon 3, 2007. https://scd-resnum.univ-lyon3.fr/out/theses/2007_out_benetulliere_s.pdf.
Attorneys, and in particular the constitutionalists are at first sight absents in the major intellectual controversies on the notion of public opinion. In fact, the discourse on the democracy of opinion communicates a pejorative image of the public opinion, based to a great extent on a common sense than on a real conceptualisation of the notion. The democracy of opinion could then be a reactive democracy, instantaneous, where the politics progressively dissolve. However, such a vision, if not entirely destitute, contrasts singularly with the philosophy of Lumières who makes the public usage of the reason a condition for the construction of an autonomous public space. It is then not surprising that the liberal constitutionalism sustains a rational acceptation of the public opinion. The public opinion then becomes all at the same time, the product and guardian of the autonomy of the citizen. It is why the constitutional law, understood inhere as the political law, organises the juridical conditions of a free formation of the public opinion, in particular through the juridical recognition of some public liberty. In consequence the institutional architecture of the constituted power is rethought due to the emergence of an exteriority critique: the court of the public opinion. In other words, an analysis of the discourses related to the public opinion allows an understanding of the double dynamic antagonist within the democracy of opinion
Périn, Nathalie. "François Châtelet. Le philosophe enseignant : raison et scène publique." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080018.
This doctoral dissertation, probably the first on the philosopher François Châtelet (1925-1985), focuses mainly on the collective aspect of the body of work he left behind. Châtelet did much to undermine the traditional attitude of the philosophical act of creation whose aim is the acknowledgment of a single proper name – seen as the lone bearer of sense and sole owner of ideas – in order to bring to light a philosophy of the transmission of knowledge, one that is truly critical and open as a result of being stripped, in a highly original way, of the will to systematize. Since this collective dimension was for Châtelet closely tied to a reassessment of institutionalized philosophy, particular attention has been paid here to the key work La philosophie des professeurs (1970) in which he exposed the ideologizing taking place within philosophy through the curricula giving it a teachable form. For Châtelet, the defense of philosophy as a living discipline is accompanied, conversely, by a relentless critique of the images encouraging it to maintain at once a superior yet powerless role, and by a political reflection on the realities of schooling and culture. In line with these positions, philosophy's role is to become a force of resistance, to distance itself from the ends intended both by social pragmatism as well as by the collusions between administrative authorities and those who manage their systems of knowledge, and to avoid association with any form of "knowledgeable State." The present study shows that Châtelet's work – an undertaking that was simultaneously personal and collective – consequently had as one of its guiding principles the denunciation of the standardization of thought, and that it applied itself in concrete terms to tracing that standardization back to the birth of philosophy as a specific genre
Périn, Nathalie. "François Châtelet. Le philosophe enseignant : raison et scène publique." Thesis, Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080018.
This doctoral dissertation, probably the first on the philosopher François Châtelet (1925-1985), focuses mainly on the collective aspect of the body of work he left behind. Châtelet did much to undermine the traditional attitude of the philosophical act of creation whose aim is the acknowledgment of a single proper name – seen as the lone bearer of sense and sole owner of ideas – in order to bring to light a philosophy of the transmission of knowledge, one that is truly critical and open as a result of being stripped, in a highly original way, of the will to systematize. Since this collective dimension was for Châtelet closely tied to a reassessment of institutionalized philosophy, particular attention has been paid here to the key work La philosophie des professeurs (1970) in which he exposed the ideologizing taking place within philosophy through the curricula giving it a teachable form. For Châtelet, the defense of philosophy as a living discipline is accompanied, conversely, by a relentless critique of the images encouraging it to maintain at once a superior yet powerless role, and by a political reflection on the realities of schooling and culture. In line with these positions, philosophy's role is to become a force of resistance, to distance itself from the ends intended both by social pragmatism as well as by the collusions between administrative authorities and those who manage their systems of knowledge, and to avoid association with any form of "knowledgeable State." The present study shows that Châtelet's work – an undertaking that was simultaneously personal and collective – consequently had as one of its guiding principles the denunciation of the standardization of thought, and that it applied itself in concrete terms to tracing that standardization back to the birth of philosophy as a specific genre
Nadeau, Christian. "Le lien civil : morale publique, obéissance et gouvernement à l'âge classique : Jean Bodin, Pierre Charron et Jean de Silhon." Paris 10, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA100176.
Lencastre, Cardoso Manuel. "Politiques du Léviathan : Hobbes et la science de la pratique du souverain." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0003.
The term Leviathan’s policies refers to the practical recommendations Hobbes suggests the sovereign should take in order to keep his political community at peace. This research analyses the way in which Hobbes makes public policy. Its aim is to capture Hobbes’s thinking on state administration by exploring the practical measures by which Hobbes believes a state can maintain civil peace.By its very nature, such an inquiry goes beyond the study of a collection of historical curiosities. It offers an in-depth understanding of Hobbes’s practical science of the sovereign, and it provides the possibility of re-examining, from Hobbes’s point of view, the public policies of contemporary states
Sieg, Hans Martin. "Staatsdienst, Staatsdenken und Dienstgesinnung in Brandenburg-Preußen im 18. Jahrhundert (1713-1806) : Studien zum Verständnis des Absolutismus /." Berlin : W. de Gruyter, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39911528c.
Gautschi, Heidi. "Plus ça change plus c'est la même chose ? Une relecture du télégraphe en France et aux États-Unis à l'ère des réseaux numériques : contribution aux travaux sur l'interaction entre technique et société." Thesis, Paris 10, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA100157.
