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1

Mabud, Rakeen. "Appreciating Housing: The Role of Housing in Politics." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493473.

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While the economic implications of housing have been examined extensively, surprisingly limited attention has been devoted to how the housing market impacts politics. My dissertation is a three paper compilation that addresses the relationship between housing and politics. Taken together, this dissertation traces through the ways in which housing plays a role in American political life, from preference formation to concrete participatory outcomes such as voting and writing to legislators. In my first paper, Unemployment Shocks, Housing Wealth and Political Preferences, I demonstrate that housing has micro-economic implications for the way people smooth over income shocks. I find that people in counties which experience an unexpected unemployment shock finance that shock using mortgage loans, and that there is a life-cycle aspect to such financing. I also find that people perceive social insurance and home equity as substitutes, but only when access to home equity is relatively high. My second paper, Lending Support: Agency MBS Issuance and Rewarding Incumbents, examines how a shock to housing wealth affects electoral outcomes. I demonstrate that after experiencing a large increase in mortgage credit post-2000, low-income counties were more likely to support their incumbents. This effect principally pertains to Democratic incumbents, who were particularly vocal in advocating for the maintenance of these loosened credit conditions, and used these conditions to claim credit for providing access to housing in poorer counties. Finally, my third paper, Local Economic Information, Foreclosure and Political Attitudes, delves into the cognitive role that housing plays in making individual political behavioral decisions. I find that reading about or seeing a photo of a foreclosed house makes respondents more likely to send a strongly worded letter to their Member of Congress, whereas seeing a photo of a foreclosed house is about twice as likely to make respondents express interest in engaging with their local community. I also find that seeing a photo of a foreclosure and reading about foreclosures serve as almost perfect substitutes.
Government
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2

Kessler, Jake. "Mortgaging California’s Future: The Politics of California’s Housing Shortage." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2170.

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Throughout the 20th century, millions of people immigrated to California in search of sunny weather, economic opportunity, and affordable housing. However, since the 1970s, Californians’ economic mobility has dissipated under a persistent affordable housing shortage. This thesis examines the affordable housing crisis and the political and economic incentives underpinning it. In surveying the historical evolution of state and local land use planning since the early 20th century, this thesis analyzes the effects of policy changes on housing supply in the Bay Area and Greater Los Angeles. It argues that California’s land use planning framework limits housing supply by prioritizing homeowner interests, and concludes with policy recommendations to align this framework with regional and state housing goals.
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3

Kwiatkowski, Caitlyn A. "Designing Within Constraints: Design Politics of HOPE VI Public Housing Developments." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1397233339.

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4

Lacroix, Carol Josephine. "The politics of need : accounting for (dis)advantage : public housing co-operatives in Western Australia /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2006. https://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20080411.150027.

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5

Abrahem, Samah A. "Typology of Urban Housing and Politics in Baghdad: From State-subsidized Housing to Privatized Gated Communities." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1522319971145833.

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6

Warrington, Molly J. "Place, politics and provision : housing the homeless in the 1990s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307907.

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7

Anderson, Gail. "Housing-led regeneration in east Durham : uneven development, governance, politics." Thesis, Durham University, 2015. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11105/.

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This research investigates housing-led regeneration in the post-industrial area of East Durham to examine whether a gap exists between policy expectation and regeneration, on-the-ground. By engaging with the themes of uneven development and stigma and marginality, the thesis argues that housing-led regeneration policies have exacerbated already existing unevenness and marginality, in their bid to regenerate areas and promote sustainability. This process is played out in the face of shifting economic and political issues. The housing and wider economic market boom of the early to mid 2000’s witnessed a shift in the emphasis placed on housing as a driver to renewal in East Durham; an approach which was sharply hit by the housing market slump, credit crunch and accompanying austerity measures. These funding cuts placed a greater emphasis on the private sector to fund (amongst other things) housing. In addition a rescaling of governing structures from regional and local authority to sub-regional has, the research contends, further influenced and shaped uneven development and marginality. Through the lens of post-political theory, this thesis engages with the relationships between those involved in housing-led regeneration to examine conflict within the process, to show how consensus is managed. Empirical data was gathered using the case study of East Durham. This involved the examination of secondary data in the form of government publications, official statistics, and media reports. The data is derived from extensive, in-depth interviewing of a sample of representatives from County Durham Unitary Council; builders and developers; private surveyors and planners; private landlords; social housing providers; property managers; central government agents; and third sector representatives. A range of county, local and community meetings and forums were attended to provide an ethnographic insight into the process of governing and the relationships which exist within the area.
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8

Ogle, S. D. "The politics of housing in a Yorkshire town : A cultural interpretation." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.374230.

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9

Khare, Amy Turnbull. "Privatizing Chicago| The politics of urban redevelopment in public housing reforms." Thesis, The University of Chicago, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10129558.

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In the early 2000s, Chicago emerged as an archetypal city in the broader movement to remake public housing. Chicago’s Plan for Transformation committed upwards of $1.5 billion to demolish high-rise buildings, rehabilitate a portion of existing stock, and create 12 new mixed-income developments on the footprint of public housing sites. Policy incentives—such as financing for capital development, long-term rental subsidies, and public land transfers—aimed to encourage public-private partnerships. During the 2008 economic crisis and its aftermath, however, the promised transformation proved financially difficult—if not impossible in certain geographic areas—to complete at the scale intended. That shift in the economic context, along with subsequent political responses, thoroughly altered the policy strategy. To date few empirical investigations have analyzed how these changes restructured the very nature of public housing reforms, and what this restructuring means for policies that require market intervention for the provision of public goods. This dissertation performs just that empirical analysis.

Privatizing Chicago examines the city’s public housing reforms as an example of “actually existing” (Brenner & Theodore, 2002) neoliberal urbanism and explains how specific political actors, processes, and institutions altered market-based policies intended to reshape urban poor neighborhoods. Viewing Chicago as a neoliberal city requires both recognizing its political landscape as one where the primary aim of municipal government is to promote an entrepreneurial agenda that positions the economic success of the city above all other interests, as well as viewing the potential for progressive movements to contest this agenda. Prior to this study, Chicago’s reforms had not been examined across time or geographic areas using critiques of neoliberal urbanism, nor through qualitative methods. This study fills that gap and uses the case of Chicago to improve the empirical understanding of neoliberal urbanism more generally.

The study accomplishes this through a case study of Chicago’s public housing reforms between 2000 to 2016. It shows how government officials, real estate developers, bankers, lawyers, planners, grassroots activists, and others pursued policy strategies favorable to their interests over a 16-year period—a time marked by the economic recession. My methodological approach is a theory-driven form of ethnography, and my analysis draws from 61 in-depth interviews, field observations over 22 months, archival research of over 500 documents, and the analysis of financial data. This approach brought to light the multiple and contradictory visions at work within the neoliberal framework: competing ideas of the proper partnerships between the public and private sectors, shifting authority among local and national government agencies, and struggles for community redevelopment on the land where high-rises once stood.

In probing these conflicts and contradictions, I argue that the overall effect of the reforms was to burnish Chicago’s status as a “global city,” but it also contributed to land appropriation, capital accumulation, and the displacement of thousands of low-income African-American residents. The cycle of government intervention into market failure will continue as long as the role of the state remains dominated by an agenda of capital expansion, rather than of equitable urban development that ensures a place for low-income, predominately racial minority communities to live. Theoretical contributions related to neoliberal urbanism align around four themes: (a) political agency and resistance; (b) privatization and financialization; (c) local state control, federal devolution, and global processes; and (d) the relevance of race. A set of policy implications drives towards recommendations regarding affordable housing policy, democratic governance arrangements, collective action focused on social justice, and market-based policy strategies.

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10

Maldonado, Martin A. "The politics of poverty non governmental organizations (NGOs) as intermediaries in affordable housing programs in Argentina /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0041069.

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11

Lowe, Jennifer Maureen. "Social justice and localities : the allocation of council housing in Tower Hamlets." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2004. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1835.