We assume that current telecommunication systems perform better than those of centuries past. That said, an in-depth understanding of prior communication technologies, such as the telegraph, allows for a better understanding of the specificities of adoption and use of modern communication technologies, as well as their presence in popular culture. By revisiting this history, within the context of current reflection, it becomes possible to better grasp the evolution of modern telecommunications.This comparative study of the drafting of a telegraph project and the creation of a telegraph imaginary in France and the United States has a dual goal: to show the extent to which the arrival of the telegraph modified the communicational landscape on both a physical and symbolic level; to identify the invariants in French and American networks. In this way, the telegraph’s role in the evolution of our communication tools, as well as the complexity of our relationship with them is highlighted. I have used different approaches in order to conduct this analysis. First, I look at the negotiations between telegraph promoters and policy makers. Secondly, I look at the development of a telegraph imaginary and social uses. The introduction of the telegraph brought about a fundamental change: the transformation of information into a good. This had a lasting impact on world markets, mentalities and the symbolic meaning attached to communication networks. The arrival of the telegraph also led to a fundamental cognitive shift. The mental representation of the physical world was modified. The telegraph, therefore, changed people’s perceptions of their communicational reality
Ndengue, Rose. "Femmes sphère publique et pouvoir politique en postcolonie : le cas du Cameroun (1945-années 2000)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCC088.
Since the beginning, the access requirements to the “modern citizenship” developed for colonized people after the Second World War have a strong gendered dimension within their configuration. Although theses norms and regulations are emerging in a context renowned for its opening to a relative liberalization of social and political life, the limitations they contain plus the mechanisms of their implementation shed some light on the desire of the colonial authorities to seriously consider the inevitable change. They then set up a public sphere in which they guarantee the legitimacy of the interlocutors presiding there. The disqualifying underpinnings of the modern political participation have had a lasting effect on how the whole process is invested by authorities, populations and historiography. Thus, in the case of Cameroon, the gendered construction of citizenship lead to a marginal presence of women in political bodies – and more precisely in the formal political field –, as well as in the country’s political historiography. However, this underrepresentation within political space and history does not mean that women involvement in politics is insignificant. It reflects, rather, a visible distinction of men and women in the public sphere. So, this work aims to prove that Cameroonian women stand out as political agents on a constant basis. By extending the perimeter of political participation to actions, not being only derived from Western modernity, this research reveals the varied political actions (collective or individual) taken by these women
Jacinthe, Fodnot. "L’éthique publique, de l’équité de la justice chez Rawls à la norme, la biopolitique et la vérité chez Foucault." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022PA080087.
My public ethics as a reflection between humanity and sovereignty shows a double contribution of the political subject and the state in the production of the values that we need collectively. The political subject brings a word or a speech inspired by the human fundamental needs and the human conditional of life. The human point of view discussed inside this work is also understood by the rawlsian inviolability of the person and the human rights as priority which express a lot of preoccupations toward mankind as dignified creatures. Moreover, the foucaldian biopolitics suggests a system of state control of the mankind as a biological being and also taking care of their human nature. The dynamism of the political subject is not able to weaken the state encouragement to increase the power, his enlightenment and his influence, and his perpetuity. The public ethics set up a space of justification and legitimization of the public decisions and the behavior of every body. That will be in the advantage of the well-being of the community collectively and the comfort of everybody specially when the commitment of the political subject brings him to tell the truth about himself, his life and the condition of life. John Rawls by his equity and his justice system provides values giving man and woman access to comfort and well-being in his well organized society against all sense of utilitarianism. Because, a society with constitutional democracy provides a system of values previously accepted for the absolute respect of the person, from which perceiving the equitable distribution of property (fundamental liberties, the distribution of the resources and the country’s wealth on the profit of desadvantaged and poor people, and values aiming for durable political consensus). Even though, the political and legal reality, the constancy of the fight justify mostly the effectiveness of those values
Le, Coq Pierre. "La déspéciation scientifique." Nice, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004NICE2030.
Brun, Gaspard. "L’expérience de soi à l’épreuve des normes : Eléments pour une philosophie du handicap." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM3089.
The original question this thesis started with arose in the context of our professional activities within organizations dealing with the integration of disabled people in the world of work. How could policies specifically addressed to this public be enforced when the very definition of what characterized disabled people had not yet been formulated? After focusing our analyses on the limits of the current classifications of disabilities, on the impossibility to define disability with the exactness of scientific classifications or by only resorting to medicine, we thought of conceiving disability as a singular relationship between social norms and individual experience. In so doing, Foucault’s first works and mostly unpublished writings by Canguilhem were a great help. These authors allowed us to prepare our formulation of the concept of disability which is based on Yves Schwartz’s central idea of “corps-soi” (body and self together). A disability is then considered as a singular experience of the “body and self” in the face of antagonistic social norms. This view of what disability is lead us then to present our main thesis: disability, considered as a concept, can be used as a prism to renew the analysis of human practices and of theoretical discourse. We then submitted our thesis to three different test procedures, so as to check if, with disability as a starting point, we could renew our understanding of activities and theoretical corpuses, well-known though they may be. We felt the process tended to validate our reflection and eventually made suggestions as to how public policies for the disabled could benefit from our thesis
Ruel, Jacinthe. "Clio dans l'arène publique : usages du passé et références à l'histoire dans les mémoires déposés devant la Commission sur l'avenir politique et constitutionnel du Québec." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/17658.
Moreau, Christophe. "La jeunesse à travers ses raves : l'émergence à la personne et sa régulation par le monde adulte : le cas des fêtes techno." Rennes 2, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002REN20010.
The human person experiences, since adolescence, a period of singularity which permits, by recusing truths and principles of the "grown-up world", to better appropriate and integrate them. But for this opposition to make sense and to permit to "make society", on one hand the youth must be structurally able to negociate his being and social duty, and on the other hand, the "grown-̀up world" must be ready and attentive to this necessary negotiation, to this necessary exchange between generations. The "techno-party" phenomenon is a most fruitful model for broadening these hypotheses, because it shows on one hand a strong "singularisation" of young populations, and, on the other hand, a difficulty of the "grown-up world" to regulate, codify and order these festive practices who can be held legally but have become increasingly clandestine. The hypothesis that can be drawn is that if a society is not able to "negociate politically" with part of it's youth, these could accent their trend to singularisation, or even, in some cases, develop pathological tendencies as well in respect to personal structuration (their ability to negociate their relations to others, to regulate their desires by social codification) as to the more or less codified and ordered social context in which they live. This thesis is structured in four parts, who show in their turn a historical and sociological interrogation on youth, then a theoretical approach of the "mediation" model, after which we analyse the phenomenon of "techno parties" from the point of view of the young who build themselves in them, and from that of the institutional interventions
Pauvros, Mélanie. "Les politiques locales d'immigration : un redéploiement des frontières de l'état." Paris 7, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA070072.
This research explores local government officials' practices regarding foreigners in a context of nationalization and Europeanization of immigration policy. It is at once a sociological analysis of local actors, an analysis of local immigration public policies and a philosophical study of political action. Its goal is to evaluate the impact of the State's attempt to harmonize criteria according to which foreigners are to be excluded or accepted on French soil, specifically in the Nord-Pas de Calais region, where the European Schengen area ends. At a time when the State's sovereignty is questioned by supra-national institutions and movements, this study shows how this global evolution creates policy space for new local actors, who take an increasing part in the definition of national immigration policy. Based on a sociological survey conducted during three and a half years in six communities in the Nord-Pas de Calais, it sheds the light on the emergence of local immigration policies and practices that question sovereign boundaries. Political action thus reappears at the heart of the biopolitical chain established by the State
Gourdeau, Camille. "L' intégration des étrangers sous injonction : Génèse et mise en œuvre du contrat d'accueil et d'intégration." Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCC025.
This work aims to study, from a historical perspective, the uses of the welcome and integration contract (CAT). To this end, the research undertaken from 2010 to 2013 is based upon an ethnographic study, carried out in several territorial departments of the French Office for Immigration and Integration (OFII), combining the observation of each step of the program am a series of interviews with the agents of this office, the instructors and the signatories. First, we investigate the enforcement of foreigners reception policies by retracing the evolution of the OFII and of ail the institutions involved, with the emergence of an ad hoc public service. This overall perspective allows us to consider the various affiliations of the CAL This research sheds a light on the contradictions at work between laws, public discourses and the practices of the OFII agents, whose activity is marked by a tension between administrative management and social support for immigrants. Secondly, the notion of « integration » is addressed, then its different uses in sociology and in public policies are analysed. Since it is stated in the law as a condition to obtain a resident permit, integration has become an injunction, as social as it is juridical. From the point of view of the signatories, the program set up is above ail perceived as an imperative administrative procedure. Third and last, the examination of the linguistic and civic training provided under the CAI reveal that questions of equality among men and women, and of secularism, presented as major issues, place the signatories in a position of otherness. Through its participation in the production of a national identity and in the rhetoric according to which sex equality and religioig neutrality tell the difference between immigration countries (« Us ») and those of origin (« Them »), the CAI participates in redefining new boundaries
Vallée, Tocqueville Mélanie. "L'intégration des jeunes enfants en situation de handicap dans les crèches et haltes garderies seino-marines : pour une philosophie de l'alter ego." Rouen, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009ROUEL031.
Martin, Justine. "Globalisation, justice et éducation : le cas des politiques universitaires." Thesis, Paris 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA040130.
How can we establish a fair distribution of access to knowledge between the states and consider what might be fair higher education policies, on a global scale ? That is what intends to demonstrate this work, presenting the historical roots of the inequalities that characterize the contemporary academic world and initiating a reflection about the application of usual principles of distributive justice on the global scale, in a context of increasing production of intangible goods. The general theory of "global public goods" makes possible the redefinition of academic cooperation, in order to depart from the logic of assistance that, since colonial times to the present day, characterized international academic relations
Vidal-Kratochvil, Chloë. "La prospective territoriale dans tous ses états. Rationalités, savoirs et pratiques de la prospective (1957 - 2014)." Thesis, Lyon, École normale supérieure, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015ENSL0992.