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This thesis is concerned with social justice in the distribution of social goods from public institutions. It seeks to determine applicable theoretical perspectives of social justice suitable for allocating council housing. The thesis reviews different moral principles related to procedural and distributive justice concepts in the rationing of public goods. The research particularly draws on views proposed by authors who have theorised social justice as universal or pluralist in nature and for groups, institutions or territories. Literature and policy concerning the pnupose and history of the council housing sector and the relationship to social justice also informs the work. Emphasis is placed on housing as a basic human need and the links to disadvantaged and excluded groups and localities. Research techniques are triangulated in four case studies, of council housing in Tower Hamlets, between 1984 and 1998. Public and restricted documents concerning administration of council housing in the borough and interview data with tenants and housing officials are used in two case studies. Computerised data from housing records are used in a further two case studies. The research showed that the intervention of the Commission for Racial Equality, using a legal interpretation of social justice, led to actions that reduced discrimination in the housing allocation system. Within the borough localities, the research identified decentralised governance and stakeholders actions as contributing and influencing the contestation of justice in housing procedures and outcomes. New tenancies analysed in terms of different concepts of social justice, showed that some criteria of justice were met, but those placing strongest emphasis on reducing inequalities were not achieved. The location of housing received by groups in Tower Hamlets appears to contribute to continuing spatial polarisation. New residential areas perpetuated disadvantage for some groups.
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12

Battams, Samantha Jane, and sam battams@flinders edu au. "Housing for people with a psychiatric disability; community empowerment, partnerships and politics." Flinders University. Public Health, 2008. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20080926.215213.

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This research examined intersectoral relationships and community participation in policy processes across the mental health and housing sectors. The focus was on the development of suitable housing options for people with a psychiatric disability. The study period covered five years of mental health system reform in South Australia (2000-2005). The research found a shortage of housing and support options for people with psychiatric disability and lack of significant strategic policy coordination or ongoing cross-sectoral programmes. The problems faced by people in gaining access to housing and disability support services and the ways in which families provide housing or support in the absence of public services are documented. This case study used qualitative research methods which were triangulated across four stages: 1) a thematic analysis of national and state policies in the health, housing and disability sectors; 2) participant observation of NGO activity, a thematic analysis of NGO documents, and interviews and focus groups with NGOs; 3) interviews and focus groups with consumer and carer representatives and a thematic analysis of the minutes from state-level groups; 4) interviews with professionals from the health, housing and disability sectors The housing situation for people with psychiatric disability was explained in terms of a number of key issues in the policy environment; „X The overarching neo-liberal policy context synonymous with a decline in public housing resources and increasing tension between NGOs service provider and advocacy roles. „X The political nature of the local mental health policy context and lack of political commitment to ongoing resources. Broad community stigma reflected in the media and government, affecting ongoing political commitment to mental health and housing and the introduction and progress of housing ¡¥projects¡¦. „X The slow development of peak NGO and consumer organisations and alliances in South Australia which affected access to policy networks and contributed to the dominance of professional interests within policy processes. „X The separation of health, housing and disability policy and networks within and across levels of government. This was associated with bilateral agreements (between Australian and state governments) tied to resources within departments, the programme objectives and the goals of bureaucrats. „X The separation of policy networks by sector was also connected to the dominance of bio-medical discourses and interventions and associated professional interests in the health policy sector. Medical discourses on health and disability and ¡¥consumerist¡¦ discourses on participation also led to social determinants of health such as housing being overlooked within policy processes. „X Governance reform at a state level contributed to organisational instability within departments, causing some problems for cross-sectoral initiatives and protocols. Kingdon¡¦s (2003) multiple streams analysis of policy helped to explain what missed or reached political agendas within each policy sector of the case study. Kingdon predicts that the unity of policy networks is important for the realization of policy solutions, and the lack of unity in policy sectors was an obstacle to policy agendas on housing for people with a psychiatric disability. However, the way in which problems were being represented (Bacchi 1999) was also important to understanding this policy environment. For example, a medical discourse on disability (Fulcher 1989) tied to the health sector led to a narrow focus on clinical mental health services. Similarly, neo-liberal discourse (Dean 1999) supported private housing solutions and resources or NGOs advocating ¡¥within sectors¡¦ for the types of services they already provided or wished to provide. The case study suggested strategies for ¡¥policy change¡¦ need to address a number of factors across service delivery, policy and political realms. Firstly, better recognition is warranted of the difficulty experienced by many people with psychiatric disability in achieving stable housing, and the need for indicators on housing access and stability for this group. Secondly, processes to address stigma (particularly that perpetuated in the media) will be instrumental for policy change and political commitment. Thirdly, ongoing cross sectoral advocacy and alliances require development at both a national and state level and support by a political culture which encourages advocacy. Developing processes for working across sectors such as policy learning forums involving both experts and community groups could counter problems arising from professional culture and territories that were documented in this study. Finally, the cross-sectoral development of policy, programmes and accountability mechanisms and the stability of policy networks will be important to ensuring stable housing for people with psychiatric disability.
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13

Mullen, William M. "Stadium Squeeze: The Power and Politics of Housing the NFL in LA." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/480.

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There are currently two proposals for an NFL stadium in the Los Angeles area. This thesis explains these proposals as a case study of an imbalanced political market in which concentrated gainers have an advantage over diffuse losers. Although there is little evidence that the economic benefits of a stadium will exceed the costs -- and much reason to worry that the costs will be large – developers have nonetheless gained considerable support in the political community. The pattern is a familiar one, but the thesis explains special features of this case: the excitement of professional football, the governmental fragmentation of the metropolitan area, and the relative shortage of local investigative journalism.
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14

Philliskirk, Ben. "'Bogged down in housing' : politics and planning in residential Leeds, 1954-1979." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/17765/.

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This thesis addresses several themes relating to politics and planning processes and their effect on residential areas of post-war Leeds. As such, it examines the extent to which Leeds’ political leadership and council bureaucracy were pursuing a ‘modernisation project’ in the post-war period, asks if policy changed from an ambitious attempt to reshape Leeds’ residential environment to the aim of managing selected ‘problem’ areas, and questions whether popular organisations were concerned mainly with defending ‘traditional’ communities and ways of life, or if they had a more positive aim of achieving greater control over the built environment. In relation to this, it considers how much the council bureaucrats, local politicians and community groups were constrained by political, economic, organisational and technical issues. Ultimately, one of the central features of this thesis is how housing issues in Leeds went from a relatively consensual political approach with extensive technocratic guidance and little popular involvement, to a situation by the end of the 1970s where numerous grass-roots organisations were demanding a say in housing policy, party-political divisions were an increased feature and the council had become more exasperated at the resources, guidance and management it was receiving from central government. This is linked to concepts of ‘collective consumption’ and the relationships between citizens and the state, producing conclusions that suggest that an inability to achieve broader political influence over changes to the residential environment effectively encouraged a retreat to the pursuit of more individual solutions and the frustration of collective aims.
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15

Fernández, Arrigiota Melissa. "Constructing 'the other', practicing resistance : public housing and community politics in Puerto Rico." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/335/.

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This thesis evaluates the colonial productions and contestations of Puerto Rican public housing and its residents as urban ‘others’. It combines a historical analysis of the political, spatial and material trajectory of the island’s projects with an ethnography of the resistances enacted by a group of residents- mainly women- from one such complex called ‘Las Gladiolas’ against an impending order of demolition and displacement. I argue that while a context of socio-spatial exclusion and environmental determinism has pervaded the constructions of these postcolonial ‘projects’ in ways that have significantly discriminated against its residents, public housing has never been and can never be completed according to that limited governmental design- which today exists under the rubric of urban redevelopment- mainly because communities of solidarity, dissent and conflict emerge simultaneously with and against those formulations, taking on a life of their own in ways that collude with and escape rigid technocratic formulations of housing policy. The research presented emphasizes the symbolic struggle and material reality embedded in Las Gladiolas’s community politics which resists and disrupts a homogeneous vision of past, present and future urban space. The historical analysis highlights the ways in which ‘othering’ was set in place within the colonial context of Puerto Rico’s urban development in a way which has allowed for the continued stigmatization of public housing projects and for the reproduction of residents’ disadvantage according to raced, gendered and classed discriminations. Those distinctions of difference also created the conditions for particular forms of resistance to emerge. The ethnographic data tells the story of how the political and physical enactment of the buildings’ deterioration intersected with residents’ informal, institutional and legal resistance to relocation. It shows how the contemporary production, experiences and contestations over public housing are not fixed, but multiple and highly ambiguous. The complex interplay that emerges between political, social and material elements demonstrates that the boundaries separating Las Gladiolas from its urban environ, and Puerto Rican housing agencies from the American ones, are in fact open and porous, fluctuating according to use, appropriations, and political and legal transformations.
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16

Hudson, William. "Welfarism anew? : territorial politics and inter-war state housing in three Lancashire towns." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288205.