Territorial Foresight Studies, developed in France at the end of the 1960s based on the application of philosopher Gaston Berger’s work to territorial management, has today become an area for numerous approaches at the state level as well as at the level of regional and local authorities. This thesis proposes to question the meaning of the heterogeneous practices to which it has given rise, and undertake, to that end, to denaturalize Foresight Studies which have become, in their various translations into the mechanisms of public decision, an “object” of imprecise outline. We propose to understand Foresight Studies, first presented by Berger as a “rational technique” working to render action effective for Man, as an “instrument of governmentality”, or again, an “instrument of public action” productive of norms (and in particular territorial norms), as well as to underline the consequences of the metamorphoses in political regulation on the state of this “foresight tool” and its effects. As a cognitive rationality (a mode of knowledge about territory), territorial foresight appears, on the one hand, to prepare for a return to the anthropological question: it becomes societal, ever more attentive to spatial practices; yet as political rationality (a mode of institutional and territorial administration), its approaches become, on the other hand, the site at which are tested democratic categories still tied to the modern ideal of territory. Evidently, the examination of apparatuses of territorial foresight are of interest for the analysis of the spatial dimension of political action, as well as for the evolutionary modalities of public action
Perrin, Faouzia. "Les réformes en santé en 2004 et en 2014 : nouvelle grammaire du discours ou re-fondation du système de santé français?" Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019GREAH009/document.
The repeated and persistent appearance of issues related to the Health System crisis on every political agenda justifies the interest of political science in this field of research.As the 2004 reform’s bottom line was a strong affirmation that only the government can be legitimately responsible for health policy -a statement still favored by recent reforms- numerous official speeches about the last year’s reform contain a new language, using the “ territorialisation” and “gouvernance ” words.In fact, “territorialisation” as an answer to the Welfare State crisis, and “gouvernance” as an answer to the crisis in the ways of State governing, are both well-known Political Science subjects.Yet, the health crisis is not purported to be a political issue, but due to economics rather, mainly a functional and organizational one. As a consequence, matching solutions are usely thought in an economic and administrative way.Using cognitive and pragmatic approaches, our study neither aims at defining the terms of said crisis, nor justifying its presence on the political agenda. Rather, it addresses the solutions that are brought forward in the so-called ‘reform factory’ that are political speeches, as they have the power to legitimate deciding actors or their action.The first step taken in our method will consist in reporting bibliographic references for a political and historical deconstruction of the French health system, as well as analyzing the ‘health’ concept, in order to describe the cognitive framework of health policy. Special attention vill be paid to decentralization et public health.Then, these categories should prove to be helpful to study the current trends in the 2004 and 2014 periods of health reform in a discursive analysis, as we intend to do.To further investigate health reform manufacturing, we will focus on the new themes observed in these speeches : « gouvernance » et health democracy.Our thesis is that, through the language at play among these actors, there is a semantic fight loaded with power challenges to the State role in health Policy and therefore in the place ought to be given to the various actors in health public Policy. Finally, throw reforms, a new public for democracy came forward and new issues, that are principles and goals of health policy, appeared
Bello, Urrego Alejandra. "La gestion moderne de la souffrance : généalogie du corps souffrant en Colombie." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA080132.
Paradoxically, being controlled and disciplined by the medical institution is a privilege, since only some people can access it. This paradox constitutes the starting point: to explore the relationship between the processes of construction and management of the suffering body and the configuration of a particular form of power, as it is expressed in the development of modern medicine in Colombia; and to establish the genealogy of an imperial governmentality based on the medical predation of bodies.This work tries to demonstrate the leading role of the global circulation of discourses on the sick body in the naturalization of a global and colonial distribution of suffering. The construction and management of this body, coordinated on a global scale, continue to naturalize this distribution guaranteeing that suffering is effectively inscribed in the bodies. This dosage of suffering conditions a properly modern ontological system defined on a scale that goes from the human to the object.The conceptual and methodological framework from which this problem is addressed is an attempt to answer the question: how to criticize modernity through the tools of modern episteme (mainly within the knowledge known as academic)? For this, this analysis frames dialogues with the ways of thinking of: black feminism, feminism of the third world of the United States, decolonial turn, and Latin American anti-racist feminisms. This analysis is also inspired by the Andean epistemological perspective (the science of Aymara-Quechua weaving). Additionally, this work dialogues with postcolonial studies on medicine and with the history of emotions.3
Gelléri, Gábor. "Cette chose ordinaire et inutile : le voyage d'Angleterre de 1660 à 1789 : défi philosophique, enjeu politique, pratique sociale." Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0012.
This study deals with travels to England from' 1660 to 1789. This work is not about the things seen by travelers in England; it is a history of what they want readers to see through their travels. The emphasis is on the uses and discourses of this travel phenomenon. Throughout the century, travels to England are a workshop for ideas and an opportunity to defend or refute the major Ideas, of the time. When France rediscovers England after 1660, it is by no means any special destination to the numerous Visitors, except for the newness of the Royal Society. Ideological momentum gathers after the double crisis of 1685-1688 as part of the Huguenot community becomes a panegyrist to the country. We also insist on the role played by the SWISS, who create on their own an England as anti-France. In France, the period of the Regency brings about a major opening towards England. Voltaire, Prevost and Montesquieu achieve the transformation of England as a destination. Many French people go to England to find there an idealized "elsewhere"; they combine philosophical pilgrimage and pleasurable journey. After 1763, the phenomenon gains such proportions that tourism becomes a relevant concept sources mention "hoards" of French VI sitars. Anglophobia and anglomania confront in travel accounts, as in other fields of society. The conflicts of the American war of independence bring forth the decline of the English reference in France. England as a destination, previously an Ideal country, now offers a major, but not unique, point of comparison to the French. By generating massive Anglophobia after 1792, the French Revolution represents the final point to this phenomenon
Nabirire, Musa. "L'actualité de l'héritage philosophique de Kant dans la construction d'une paix durable pour le développement de l'Afrique des Grands Lacs." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAK012.
The pacification of the African Great Lakes plagued by violence during these last two decades is the ultimate goal of this thesis. After the failure of several initiatives to end violence in the region, our concern was to look in the Kantism a new reason to hope. Thus, this work attempts to show how the philosophical legacy of Kant can contribute to peace and development in Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo, three countries of the region ravaged by wars. Our approach has been to consider the moral and political thought of Kant in which we found the foundations of this theory of peace developed in the context of wars in Europe. The discussion of its receipt and the rise of nationalism stigmatizing the Kantian cosmopolitanism, has led us to establish a connection between the promotion by the Nazi regime of the aryan race supposed to be superior than others and considered as a model of the social organization, with the spread of similar prejudices by the colonial administration in the African Great Lakes applicant Tutsi supremacy "created to rule " the Hutu and Twa, simple doomed to slavery negroes. Exploited by politicians anxious to gain power, this "racist judgment," unfounded, will be one of the causes of the genocidal massacre in which will be engulfed Rwanda and Burundi before extending its effects on the Congo, where conflicts will take an economic dimension and involve a number of African countries and other non-African actors. However, capitalizing the reemergence of cosmopolitanism recovery by the founders of the League of Nations and those of the UN, we have stressed the relevance of cooperation and articulation of differences as a precondition for lasting peace. With Ricœur and Arendt, two post-Kantians, we launched the foundation for reconciliation in the three countries, referring to the Franco-German and South African experience. We stressed the importance of the reform of the UN institutions and states of the region so that through the republicanism the state of law should be promoted. The hospitality expressed by cosmopolitanism and international trade in the kantian thought, would result states’ cooperation and the gathering of regional organizations in an economic and monetary union which would lay the foundation of a federation of African states and ensure a lasting peace on the continent and in the Great Lakes region
Dontenwille-Gerbaud, Aude. "La République en ses discours : un acte de formation : 1852-1882." Paris 5, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA05H067.
The thesis is an examination and a reevaluation of the founding speeches of the French Third Republic (1870-1882), the oral impact of which is too often neglected. It aims to show that the interaction between the grassroots audience and the main leaders of the Republic - such as Paul Bert, Louis Blanc, Jules Ferry, Charles Floquet, Victor Hugo, Martin Nadaud, Eugène Spuller, and especially Léon Gambetta - represents a way of solving the conceptual difficulties of that period. The methodological approach draws from content analysis, inspired by the works of Antoine Prost, from Chaim Perelman's New Rethoric, as well as from the semiotics of the Algirdas Julien Greimas orientation. The thesis shows how the public reacted to the speeches, and how the leaders adapted to the public's reaction, in an interactive setting considered as an educational process as well as one of breeding new and necessary concepts. The key concept of interactive education is developed throughout the thesis and gives way to a vision of society supported by the approaches og Marcel Gauchet, Jürgen Habermas, Claude Lefort and Paul Ricoeur. Vast archival research has, been undertaken so as to highlight the context of the great gatherings occasioned by the speeches. The study of the source material of the speeches led to the examintion of the clandestine republican brochures of the Second Empire. This thesis in the field of Education Sciences aims to elaborate an interdisciplinary epistemology at the crossroads of History and Political Philosophy
Mollès, Devrig. "Triangle atlantique et triangle latin : l'Amérique latine et le système-monde maçonnique (1717-1921) : éléments pour une histoire des options publiques internationales." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA027.
This thesis investigates the birth and development of the Masonic world‐system, seen as a product and an agent of western modernity, as the prototype of international public opinion and as a tectonic plate of the géoculture of the modern world‐system. This text focuses on the first period of its development (1717‐1921). It fluctuates between a global perspective,an Atlantic perspective, and a Latin American anchorage, provided by the major oceanic powers of Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico). What was the global evolution of the Masonic networks in the 19th and 20th centuries? What were their geopolitics and their géoculture? Is it possible to talk about an "international Masonic system"? What was the place of Latin America in this dynamic? How the American subcontinent became a part of the Masonic world‐system? In Latin America in the 19th and 20th centuries, were the Masonic networks a tectonic plate of géoculture and the vectors of cultural transfers? Did they contribute to the integration of the American sub‐continent in the Atlantic community? Did they contribute discreetly to the regional integration and to the Latin American empowerment ?
Kiamba, Claude-Ernest. "Construction de l'Etat et Politiques de l'Enseignement au Congo-Brazzaville, de 1911 à 1997. Une contribution à l'analyse de l'Action publique en Afrique noire." Phd thesis, Institut d'études politiques de Bordeaux, 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00305675.
Thebaut, Clémence. "Ethique et évaluation économique des interventions de santé en vue d'une définition du périmètre de soins remboursables." Phd thesis, Université Paris Dauphine - Paris IX, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00780340.
Jabiera, Abdalla. "Controverses autour de la notion de liberté : la France et "l'affaire du foulard". Sociologie de philosophies politiques ordinaires." Thesis, Besançon, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BESA1023.