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17

Bou, Akar Hiba. "Displacement, politics and governance : access to low-income housing in a Beirut suburb." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/33009.

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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-113).
Lebanon witnessed large-scale phases of internal displacement during and after its civil war (1975-1990). This study analyzes access to low-income housing for a Lebanese Shiites group which has already experienced two phases of internal displacement: from South Lebanon to Beirut during the civil war, and from Beirut to the suburbs after postwar reconstruction started in 1992. This research is a case study of Sahra Choueifat, one of Beirut's southern suburbs. It presents a comprehensive analysis of the factors that have affected the displacement and relocation processes in the second phase of displacement. The study focuses on three main issues: (i) the post-war monetary compensation to war-displaced squatters; (ii) the intervention of Shiite political parties in the housing market, and (iii) the conflict over territory in Sahra Choueifat between the incoming Shiite group and the original Druze residents. The study presents three main findings: First, the post-war monetary compensation that the evicted war-displaced squatters received was adequate to allow them to acquire legal housing in Beirut; yet the uncertainty that characterized its implementation led the families to tie-up their capital in vacant apartments before they could move. Second, political parties' intervention in the compensation phase, and in the housing market of Sahra Choueifat, secured better housing quality and tenure rights for the displaced, yet formed religious enclaves within a religiously contentious area. Third, in Sahra Choueifat, groups in opposition are using legal tools, such as zoning, voting, and manipulation of public services to define their space and exclude others. The conflict is causing the displaced families to move yet again in a third phase of displacement, from Sahra Choueifat to more Shiite-dominated suburbs.
by Hiba Bou Akar.
M.C.P.
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18

Daly, G. "Housing politics and pressure groups : The impacts of central-local government relations and reformers on American public housing policy, 1933-1953." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372649.

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19

Child, Philip. "The heights of modernity : the Labour Party and the politics of urban transformation, 1945-70." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/24186.

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This thesis is an exploration of the politics of urban transformation in the immediate post-war period of British history, between 1945 and 1970. It centres on the Labour Party and considers the relationship of the party’s socialist aims to modernity as a stimulus for radical urban policy, particularly in terms of housing. Whilst prior historical accounts of post-war urban change have tended to eschew ideology as a serious catalyst for the reconstruction of British cities, arguing instead that pragmatism and corruption were of greater consequence, this thesis contends that a modern, socialist utopian ideal was a defining feature of urban transformation undertaken by Labour at both a local and national level. Archival material from Labour and the broader left of British politics, published sociological studies from the period 1945-70 and my own oral history interviews with key figures from the period lead this investigation. A thorough analysis of Labour’s approach to key aspects of the urban environment enables this thesis to challenge existing understandings of post-war urban transformation as irrational or hard-headed. The thesis examines the relationship of Labour to the housing market, urban planning, understandings of community and the party’s sense of history and modernity. It asserts that rent control, slum clearance and tower blocks were indicative of a modern, socialist urban vision for Labour, proposing that the ‘modern moment’ in twentiethcentury British history be taken into greater consideration. As urban history acquires greater prominence in an age of increasing urbanisation, engagement with the rationale behind past urban transformation can make a significant contribution to the understanding of why particular urban policies become reality.
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20

Walsh, V. S. "The social life of Hulme : politics and protest in an inner city housing estate." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504514.

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21

Long, Ian Edward. "The politics of council housing decline : divergent responses in rural England in the 1980s." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406109.

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22

Darling, Elizabeth Ann. "Elizabeth Denby, housing consultant : social reform and cultural politics in the inter-war period." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.395825.

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23

Volke, Harvey. "The politics of state rental housing in New South Wales, 1900 - 1939 : three case studies." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2006. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28059.

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The history of housing policy in New South Wales has been one of consistent disengagement of government from issues of low-income housing provision. Characteristically, until the 19405, government responses were dictated from within a laissez-faire liberal framework in which housing provision was best left to the operations of market forces. This impacted severely on the availability of appropriate and affordable housing for low-income people. Insofar as low-income housing policy was addressed at all, it was usually in terms of encouraging people into home ownership. Nevertheless, the period from around 1900 to 1940 saw the beginnings of deliberate government intervention in the housing market in piecemeal attempts to address the issue. A range of factors combined to produce this outcome, including outbreaks of contagious disease in badly drained and unsewered slum precincts, and increasing pressure from a range of disparate groups. These included the nascent town planning lobby, church and charity bodies, and not least, working class organisations and working class people themselves. Business interest in redeveloping prime commercial sites also played a role in the moves for slum clearance. The period was characterised by a series of attempts to resolve low-income housing problems in Sydney, or at least, the problems of slum clearance. These ranged from State resumption of The Rocks area, to attempts by both city governments and State governments to provide minimal amounts of public housing for some of those displaced by resumptions, and included attempts at encouraging self-help and self- reliance by church and charitable agencies, as well as State bodies. They also included attempts to address the problems of low—income tenants in the private rental market by legislative means: for example, by introducing rent control and some limited efforts to control the rate of evictions during the Depression era. The fact remains, that the period is characterised by a marked failure to undertake any substantive initiatives that would make a serious contribution to resolving the manifest problems. The reasons for this failure are complex, but include a policy commitment to home ownership (and to separate homes on separate sites at that), a prevailing ideology of laissez faire liberalism, and a shifting of responsibility for dealing with the problems between local and State authorities. It was only at the end of the period that the State Government accepted the responsibility for ensuring some attempt at meeting the needs of low—income people.
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24

au, C. Lacroix@murdoch edu, and Carol Lacroix. "The politics of need accounting for (dis)advantage: public housing co-operatives in Western Australia." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20080411.150027.

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Concerns about the nature of poverty and how to achieve equitable resource distribution are rife in Australia where, as elsewhere, welfare resources are becoming increasingly scarce. At the heart of these concerns are questions about access: in particular, how to ensure that the least affluent are able to access the resources they require. At the same time, there is a growing sense that cultural as well as social factors are central to patterns of unequal distribution, especially in a neo-liberal context where there is a deregulation of social and economic structures, and a shift to consumption or lifestyle capitalism. This thesis employs Bourdieu’s theoretical framework of capitals to examine the nature of affluence (and therefore poverty) in Australia, the processes that facilitate access to material resources by the affluent rather than the poor and, ultimately, the notion of need that underpins questions of choice, access and resource allocation. Drawing on interviews with members of publicly funded housing co-operatives in WA, an example of welfare housing that simultaneously represents an example of a deregulated symbolic economy and an expression of the contemporary lifestyle movement, I highlight key resources and interests that distinguish these individuals as affluent, as well as some of the cultural and social processes that enable them to convert their resources into the subsidised housing. Based on this analysis, I then interrogate the frameworks for understanding poverty that regulate the distribution of welfare resources, and argue that these were central to the ability of the more affluent to secure publicly funded housing resources. In particular, I examine the new multidimensional frameworks for understanding poverty in terms of their ability to recognise key resources and processes. I argue that Bourdieu’s framework – as a resource based framework that accounts for cultural as well as social and economic factors in the (re)production of advantage and disadvantage – represents a worthwhile inclusion into theories and policies that are concerned with accounting for poverty and ensuring that residual welfare aims are met.
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25

Ormerod, Emma. "The local state of housing : deepening entrepreneurial governance and the place of politics and publics." Thesis, Durham University, 2017. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/12388/.

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Housing is political, and its relation to the local state is undergoing a monumental transition. This research charts the journey of a neighbourhood in Gateshead, North East England through housing regeneration. It focuses on a joint venture partnership that has grown from a mired central state regeneration initiative, Housing Market Renewal. In doing so, it grounds and develops Bob Jessop’s (2016) most recent and flexible state theory, to posit the local state as an increasingly relevant conceptual and analytical frame through which to reveal contemporary transformations in local governance. Through an in-depth examination of the relations between new and old state actors, local politics and multiple publics, we can see who is governing and who matters. In positioning housing as central to a contemporary capitalist political economy, housing therefore becomes a key optic through which to understand the deepening of entrepreneurial governance under austerity localism. The local state in Gateshead is reconstructing the housing market and harnessing private finance. It has become a housing developer in its own right through a complex and opaque process of financialization. Despite an entrenched marketized logic, however, the local state is not simply a unified or monolithic structure. It consists of both structures and relations that are in constant struggle as it tentatively negotiates the current and unstable mode of local governance. Seeing the state as a fragmented, malleable and permeable set of relations reveals the various forms of power and sources of pressure within and beyond it. Through examples of both conflict and consensus building, a local struggle over representation and legitimacy opens up conceptual questions about politics and the political. As the local state moves increasingly away from previous processes of public engagement and actively conceals its role in housing development, this new governing arrangement is dislocating politicians from the publics they represent. The channeling of political power into the hands of new state actors is undoubtedly de-democratising. However, there remains the potential to disrupt, or re‐politicise such processes, which can offer hope to the place of politics and publics.
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26

Lacroix, Carol. "The politics of need accounting for (dis)advantage: public housing co-operatives in Western Australia." Thesis, Lacroix, Carol (2007) The politics of need accounting for (dis)advantage: public housing co-operatives in Western Australia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/142/.

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Анотація:
Concerns about the nature of poverty and how to achieve equitable resource distribution are rife in Australia where, as elsewhere, welfare resources are becoming increasingly scarce. At the heart of these concerns are questions about access: in particular, how to ensure that the least affluent are able to access the resources they require. At the same time, there is a growing sense that cultural as well as social factors are central to patterns of unequal distribution, especially in a neo-liberal context where there is a deregulation of social and economic structures, and a shift to consumption or lifestyle capitalism. This thesis employs Bourdieu's theoretical framework of capitals to examine the nature of affluence (and therefore poverty) in Australia, the processes that facilitate access to material resources by the affluent rather than the poor and, ultimately, the notion of need that underpins questions of choice, access and resource allocation. Drawing on interviews with members of publicly funded housing co-operatives in WA, an example of welfare housing that simultaneously represents an example of a deregulated symbolic economy and an expression of the contemporary lifestyle movement, I highlight key resources and interests that distinguish these individuals as affluent, as well as some of the cultural and social processes that enable them to convert their resources into the subsidised housing. Based on this analysis, I then interrogate the frameworks for understanding poverty that regulate the distribution of welfare resources, and argue that these were central to the ability of the more affluent to secure publicly funded housing resources. In particular, I examine the new multidimensional frameworks for understanding poverty in terms of their ability to recognise key resources and processes. I argue that Bourdieu's framework - as a resource based framework that accounts for cultural as well as social and economic factors in the (re)production of advantage and disadvantage - represents a worthwhile inclusion into theories and policies that are concerned with accounting for poverty and ensuring that residual welfare aims are met.
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27

Lacroix, Carol. "The politics of need accounting for (dis)advantage: public housing co-operatives in Western Australia." Lacroix, Carol (2007) The politics of need accounting for (dis)advantage: public housing co-operatives in Western Australia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/142/.

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Анотація:
Concerns about the nature of poverty and how to achieve equitable resource distribution are rife in Australia where, as elsewhere, welfare resources are becoming increasingly scarce. At the heart of these concerns are questions about access: in particular, how to ensure that the least affluent are able to access the resources they require. At the same time, there is a growing sense that cultural as well as social factors are central to patterns of unequal distribution, especially in a neo-liberal context where there is a deregulation of social and economic structures, and a shift to consumption or lifestyle capitalism. This thesis employs Bourdieu's theoretical framework of capitals to examine the nature of affluence (and therefore poverty) in Australia, the processes that facilitate access to material resources by the affluent rather than the poor and, ultimately, the notion of need that underpins questions of choice, access and resource allocation. Drawing on interviews with members of publicly funded housing co-operatives in WA, an example of welfare housing that simultaneously represents an example of a deregulated symbolic economy and an expression of the contemporary lifestyle movement, I highlight key resources and interests that distinguish these individuals as affluent, as well as some of the cultural and social processes that enable them to convert their resources into the subsidised housing. Based on this analysis, I then interrogate the frameworks for understanding poverty that regulate the distribution of welfare resources, and argue that these were central to the ability of the more affluent to secure publicly funded housing resources. In particular, I examine the new multidimensional frameworks for understanding poverty in terms of their ability to recognise key resources and processes. I argue that Bourdieu's framework - as a resource based framework that accounts for cultural as well as social and economic factors in the (re)production of advantage and disadvantage - represents a worthwhile inclusion into theories and policies that are concerned with accounting for poverty and ensuring that residual welfare aims are met.
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28

Howard, Amy L. ""More than shelter": Community, identity, and spatial politics in San Francisco public housing, 1938--2000." W&M ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623466.

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During the second half of the twentieth century, scholars and journalists documented the failures of the public housing program in the United States with a range of studies focusing on the Midwest and East. Problems such as displacement, criminal activity, high vacancy rates, racial segregation, and the isolation of tenants informed critiques of federally-subsidized housing for low-income families. These aspects contributed to the national image of "the projects" as high-rise ghettos, populated primarily by African Americans, and located in run-down areas. Public housing with its position at the crossroads of national, state, and local politics and policies as well as tenants' varied experiences, however, defy simple categorization as an unmitigated failure.;This study expands the history of public housing to the West and in doing so complicates the image of where public housing is located, what it looks like, and who lives there. Examining public housing in San Francisco, a multi-racial, multi-ethnic, politically liberal city, reveals the important role regional, local and spatial politics play in project design, location, and population. The three projects examined here, Ping Yuen in Chinatown, North Beach Place in North Beach, and Valencia Gardens in the Mission District, are located in thriving urban areas near public transportation, shops, and hospitals. Nevertheless, tenants over the years experienced a range of difficulties including mismanagement and racial segregation by the San Francisco Housing Authority, rising crime rates, in-fighting, and at Valencia Gardens and North Beach, the scorn of district neighbors. Despite these challenges, many tenants came together to form communities. Coming across racial and ethnic lines, tenants relied on formal and informal networks to make their rental apartments into "homes." Demonstrating part of the hidden history of public housing, tenants at Ping Yuen, North Beach Place, and Valencia Gardens became politicized by living in the projects and challenged the state to improve their living environments. These case studies highlight public housing's contribution to the affordable housing stock and tenants' roles in making the projects livable spaces.
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29

Goldsmith, Lorna Colberg. "Comparative dimensions of social housing in Arhus and Newcastle, 1890s-1979 : the problem of the political culture of two social housing systems." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2007. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/1695/.

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Denmark, being a much smaller country than Britain, has, in absolute terms, a smaller housing problem. Nevertheless, there are surely lessons to be learned from the highly successful system which the Danish people and Government have worked out for themselves. A housing society, or some equivalent organization, provided for each separate region or sub-region in Great Britain might offer a solution to the difficult [sic.] that design for our working-class housing is under the controls of councils of very varying degrees of technical knowledge, which then have to be prodded and supervised to some extent by various Government departments. The housing society seems an admirable compromise, provided that it can be kept on the completely non-profit making basis that is successfully secured in Denmark. Ian Bowen, Housing Policy in Denmark, The Architects' Journal, August 4, 1949, p.133 A generation of competent technicians and fearless, idealistic politicians [in Britain] have been able to make a contribution which will persist as a good example of the capabilities of the present and as an incomparable field of study for others who are working in planning. Aage Jedich, Report from Holme-Tranbjerg Council Committee's visit to England, 12.07.19631 A comparison of the housing provided by two cities within separate nation states may encourage a mutually admiring gaze from each position. Comparisons have provided a tool in learning about new housing practices, understanding one's own position from a different vantage point and throwing light on areas that may have remained unquestioned until a visit abroad revealed different approaches to a similar problem. As the quotes above suggest, professional groups involved in the provision of housing and urban planning in post-war Denmark and Britain held each other's national strategies in high regard as they contemplated their local problems of creating spaces for effective urban communities. It will become clear for the cities studied in this thesis that local councillors, public officials and social housing providers at times sought to explore the wider areas of learning that practices abroad could offer. Yet the main approach adopted in this thesis is the comparative historical approach: the thesis studies the origins and history of social housing systems in Arhus, Denmark, and Newcastle, Britain. The comparison creates contrasts and similarities between the two cities through an urban social history approach. The key theme explored in the work is the notions of local democratic culture arising within the social housing systems of the two cities covering most of the twentieth century, but with an emphasis on the period 1945-1979. The introduction will discuss themes running through the work and will consider how the structure of the thesis allows for the comparison to illuminate aspects of the local political culture of the two cities that was directly affected by and affected in turn the local provision of social housing. Like most Western European cities in the twentieth century Arhus and Newcastle faced the problems of providing adequate housing for large groups of working people as the cities grew or older housing types became outdated. The study examines the options and strategies that were explored and adopted by the housing authorities in the two cities to recover from slumps in housing provision. It is clear that each city approached housing provision through different groups of facilitators: in Arhus, as in Denmark in general, the housing association was the primary generator of social housing, while Newcastle followed the British pattern — providing social housing through the municipality. Thus the agency of provision was different in the two cases from the outset. How the mediating influence of housing associations between the Arhusian Council and residents in social housing contrasted with the direct provision of council housing in Newcastle is a key issue for the the...
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30

Chikwanha, Annie Barbara H. "The politics of housing delivery a comparative study of administrative behaviour in South Africa and Zimbabwe." Bergen, Norway Univ., Faculty of Social Sciences, Dep. of Admin. and Organisation Theory, 2005. https://bora.uib.no/bitstream/1956/1141/1/thesis%20dec%202005.pdf.