At the end of the 80s, three girls of Moslem origin were excluded from their middle school because they refused to remove their veil in class. This «news item» would have been able to pass unnoticed, had not it been spread in a spectacular way over the media scene. The reasons called to justify this craze like are the will to make respect the principle of secularism within the republican school. But, very fast, the debate took other proportions with the intervention of many intellectuals who thought that behind the scarf hides the submission of the woman, if it is not a will posted by «communitarism» even of « religious fundamentalism ».Then, the nation would be in danger and we can understand that the question of the scarf bounces in 1994, with this time a determination on behalf of laic activists to put in check the current law, formulated by the Council of State in crystal clear terms: the bearing of a religious sign by the pupils does not constitute in itself a motive for exclusion, except in cases of «ostentatious and claiming bearing» . But in a movement of eternal return, the bearing of the scarf reappears brutally in 2003, politicizes, and ends with the promulgation in March, 2004 of a law forbidding the wearing of the veil in public institutions. In fact, this evolution highlighted an essential aspect: the fear of the «immigrants» and the Islam become too visible. It also allowed to set secularism against the freedom of religion. Our work consists in understanding how we managed to make paradoxical these two fundamental principles on which the notion of democracy in French Republic, among others, rests. This interrogation is all the more justifiable since the debate around the scarf had explicitly ignored the point of view of the veiled women, so passing next to the various meanings which this end of fabric could contain. Actually, if the objective of our research is to examine closely the position of those who intervened for the ban on the scarf in the school space, it is also a question of giving the floor to these women who have not been established. So, our first questions are: how do they live their buckle ? What sense do they give to the wearing of the veil ? What glance do they throw on a debate which seems to question their confessional freedom of expression ? These questions are on the base of our research
Segura, Eva. "La reconnaissance malheureuse : de l’individu au collectif." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCB186/document.
Recognition is typically presented either as a success, or as a failure. However the many challenges presented to Western democratic societies require that we look for a way out of is tragic duality. How can one escape the misfortune of recognition? Recognition is the foundational concept of a diverse array of theories and policies. It is based on the interplay among various identities and cultures which collectively constitute diversity. Diversity is the concept on which official and unofficial policies of pluralism, that is to say policies to promote diversity, are based. This is the heart of a significant problem at the intersection of politics, sociology and philosophy. On the one hand, recognition crystallizes factors of diversity. On the other hand, diversity as characterized by a proliferation of cultures that are fluid and potentially variable over time, blocks the recognition process. How then to combine diversity and recognition? Diversity prevents recognition and recognition prevents diversity. One precludes the other. Introducing the notion of failure in the interplay between diversity and recognition permits one to identify the most problematic areas: the very foundation of recognition, the terms of non-recognition, and the issue of violence which is the real blind-spot of the most common theories and policies. From these difficulties, and after an exercise in deconstruction, we propose a reconstruction of the concept of recognition, a renewed track, consisting of the sections underpinned by the postulate of the radical self-determination of individuals and groups. The first aspect rests on separation. Separation is resistance to conformity and conversion in the form, for example of an obligation to forced assimilation. The second aspect concerns diversity as a premise for a new policy of recognition conceived from the standpoint of diversity. The effects of this new policy are more significant at the individual level than at the collective level. The third aspect relates to the importance of the past assigned to recognition. This redesigned concept of recognition is without reconciliation, without atonement, and without compensation. This is not to ignore past tragedies, quite the contrary; but rather to take them into account in order to look to the future
Favereau, Judith. "L'approche expérimentale du J-Pal en économie du développement : un tournant épistémologique?" Phd thesis, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2014. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00995118.
Zuleta, Ruiz Fabián Adolfo Beethoven. "Le catholicisme et la réinvention territoriale des institutions sociales en Colombie (XVIIe-XXe siècles) : le cas d'Antioquia." Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0365.
This investigation pretends to comprehend the logic of the cultural device production and its application with the logic of the institutional instructor tied to the power exercises forms and the constitution of a governmental system in which the Catholic Church and the Catholicism are sediment as hegemonic factors. The timeline of this institutional historic education process with the catholic seal was elaborated taking in account an [sic] specific territory of the Western Colombian Andinian region: Antioquai, where Catholics had a singular but expansive influence, which had a deep influence in the state Constitution and in the national governmental institutions of Colombia. The methodology adopted in this process consist in putting in to the perspective of the dynamic historiography of the institutions y [sic] its spatiotemporal representations to undertake a critical anthropophilosophical concepts and categories which have been characterized by social relations that have taken part in a mediated process and eperimental culture of inventiveness
Carniama, Mathieu. "La préférence locale." Electronic Thesis or Diss., La Réunion, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022LARE0025.
Local preference is a sensitive issue. It fascinates those who claim it. It tenses up those who reject it. In the French legal order, this favorable measure is assimilated as a positive discrimination carrying a territorial differentialism. In a sense, local preference would be the legal phenomenon where the respective limits of the principles of equality and indivisibility of the Republic converge. Local preference would therefore be inherently suspect. The objective of the thesis breaks with these premises. Local preference can be reconciled with the French republican, universalist and indivisible model. To this end, it was first necessary to identify the characteristic features of local preference. This step revealed that local preference, like any positive discrimination, carries typical functions: both legitimate and subversive. Nevertheless, its beneficiaries remain atypical. Local preference is less than an ethnic preference, but more than a territorial preference. Secondly, it was necessary to consider the applicable regime. As such, local preference is characterized by a form of duality. Its integration is based, first, on positive constitutional authorization. In this case, the local preference falls, to some extent, within the competence of the local government. It is then based on a negative constitutional authorization. In this case, local preference falls, in principle, within the competence of the central power. These integration regimes question the aporias of the republican model which, while easily recognizing a right of local preference, struggles to realize a right to local preference
Diaconu, Adriana. "Les origines du logement social et collectif à Bucarest : architecture et idéologies politiques : 1910-1960." Paris 8, 2010. http://octaviana.fr/document/204599040#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.