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31

Heinz, Teresa L. "The cultural politics of housing in a capitalist society representations of homelessness in contemporary American newspapers /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3178432.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Communication and Culture, 2005.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-06, Section: A, page: 2002. Adviser: Richard Bauman. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed Nov. 27, 2006)."
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32

Backwith, Dave. "The death of municipal socialism : the politics of council housing in Sheffield and Bristol, 1919-1939." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294746.

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33

Wang, Stephen Wei-Hsin. "The urban politics of housing renewal in transitional Shanghai : reassessing the Chinese pro-growth coalition perspective." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2368/.

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From the 1990s, market-oriented housing renewal took off at extraordinary pace across Chinese cities, modernising the built environment and displacing millions of residents in the process. One prevailing view is that this has been driven by a "growth coalition" of local government and private businesses with the goal of maximising economic potentials through the intensification of land-use. This thesis examines the evolving policies and practices of urban housing renewal in Shanghai since 1990. It questions whether the above perspective adequately captures the underlying socio-political dynamics at work. Through a comprehensive review of housing policies, interviews and analyses of contrasting case studies, it demonstrates that housing renewal had entailed a more diverse set of policies and mechanisms than commonly depicted. Beyond private-funded redevelopment and displacement, local governments have promoted some socially-oriented schemes, as well as recently supporting the piecemeal gentrification of neighbourhoods. This research shows that it is useful to move beyond a monolithic conception of the Chinese growth coalition. The local government plays an increasingly dualistic role in housing renewal. Beyond its core concern to facilitate economic growth and 'global city' building through comprehensive redevelopment, it has evolved socially- oriented housing policies, enlarged market regulation, and made concessions to disadvantaged groups in the interest of maintaining social harmony. Property developers were not a homogenous profit-seeking group in Shanghai's urban growth-coalition. Various quasi-governmental enterprises played a role in delivering socially-oriented projects under bureaucratic command of the local government. Finally, although grass roots actors are politically excluded, their cumulative actions including neighbourhood rehabilitation and protests can sometimes influence policies and urban planning decisions.
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34

Troutman, Philip Parke. "San Diego growth wars : a critique of public participation in California land use politics /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3142450.

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35

Kohl, Sebastian. "Homeowner nations or nations of tenants : how historical institutions in urban politics, housing finance and construction set Germany, France and the US on different housing paths." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0030.

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La présente thèse offre une nouvelle explication des variations du taux de propriété de différents pays en mobilisant de larges parts de la littérature existante en histoire urbaine et des données portant sur les villes. La littérature existante a souvent son origine dans l’opposition des pays germanophones et des pays anglophones, les derniers montrant un taux de propriété systématiquement plus élevé que les premiers. Par une étude historique comparative des cas américain et allemand, considérés comme exemplaire pour les types de pays, la thèse essaie de répondre à la question que pose l’écart persistant entre les taux de propriété allemand et américain. La présente thèse argue que c’étaient des différences en organisations urbaines au 19e siècle et de différentes institutions de financement de logement et de construction qui ont mis les pays sur des trajectoires différentes. Elle maintient que le laissez-faire de certaines municipalités faibles a plutôt privilégie des villes périurbanisées sous formes de maisons individuelles aux États-Unis, alors que les municipalités corporatistes allemandes tendaient à mener aux villes compactes d’immeubles de rapport ; que le développement de sociétés d’épargne-logement américaines favorisait le financement de maisons en propriété individuelle, alors que les banques hypothécaires allemandes et les associations de logement privilégiaient les immeubles de location ; que l’émergence d’une production Fordiste des pavillons standardisés facilitait la vulgarisation de la propriété, alors que la production artisanale allemande la limitait. Une fois ces structures établie – ainsi va l’argument faisant allusion à la dépendance au sentier – elles furent perpétuées par des mécanismes de pouvoir de groupes d’intérêt, de fonctionnalité économique, alors que des processus de conversion du locatif en propriété ainsi que de la périurbanisation pouvaient contrecarrer cette inertie structurelle
The thesis gives an answer to the question of why different countries ended up with different rates of homeowners and tenants in the 20th-century. The literature identifies Germanspeaking countries of low homeownership rates around 40% and English-speaking countries of high homeownership rates of more than 60%, with France falling in between the two groups. Moreover, most of these differences have persisted through the second half of the 20th-century and can be shown to reach back to different urban homeownership rates around 1900. The homeownership-question is of importance beyond the mere question of tenure as studies have associated homeownership questions with stability in financial crises, with embourgeoisement of the working-class in life-style, attitudes and voting behavior or with different unemployment rates. Existing explanations have used post-1980 international, regional or individual data to explain homeownership differences through socio-demographic, economic or urbanization differences, through a public-welfare/homeownership trade-off or else through cultural preferences. These explanations fail to account, however, for the persistent country differences that existed already prior to the 1980s and prior to government intervention in housing. The thesis, by contrast, goes back to 19th-century differences of urban organization, housing finance and the construction sector to claim that countries were historically set on different housing trajectories establishing differences hard to reverse in later periods. The US and Germany are chosen for historic case studies of the often opposed country groups. France is included to use the variables found for explaining why a country of similar welfare type as Germany kept a persistently higher urban homeownership rate. The thesis claims that different complementary institutions in city organization, the housing finance and construction industry locked countries into inert physical and institutional structures of either the compact tenement city-form in Germany or the suburbanized form of a city of homes like in the United States. More concretely, functional complementarities of public welfare cities, housing cooperatives, mortgage banks and a raftsmanship production of solid single-unit homes led to the German tenant-dominance, whereas private cities, savings and loans (SLAs) and a Fordist mass production of single-family homes created the American production regime in favor of more accessible homeownership. Though the thesis establishes the argument for Germany and the US in historic case studies, it tries to make plausible that it can be extended to other German- and English-speaking countries. The innovation of the thesis concerning the particular explanatory puzzle lies in its reference to relevant historical prior causes, its inclusion of the urban level of analysis and the combination of three institutional factors – urban organization, housing finance, construction – that even singly have not been put forward yet in comparative explanations. The thesis contributes to the literature on path dependencies that identifies distant occurrences as longterm causes for hard-to-reverse historical trajectories. On a theoretical level, the study contributes to research in a yet little noticed type of market, i.e. markets for durable goods whose use stretches over time, and which therefore requires history-directed explanations
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36

GENTILI, MARTINA. "The politics of housing for the lower-middle class. Demand, supply and public-private interaction in Rome." Doctoral thesis, Gran Sasso Science Institute, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12571/10162.

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In Italy, from 2008 to present day, the global economic crisis has had a large impact on the housing market. Scholars agree that what is critical to this housing crisis is not a lack of supply, but rather the erosive effects of impoverishment, unemployment, a precarious job market, and indebtedness that challenge access to housing. Indeed, housing problems no longer affect only the weakest part of the population, but increasingly also other segments: the (lower) middle-class – impoverished by the crisis, burdened by austerity measures, and neglected by housing policies – as well as young couples, workers with little job security, elderly people, and migrants. In the public debate, these households are usually acknowledged as a ‘grey area’ of housing need: their income is not sufficiently low to qualify for social housing, and yet, they cannot completely fulfil their housing needs on the free market. They clearly represent a largely unmet demand. In such a context, it is important to highlight that the affordability crisis depends as much on the housing market dynamics and housing policy as it does on local planning and development decisions. Such decisions are inherently political and depend on ideological positions towards housing (for example the ideological stance regarding owner-occupation as the privileged tenure), but also on the interaction between politics and the private interests surrounding the land and construction sector. The case of Rome is particularly well-suited to investigate the interplay of housing system and local development and institutional factors. By inquiring why the housing supply in Rome does not match the housing needs of the middle-income population, this research aims to outline the complex system created by the interplay of different factors at different levels. First, it aims to contribute to the debate on housing affordability by generating much needed knowledge from both the demand and the supply point of view on the housing conditions of the lower-middle class. Secondly, by investigating the role played by residential development and by illegal actors in the Roman urban regime, it wants to generate a theoretical reflection on the general role of residential development and illegal actors within urban regimes. Finally, by raising questions about whether and how a private interest-driven planning and political decision making might have impacted the ability of the lower middle class in Rome to find a suitable and affordable accommodation it adds to the debate on the role of housing in political economy.
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37

PENKO, TEIXEIRA CAIO. "Housing is Much More Than a Roof Over One’s Head: The Urban Politics of Immigrant Squatters’ Movements." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/356091.

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Анотація:
L'attuale tesi di dottorato esplora alcuni dibattiti attuali sulla precarietà abitativa esaminando la politica dei movimenti degli occupanti abusivi degli immigrati. Questa ricerca è ambientata a Torino, ma esplora una questione urbana più ampia per quanto riguarda la disuguaglianza spaziale, i gruppi sociali emarginati e l'attivismo. Basando il lavoro etnografico sul campo nell'"Occupazione ex-MOI", questa ricerca definisce un quadro per l'analisi della ricerca di immigrati per la casa e altri luoghi di abitazione in esilio. La presente ricerca affronta questo problema considerando come gli immigrati clandestini hanno appropriato spazi emarginati della città per ottenere e sostenere un certo grado di potere politico come produttori di città. In tutti i capitoli basati sugli articoli, questa analisi cerca di fare i conti con il modo in cui l'accovacciamento collettivo negli edifici vacanti l'ha fatto diventare un campo di battaglia sociale da cui può emergere una performativity sovversiva attraverso atti di solidarietà. Questa tesi avanza borsa di studio esaminando le modalità di azione collettiva attraverso i movimenti degli abusivi e invita i lettori a ripensare la condizione della loro dismissione. Offre un'analisi empiricamente fondata del ruolo dei movimenti squatting-autonomi e si schiera per gli immigrati privi di documenti, i rifugiati e le persone che chiedono asilo, e, cosa più importante, produce un resoconto teorico convincente di cui la giustizia e i diritti dovrebbero applicarsi. Le persone in movimento che vivono ai margini e le loro lotte per diventare politiche sono in ultima analisi questioni affascinanti per la politica urbana di oggi. Ci ricordano che i movimenti di base svolgono un ruolo importante nel determinare come la vita urbana è vissuta e negoziata. Inoltre, ci ricordano la centralità della casa, e che abbiamo il diritto di fare affermazioni sul nostro corpo, indipendentemente dall'immigrazione e dallo status di cittadinanza.
The present doctoral thesis explores some current debates about housing precarity by looking at the politics of immigrant squatters’ movements. This research is set in Turin but explores a wider urban question regarding spatial inequality, marginalized social groups, and activism. Drawing upon the ethnographic fieldwork in the “Ex-MOI Occupation,” this research sets out a framework for the analyses of immigrants’ search for home and other places of dwelling in exile. The present research addresses this issue considering how illegalized immigrants appropriate marginalized spaces in the city to gain access to and sustain some degree of political power as city makers. Throughout the article-based chapters, this analysis seeks to grapple with how collective squatting in vacant buildings has caused it to become a social battleground from which subversive performativity may emerge through acts of solidarity. This thesis advances scholarship by examining the modes of collective action through squatters’ movements and invites readers to rethink the condition of one’s dispossession. It offers an empirically grounded analysis of the role of squatting-autonomous movements and stands up for undocumented immigrants, refugees, and people seeking asylum, and more importantly, produces a compelling theoretical account of to whom justice and rights should apply. People on the move that live on the margins and their struggles for becoming political are ultimately fascinating matters for today’s urban politics. They remind us that grassroots movements play an important role in determining how urban life is experienced and negotiated. Moreover, they remind us of the centrality of home, and that we are entitled to make claims over our own bodies, regardless of immigration and citizenship status.
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38

Nahiduzzaman, Kh Md. "Housing the Urban Poor: Planning, Business and Politics : A Case Study of Duaripara Slum, Dhaka city, Bangladesh." Thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Geography, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-931.

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This study is conducted on Duripara slum of Dhaka city which is one of the fastest growing megalopolis and primate cities not only among the developing but also among the developed countries. The high rate of urbanization has posed a challenging dimension to the central, local govt. and concerned development authority. In Dhaka about 50% of the total urban population is poor and in the urbanization process the poor are the major contributors which can be characterized as urbanization of poverty. In response to the emerging urban problems, the development authority makes plan to solve those problems as well as to manage the urban growth. By focusing on the housing issue for the urban poor in Dhaka Metropolitan Development Plan (DMDP), this study is aimed to find out the distortion between plan and reality through making a connection between such planning practice, political connections and business dealings.

Knowledge gained from the reviewed literature, structuration theory, actors oriented approach, controversies of urban growth and theoretical framework were used as interpretative guide for the study. The data set for this study were collected both from primary and secondary sources. The primary sources include data collected through semi-structure questionnaire survey administered to 60 households using non-random judgmental sampling method. Moreover, interview guides, group discussion and personal observation were also used to synergize the study objectives. In addition to primary sources, secondary sources were used when relevant. The study used both qualitative (content analysis) and quantitative methods like descriptive statistics to summarize the results of the study. In DMDP, it was recommended that the urban poor will be relocated to the urban fringe areas with tenure security. This study found that these recommendations are not practical and implementable, at all, in relation to current socio-economic characteristics of the slum dwellers, land management system, transport facilities and political practice. The slum dwellers are highly mobile in choosing their place of residence and their choice is determined, to a greater content, by close proximity to work place and travel cost. This study discovered that a patron-client relationship has been existing in the study area where the political leaders play the major role to control over the slum and thereby their lives. Under the feudalistic social structure the poor are only able to use their limited form of agency for the survival. Whilst, in the urban fringe, almost all the lands are in the grip of private land developers, local elites etc. who have strong relation with the powerful political leaders and where land acquisition cost by the development authority is fairly high.

In general, in and around Dhaka public transport system is very poor and costly which eventually discourages people to live away from their work places. From the findings of this study it is revealed that there is a clear pattern of urban pockets of small scale industries and small scale slum and squatter settlements. There is as such no direction and guideline regarding the development of transport infrastructure facilities commensurate with the recommendations. The politicians are most pervasive actors in all spheres of development activities. They misuse the power to influence any decision of the public agencies in favor of their business interests. They are the well known businessmen and the other businessmen have to keep a good relation with them in order to gain financial benefits. From the findings of this study it was discovered that many of the owners of the private land developers and private consulting firms are politicians. Moreover, these political elites have strong influence on the officials of different public agencies as those officials have been appointed by the recommendations of those national elites. All over, there is a business relationship between these politicians, officials of public agencies and businessmen themselves where plan like DMDP is a mean for business. Under such structure and practice, the poor are the victims who are becoming aliens in the urban social geography.

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39

Kelly, Nicholas F. 1987, and Ellen Ingrid Gould. "Can housing policy address spatial inequality? : innovations in policy and politics to expand access to opportunity neighborhoods." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/132756.