From 1910 to 1960, Romania turns from an agricultural country dominated by the ideal of a « nation state » into a socialist republic controlled by the USSR, being in between a « nationalist » dictatorship allied to Nazi Germany. In this historical context this paper explores the evolution of the way political leaders, city planners and architects conceived the role played by the state and the tools that it can use in the field of public aids to housing. Which social categories are particularly privileged by these different political regimes? Are official ideologies really embedded in public policies, in city planning strategies and in architectural projects realized during these regimes? Moreover, by which means and to which extent do political discourses shape urban space? This paper puts into perspective the idea that the conceptions regarding the city and housing in Romania follow historical sequences that are completely distinct from each other and that are the product of political ideologies. Thus it investigates the emergence of a “socialist city”, made up of ruptures and of continuities, and produced by a multiplicity of actors and of divergent ideas
Ōji, Kenta. "Malaise dans l’Europe moderne : aux origines de l’Histoire des deux Indes de Guillaume-Thomas Raynal." Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100082.
Famous for Diderot’s contributions to it, the Histoire des deux Indes (1770/1774/1780) should be regarded as the culmination of Guillaume-Thomas Raynal’s career of historian since the middle of 18th century, the age of Enlightenment. As we show, his work represents at first his intervention in the debates on the reforms of the trade in two Indies, raised in France after the Seven Years War. As a modern history of Europeans’ commercial expansion in the world, it is also complementary to the Histoire des Guerres, which examines the wars on the European continent in modern times: thus it echoes the transformation of the balance of power after the Diplomatic Revolution. Finally, it is an avatar of a personal project of a political history of the modern Europe, that Raynal launched with the Mémoires historiques (1753/1754), in response to two debates, questioning severely the modern monarchy: that is, one on the origins of the French monarchy, the other on the first Discourse of Rousseau. A faithful follower of Montesquieu, Raynal was keenly aware of the precariousness of the national cohesion in modern Europe, which is exposed to outside enemies, as well as to internal risks of despotism and social disintegration; this awareness led him to intervene on public opinion as a patriotic philosopher, in order to promote the rise of the third-estate and the constitution of an autonomous economic and social space. Hence, the ideal of "civilization" that the Histoire des deux Indes advocates, though this claim of peace, prosperity and liberty, actually reveals the existing conflicts in France and Europe at the end of the ancient regime
Monneraud, Lise. "L'agir sanitaire : processus et formes d'expression à travers le cas aquitain." Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00441948.
Lodombé, Mbiock Olga Marlyse. "Conditions stratégiques d'appropriation des usages des Technologies de l'Information et de la Communication (TIC) pour l'accès à la société de l'information. Cas de l'Afrique francophone : Cameroun, Gabon et Sénégal." Phd thesis, Université Michel de Montaigne - Bordeaux III, 2008. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00409345.
L'Afrique francophone, territoire de notre étude, y apparaît en retard en raison de nombreux obstacles : technologiques, politiques et institutionnels, juridiques et éthiques, socioculturels et financiers. Ceci a pour conséquence une intégration insuffisante des TIC dans le tissu socioéconomique, éducatif, d'administration publique, etc. Or, le rôle des TIC comme facteur de développement, qui devrait se traduire par la mise en place de nouvelles compétences en Afrique francophone, apparaît encore limité par le manque de ressources humaines qualifiées. Si l'on recherche les raisons de cette explication, on peut les trouver dans le déficit des investissements publics et privés, ce qui pose la question des politiques publiques. Notre travail consiste d'une part, à examiner l'action des politiques publiques dans l'instauration d'une société de l'information en Afrique francophone et, d'autre part, à déterminer les conditions stratégiques (moyens) à prendre en compte pour que se développe une appropriation des usages des TIC par les citoyens d'Afrique francophone, en vue de l'accès de cette région du monde à la société de l'information.
Farine, Anaïs. "Imaginaire cinématographique du « dialogue euro-méditerranéen » (1995 - 2017) ˸ formes festivalières, formes institutionnelles, formes alternatives." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCA006.
This thesis seeks to question the imaginary around the "Euro-Mediterranean dialogue", a topos inspired by - and unfolding since - the 1995 Barcelona Declaration and the ensuing Neighborhood Policies. It focuses on three case studies that it analyses according to an interdisciplinary approach. The first part examines both the construction and circulation of a so-called "Mediterranean cinema", and the knowledge around this supposed regional production in the context of four festivals dedicated to it and taking place in Algiers, Brussels, Montpellier and Tetouan. The second part examines the concerns raised by programs selected for support by the European Union through Euromed Audiovisuel and Marseille-Provence Capitale européenne de la culture (Marseille-Provence, European Capital of Culture). These concerns are addressed through an analysis of the discourse produced by these programs and the films funded by them. The third and last part proposes an analysis of the film Zanj Revolution (Thawra Zanj, Tariq Teguia, Algeria/France/Lebanon/Qatar, 2013) and, by extension, examines the way in which questions related to the mise-en-langue, subtitling and editing that inform this film are present in other films. The intertwined study of festivals, of institutional programs dedicated to cultural productions and of films sheds light on the aesthetic and political implications of a dominant imaginary of "dialogue" and "Mediterranean cinema". The thesis also explores forms and practices that articulate voices, languages, points of view and narratives that are capable of weaving an alternative imaginary of the Mediterranean and of the histories and the relations between the people who happen to live in this space
Carbonel, Frédéric. "Aliénistes et psychologues en Seine-Inférieure de la Restauration au début de la IIIe République : essai d'histoire de la médecine mentale comme "science" de gouvernement au XIXe siècle dans la région de Rouen (1825-1908)." Phd thesis, Université de Rouen, 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00431279.