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Thesis: Ph. D. in Public Policy and Urban Planning, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, February, 2021
Cataloged from the official PDF of thesis. Thesis contains 3 articles.
Includes bibliographical references.
While research has demonstrated that low-poverty neighborhoods can improve economic outcomes for low-income children, policymakers have few scalable solutions to help families access those areas. In this dissertation, I present three innovations in policy and politics aimed at improving access to opportunity neighborhoods. First, with Ingrid Gould Ellen, I argue for a streamlined measure of neighborhood opportunity we call the School-Violence-Poverty (SVP) Index based on the three metrics that are most strongly associated with positive outcomes among children. We combine it with data on rental prices in New York City and Greater Boston to identify "opportunity bargain" areas that have lower rents than expected given their high ratings on measures of school quality, low levels of violent crime, and low poverty rates. We find that rents capitalize a wide assortment of amenities unrelated to opportunity, such as access to restaurants, while in some cases undervaluing opportunity neighborhoods. Second, I evaluate the impact of three policy changes on increasing access to opportunity: rental subsidies set at the ZIP Code level, a randomized controlled trial of a housing mobility counseling program, and a randomized controlled trial of a housing search tool that provides customized neighborhood recommendations based on public transit access, school quality and public safety preferences. I find that rental subsidy changes were associated with higher numbers of moves to areas with better schools, as well as the percentage of families moving to areas with high performing schools and low rates of violent crime and poverty. I also find the housing mobility counseling program increased access to areas with lower violent crime rates, and the housing search tool helped those in the treatment group already interested in moving to high-opportunity areas move to significantly higher opportunity neighborhoods. Third, I ask: how do city agencies implement regional policies? I propose a theory of urban bureaucratic policy implementation that argues that city agencies are an important vehicle for the implementation of regional policies due to their bureaucratic autonomy. I focus on two strategies these agencies use to facilitate implementation: reframing regional policy to align with the city's interest, and redesigning policy to reduce political opposition. I test the theory by examining the implementation of "housing mobility" programs that help low-income families move to areas of opportunity in the United States, finding that reframing housing mobility from a desegregation policy to an upward economic mobility strategy facilitated implementation of regional policies by recasting it in the city's interest. I end by reflecting on paradoxical conclusions for democratic accountability, given that agencies less accountable to city leaders may in fact be more responsive to society by enacting policy to benefit the regional good.
by Nicholas F. Kelly.
Paper One. The price of neighborhood opportunity : the case for the school-violence-poverty index and opportunity bargain analysis / Nicholas Kelly, Ingrid Gould Ellen -- Paper Two. Innovations to expand access to opportunity neighborhoods for low-income families in Greater Boston / Nicholas Kelly -- Paper Three. All policy implementation is local : how the rise of housing mobility programs helps explain urban bureaucratic politics / Nicholas Kelly.
Ph. D. in Public Policy and Urban Planning
Ph.D.inPublicPolicyandUrbanPlanning Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Urban Studies and Planning
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40

Dufty, Rae School of Biological Earth &amp Environmental Sciences UNSW. "Rethinking the politics of distribution: the geographies and governmentalities of housing assistance in rural New South Wales, Australia." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Biological, Earth & Environmental Sciences, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/31460.

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Housing, while a necessity of ???life???, goes beyond this definition in this research to also become a technology of government in the domestic distributional geopolitics of nation-states. Employing a Foucaultian approach to power and governance, this research examines how the provision of housing assistance was used in the government of rural public housing communities. Data for this research were collected through a series of archival resources that focused specifically on the transitional periods of 1935-1955 and 1985-2005. Data were also gathered through a questionnaire and interviews with public housing tenants and staff from four towns (Griffith, Cootamundra, Junee and Tumut) in the ???Riverina??? region of south-western New South Wales (NSW), Australia. This research makes five contributions to geographical understandings of distributional politics. First, the thesis contends that poststructuralist theoretical approaches to the analysis of power and governance enable innovative critical engagements with the distributional geopolitical agendas of governmental processes. The research also found that the distributional geopolitical agendas of Governments have been pursued through more than just the redistribution of fiscal resources, but also include the redistribution of human resources. In particular, housing assistance has been, and is used today, to perpetuate certain internal migration patterns to aid this human-distributional agenda. Third, the study argues that ??? while the broad shift to advanced liberal forms of government have resulted in changes to how distributional geopolitical agendas are pursued ??? ???distribution??? remains an integral feature of the geopolitical objectives of those who seek to govern in advanced liberal ways. This work also shows how these new advanced liberal distributional objectives remain open to being problematised and/or resisted at the local scale. However, while such governmental processes are always uncertain and open to contestation, these changes have brought about a new set of ethical and political consequences. We need to be alert to and critical of the ways in which these new distributional geopolitical agendas impact on our own and others??? ???freedoms???.
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41

Wegmann, Jacob Anthony George. ""We Just Built It|" Code Enforcement, Local Politics, and the Informal Housing Market in Southeast Los Angeles County." Thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3708337.

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This dissertation is an exploration of the role of informality in the housing market in southeast Los Angeles County. While informality has long been the subject of scholarship in cases from the Global South, and increasingly in the United States, examinations of housing informality in the US thus far have largely been situated in rural and peri-urban areas. This work seeks to interrogate informality in housing processes unfolding within the very heart of northern North America's leading industrial metropolis.

After a brief preface, the dissertation's second chapter reviews literature on various aspects of informality and on Accessory Dwelling Units, or additions or conversions of living quarters on residential properties. Chapter 3 introduces the work's methodological pillars, and describes the four major, mixed methods relied upon. These are a survey of code enforcement officers; interviews and direct observation; and analyses of rental and property sales markets. Two other, minor, methods employed are an analysis of building footprints and the analysis of secondary data.

Chapter 4 introduces the single case used in the dissertation. This is a group of 14 communities, with a total population of 700,000, that are collectively referred to via the neologism City of Gateway. Next follows a historical overview of the area. Following a discussion of the 1965 Watts riots as a historical watershed, trends in the City of Gateway's economy and population that have driven a dramatic informalization of the housing stock since that time are examined.

Chapter 5 describes the physical expression of the informal housing market in the City of Gateway, in seven extralegal modes that involve either the conversion of existing space or the addition of new space, and the tactics used to effect them. Chapter 5 closes with a quantification and discussion of the consequences of the characteristic urban form produced by the informal housing market, horizontal density, which is the addition of density by more intensively covering lots with buildings rather than building upwards.

Chapter 6 describes the "nuts and bolts" of the informal housing market. It presents evidence that extralegal rentals are, on balance, generally (though not always) cheaper for their occupants than formal market alternatives. It examines presale ordinances that some cities have passed to try to disrupt the informal housing market by intervening in the sale of residential property. It discusses the important role of appraisers in providing or denying mortgage credit to current or would-be homeowners with extralegal space. An analysis of property sales transactions provides evidence that extralegal space does not appear to be capitalized in property values. Finally, the chapter discusses barriers imposed by the current US mortgage system to financing the construction of rentable space on residential properties.

Chapter 7 is an examination of the role played by code enforcement in shaping the informal housing market in the City of Gateway. Specifically, it examines how code enforcement departments allocate their time and effort given that there are far more potential enforcement actions than their capacity allows. The chapter presents arguments that code enforcement reshapes the informal housing market while failing to suppress it; that it is applied unevenly; and that it paradoxically helps maintain the informal order of the informal housing market.

Chapter 8 begins by arguing that issues related to informal housing, when they are discussed at all in the local political sphere, tend to be filtered through the reductive frame of law and order. The chapter presents reasons for this state of affairs, both ones specific to the City of Gateway and others that are more general and potentially applicable to other places in the US. Chapter 8 closes with a summary of high-profile local debates in which informal housing's influence is considerable but rarely acknowledged: fair share housing, water and sewer utility capacity, parking, and school crowding.

The conclusion, Chapter 9, begins by assessing the positive and negative attributes of the informal housing system. A normative judgment is made that the former outweigh the latter, although the drawbacks are considerable and in need of urgent attention. A multiscalar palette of policy interventions intended to usefully and justly intervene in the informal housing system is put forth. Many of these are within the ambit of local government, but action in other spheres—in state and even federal government, and within the housing NGO sector—is needed. Next, lessons for advocates, policymakers, and researchers drawn from the broader implications of this dissertation are presented. After that follows a speculative discussion about the role of culture in comparison with economic necessity in driving the informal housing market in the City of Gateway. Next, informed speculation about the future of the City of Gateway's housing market is presented. The dissertation closes with a discussion of these trends' implications for the City of Gateway's continued existence as that increasingly rare of type of place, a working class enclave in the heart of a vast global metropolis.

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42

Santos, Cynthia de Souza. "A política habitacional para a população de baixa renda, em Belo Horizonte, a partir de 1990." Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16137/tde-03032010-161510/.

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Esta Tese tem como objeto de análise a política habitacional voltada para a população de baixa renda de Belo Horizonte, a partir de 1990. Essa política foi analisada nas suas formas de manifestação, materializadas nos modelos de produção de novos assentamentos de interesse social e de intervenção urbana em favelas. Dados os diferentes contextos e momentos políticos examinados no decorrer das décadas de 80 e 90, essa política habitacional assumiu contornos diversos. Tais contornos foram verificados na emergência, complementação, simultaneidade e flexibilidade desses modelos hoje polarizados. Buscava-se a compreensão de uma lógica dual de sua manifestação polarizada. Constatou-se que a lógica dessa política habitacional que oscila entre a produção de conjuntos habitacionais e a urbanização e regularização de favelas está relacionada aos diferentes modos de produção do capital, do mercado do solo e da moradia. Verificou-se também que, em um ambiente de contradições, um modelo se sustenta com a existência do outro e ao mesmo tempo tende a atender a uma mescla de interesses dos diferentes atores, reiterando as desigualdades sócio-espaciais.
This thesis has as its object of analysis house politics focused on low income population from Belo Horizonte city since 1990. That politics was analyzed in terms of its configuration, which took shape through production model for new settlement of social interest and through urbanization of slums. Given different contexts and political moments examined in the 80 and 90 years, house politics assumed several contours. Such contours were ascertained on emergence, summation, simultaneity and flexibility of those models which nowadays are polarized. The understanding of a dual logic for those polarized manifestations was sought. It was confirmed that the logic of that house politics, which oscilates betwen production of new settlement and urbanization with regularization of slums, is related to the different ways of capital production, land market and housing. It was also ascertained that in environment of contradiction one model bears itself with the existence of another, and at the same time tends to consider a blend of interest from different actors reiterating social and spacial inequalities.
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43

Wu, Yiu-chung. "A feasibility study for adopting a corporatist perspective for housing policy formulation in Hong Kong." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1990. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1300959X.

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44

Brushett, Kevin Thomas. "Blots on the face of the city, the politics of slum housing and urban renewal in Toronto, 1940-1970." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/NQ63408.pdf.

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45

Kazandjian, Mihran W. "Land Politics, Urban Poverty and Exclusionary Planning in an Inland Chinese City." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1396464159.

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46

Koch, Insa Lee. "Personalising the state : law, social welfare and politics on an English council estate." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4335c11c-c0a5-44dc-bd15-5bbbfe2fee6c.

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This dissertation offers a study of everyday relations between residents and the state on a post-industrial council estate in England. Drawing upon historical and ethnographic data, it analyses how, often under conditions of sustained exclusion, residents rely upon the state in their daily struggles for security and survival. My central ethnographic finding is that residents personalise the state alongside informal networks of support and care into a local sociality of reciprocity. This finding can be broken into three interconnected points. First, I argue that the reciprocal contract between citizens and the state emerged in the post-war years when the residents on the newly built estates negotiated their dependence upon the state by integrating it into their on-going social relations. A climate of relative material affluence, selective housing policies, and a paternalistic regime of housing management all created conditions which were conducive for this temporary union between residents and the state. Second, however, I argue that with the decline of industry and shifts towards neoliberal policies, residents increasingly struggle to hold the state accountable to its reciprocal obligations towards local people. This becomes manifest today both in the material neglect of council estates as well as in state officials' reluctance to become implicated in social relations with and between residents. Third, I argue that this failure on the part of the state to attend to residents' demands often has onerous effects on people's lives. It not only exacerbates residents' exposure to insecurity and threat, but is also experienced as a moral affront which generates larger narratives of abandonment and betrayal. Theoretically, this dissertation critically discusses and challenges contrasting portrayals of the state, and of state-citizen relations, in two bodies of literature. On the one hand, in much of the sociological and anthropological literature on working class communities, authors have adopted a community-centred approach which has depicted working class communities as self-contained entities against which the state emerges as a distant or hostile entity. I argue that such a portrayal is premised upon a romanticised view of working class communities which neglects the intimate presence of the state in everyday life. On the other hand, the theoretical literature on the British state has adopted a state-centred perspective which has seen the state as a renewed source of order and authority in disintegrating communities today. My suggestion is that this portrayal rests upon a pathologising view of social decline which fails to account for the persistence of informal social relations and the challenges that these pose to the state's authority from below. Finally, moving beyond the community-centred and state-centred perspectives, I argue for the need to adopt a middle ground which combines an understanding of the nature and workings of informal relations with an acknowledgement of the ubiquity of the state. Such an approach allows us to recognise that, far from being a hostile entity or, alternatively, an uncontested source of order, the state occupies shifting positions within an overarching sociality of reciprocity and its associated demands for alliances and divisions. I refer to such an approach as the personalisation of the state.
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47

Persson, Lovisa. "Essays on Politics, Fiscal Institutions, and Public Finance." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-264462.

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Essay 1 (with Mikael Elinder): We show that house prices in general did not respond to a large cut in the property tax in Sweden. Our estimates are based on rich register data covering more than 100,000 sales over a time period of two and a half years. Because the Swedish property tax is national and thus unrelated to local public goods, our setting is ideal for causal identification of the property tax on house prices. Our result that house prices did not respond to the tax cut at the time of implementation cannot be explained by early capitalization at the time of announcement. Two other stories appear to explain our results. First, it is possible that house buyers expect an offsetting increase in the supply of housing. Second, house buyers might simply not understand how the tax cut affects total future costs of owning a house. Unfortunately, it has proven difficult to disentangle the two mechanisms, and we must therefore conclude that both may be relevant. Essay 2:  I investigate government consumption smoothing (sensitivity) under a balanced budget rule in Swedish municipalities. In general, I find Swedish municipalities to be highly consumption sensitive. Municipalities consume 87.6% out of predicted current revenues in the time period leading up to the implementation of the balanced budget rule, and they consume 76.3% out of predicted current revenue in thetime period following the implementation. Fiscally weak municipalities are found to be more consumption sensitive than fiscally strong municipalities. Very weak municipalities have become more consumption sensitive compared with very strong municipalities since the implementation of the balanced budget rule. Thus, I find indicative evidence that both credit market constraints and formal budget rules such as balanced budget rules increase municipal consumption sensitivity Essay 3: Using the Swedish municipal sector as my political laboratory, I study the effect of a coalition partner on policy outcomes. I use a version of Regression-Discontinuity Design (RDD) specifically suited to proportional systems to define close elections, which can be used for identifying the effect of the Left Party as coalition partner to the Social Democrats. The Left Party is found to have a positive and medium sized effect on the municipal income tax rate. The positive effect is in line with what we expect given the policy preferences of Left Party representatives, but also given the predictions from political fragmentation theory. I find no effects on expenditures or debt, and the negative result for investments is not robust. Essay 4 (with Linuz Aggeborn): In a model where voters and politicians have different preferences for how much to spend on basic welfare services contra immigration, we conclude that established politicians that are challenged by right-wing populists will implement a policy with no spending on immigration if the cost of immigration is high enough. Additionally, adjustment to right-wing populist policy is more likely when the economy is in a recession. Voters differ in their level of private consumption in such a way that lower private consumption implies higher demand for basic welfare services at the expense of immigration, and thus stronger disposition to support right-wing populist policies. We propose that this within-budget-distributional conflict can arise as an electorally decisive conflict dimension if parties have converged to the median voter on the size-of-government issue.

Felaktigt isbn: 978-91-85519-61-3

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48

Gatabaki-Kamau, Rose. "The politics of an expanding informal housing submarket in Nairobi, Kenya : the informal development of a middle-income settlement, 1961-1993." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.674923.

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49

Kohl, Sebastian [Verfasser], Jens [Akademischer Betreuer] Beckert, and Patrick [Akademischer Betreuer] LeGalès. "Homeowner nations or nations of tenants : how historical institutions in urban politics, housing finance and construction set Germany, France and the US on different housing paths / Sebastian Kohl. Gutachter: Jens Beckert ; Patrick LeGalès." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1072755416/34.

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50

Kohl, Sebastian [Verfasser], Jens [Akademischer Betreuer] Beckert, and Galès Patrick [Akademischer Betreuer] Le. "Homeowner nations or nations of tenants : how historical institutions in urban politics, housing finance and construction set Germany, France and the US on different housing paths / Sebastian Kohl. Gutachter: Jens Beckert ; Patrick LeGalès." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:hbz:38-61610.

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