El, Janati Abdelmalek. "L’inclusion des immigrants et l’identité politique libérale." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/24353.
For David Miller, the inclusion of immigrants requires their cultural integration. A mere political inclusion of immigrants without cultural anchoring muddles the cultural background of the nation-state, already tested by globalization, sub-state nationalisms and fragmented identities. Therefore, cultural homogeneity provides the nation-state a strong national identity required for citizenship, democratic deliberation and social justice. Our aim in this memorandum is to show that this substantialist approach is too strong a requirement, that this conception of national identity should not be a sine qua non prerequisite for a viable liberal political identity, and that it is incompatible with a pluralist society. We are proposing, instead, a political approach founded on a specific interpretation of Rawl’s public reason theory. Hence, two objectives will be explored: the plausible dissociation of national identity and citizenship, and consequently, the foundation of a pluralist society.
Letourneux, François. "Efficience et normativité : examen de la légitimité de l'utilisation de la notion d’efficience économique pour l'évaluation de politiques publiques." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/16198.
This text aims to show that efficiency, as used by economists in the context of public policy recommendations, always implies the acceptance of certain moral criterions. I will aim to show that economical recommendations concerning public policy have been identified to utilitarianism in the past. Many economists have then tried to separate their science from debates concerning morals in the XXth century. This separation has had as one of its results the creation of the concept of Pareto efficiency, which has seen wide usage in welfare economics. However, this particular use of efficiency supposes that it is both morally desirable to seek to improve welfare of individuals and that this welfare can be evaluated in terms of preference satisfaction. Both of these affirmations constitute ethical and moral judgements that cannot be made within the sole scope of scientific claims. Efficiency can rather be used in a non-morally controversial way only if the underlying moral considerations are properly identified. A purely scientific use of efficiency needs to take for granted the normative elements implied in measures of efficiency. The determination of the relevance of various social objectives and the relative importance of each of these objectives remains moral questions that cannot be addressed by economics as such.
Baird, Stephen. "Political attitudes in the Sudanese diaspora and the influence of region of origin." Mémoire, 2013. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/5649/1/M12892.pdf.
Dupéré, Samuel. "Est-ce que la critique du paternalisme condamne à la neutralité de l'État ? : une évaluation normative des politiques publiques." Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7613.
Sévigny, Éric. "La démocratie et ses institutions : comment les institutions perçoivent et transforment les questions de politiques publiques." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/16031.
This thesis focuses on the philosophical foundations of the Canadian democratic institutions and how their actual design contributes to achieve them. To move from theory to practice, democracy must be institutionalized. Institutions are not only mere constraints on government actions. They embody democratic norms. However, contemporary democratic theories are often abstract and disembodied. While they study the normative foundations of democracy in general, they rarely reflect on mechanisms to achieve the democratic ideal. On the opposite, political science tries to draw the whole institutional landscape surrounding the state’s action. But the political science approach has a major weakness: it offers no epistemological or moral justifications for democratic institutions. This dichotomy between principles and institutions is misleading. The principles of liberal democracy are embodied by institutions. By focusing on the philosophical foundations of democratic and liberal institutions, this thesis revives a long tradition from Aristotle to John Stuart Mill, bringing together thinkers like Montesquieu and James Madison. Nowadays, academic research still diverts from institutional issues under the pretext that they would not be philosophical enough. However, institutional design is a philosophical matter. This thesis proposes improvements for democratic institutions to fulfill their philosophical role more adequately. Physician-assisted suicide is used as an example of the influence of institutions on democracy.
Berthelot-Raffard, (née Jeanne-Rose) Agnès. "La reconnaissance des aidants informels : care, justice et vulnérabilité dans la famille." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9082.
In the 90's, ambulatory transfer increased care-giving at home in a period where paradoxically the population is ageing. Even though, this policy will allow a better distribution between formal and informal care, we must remain cautious on its actual consequences when families are confronted during a long term to a disease of one of its members. One real consequence is that the increased caregivers’ vulnerability. Due to the awareness of the aging population and the need for progress in research on neurodegenerative diseases, some politicians have committed to make of informal caregivers one topic of current interest. However, it is not so. How to express the vulnerability of caregivers and to emphasize that its overcoming represents an important social justice issue? Such is the key issue of this research. My goal is to demonstrate how public policies on dependency have consequences on private choice and by the way on caregiver's opportunity. This dissertation explores the way in which the labor of caregivers would be recognized in a just society. Caregivers who provide care for their own children, a disabled member of their family or older have less income and wealth, lower status, and fewer job opportunities than non-caregivers An adequate theory of justice should recognize these disadvantages as injustices In particular, it should allow caregivers to choose to take care of to a dependent person. I study this question in two parts. In the first section, I explore the moral issues of informal care in order to overcome assumptions that impede a proper understanding of this topic. The second part offers a political thought in order to show that this issue is not only confined to the domestic sphere and it relates to society. It is about reconciliation between care and justice that it could be resolved. Why care should be the heart of justice? This analysis opens a review of our responsibility to protect the vulnerable and questioning the secondary dependence associated with work done with these people.
Doctorat réalisé en cotutelle avec l’Université Paris I- Panthéon Sorbonne.