Дисертації з теми "Politics of Fiji"
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1
Horscroft, Virginia. "Negotiating on the margin : the political economy of trade policy in the Fiji Islands 1999-2005." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670001.
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2
Ratuva, Steven. "Ethnic politics, communalism and affirmative action in Fiji : a critical and comparative study." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323054.
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3
Mason, Anthony, and n/a. "Australian coverage of the Fiji coups of 1987 and 2000: sources, practice and representation." University of Canberra. Communication, 2009. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20090826.144012.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For many Australians, Fiji is a place of holidays, coups and rugby. The extent to which we
think about this near-neighbour of ours is governed, for most, by what we learn about Fiji
through the media. In normal circumstances, there is not a lot to learn as Fiji rarely appears
in our media. At times of crisis, such as during the 1987 and 2000 coups in Fiji, there is
saturation coverage. At these times, the potential for generating understanding is great. The
reporting of a crisis can encapsulate all the social, political and economic issues which are a
cause or outcome of an event like a coup, elucidating for media consumers the culture, the
history and the social forces involved. In particular, the kinds of sources used and the kinds
of organisations these sources represent, the kinds of themes presented in the reporting, and
the way the journalists go about their work, can have a significant bearing on how an event
like a coup is represented. The reporting of the Fiji coups presented the opportunity to
examine these factors. As such, the aim of this thesis is to understand the role of the media
in building relationships between developed and developing post-colonial nations like
Australia and Fiji.
A content analysis of 419 articles published in three leading broadsheet newspapers, The
Sydney Morning Herald, The Australian and The Canberra Times, examined the basic
characteristics of the articles, with a particular focus on the sources used in these articles.
This analysis revealed that the reports were dominated by elite sources, particularly
representatives of governments, with a high proportion of Australian sources who provided
information from Australia. While alternative sources did appear, they were limited in
number. Women, Indian Fijians and representatives of non-government organisations were
rarely used as sources. There were some variations between the articles from 1987 and those
from 2000, primarily an increase in Indian Fijian sources, but overall the profile of the
sources were similar.
A thematic analysis of the same articles identified and examined the three most prevalent
themes in the coverage. These indicated important aspects of the way the coups were
represented: the way Fiji was represented, the way Australia's responses were represented,
and the way the coup leaders were represented. This analysis found that the way in which
the coups were represented reflected the nature of the relationship between Australia and
Fiji. In 1987, the unexpected nature of the coup meant there was a struggle to re-define how
Fiji should be understood. In 2000, Australia's increased focus on Fiji and the Pacific region
was demonstrated by reports which represented the situation as more complex and uncertain,
demanding more varied responses.
A series of interviews with journalists who travelled to Fiji to cover the coups revealed that
the working conditions for Australian media varied greatly between 1987 and 2000. The
situational factors, particularly those which limited their work, had an impact on the
journalists' ability to access specific kinds of sources and, ultimately, the kinds of themes
which appeared in the stories. The variation between 1987 and 2000 demonstrated that
under different conditions, journalists were able to access a more diverse range of sources
and present more sophisticated perspectives of the coup.
In a cross-cultural situation such as this, the impact of reporting dominated by elite sources
is felt not just in the country being covered, but also in the country where the reporting
appears. It presents a limited representation, which marginalises and downplays the often
complex social, cultural and historical factors which contribute to an event like a coup.
Debate and alternative ways of understanding are limited and the chance to engage more
deeply with a place like Fiji is, by and large, lost.
4
Storer, Damien. "An examination of the Australian government's response to the political events in Fiji 1987-88 /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ars884.pdf.
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5
Lönn, Gabriel. "Consociationalism in the post-colonial world : A comparative study of Fiji and Mauritius." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431734.
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6
Hitner, Verena. "Uma análise do malogro do modelo de desenvolvimento latino-americano dos anos 1990: os limites internos da Venezuela." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-18122012-103652/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
O objetivo desse trabalho é compreender o processo político e econômico de abertura pró-mercado do final do século passado que levou, na América do Sul, à ascensão dos atuais governos de mudança. Optou-se por fazer uma análise que levasse em conta o processo geral da região, mas sem perder de vista a especificidade de cada país. Desse modo, buscou-se compreender os limites internos desse processo na Venezuela. Isso porque, além de o país ter sido o primeiro a eleger um candidato crítico ao neoliberalismo, no caso venezuelano, essa maior abertura econômica da década de 1990 levou à falência do modelo político vigente. A hipótese desse trabalho é, portanto, a de que eleição de um candidato com discurso radical de ruptura com o status quo se faz possível em uma sociedade como a venezuelana, que, historicamente, tem uma consciência rentísta. O rentísmo venezuelano permitiu, ao longo da história, a eleição de candidatos autônomos e com projetos políticos próprios. Essa característica histórica venezuelana, associada à perda de legitimidade política e econômica do modelo de Punto Fijo permitiu a ascensão de Chávez. A discussão dessa hipótese é feita em três capítulos que procuram entender historicamente o processo regional de ascensão e crise do modelo neoliberal para, em seguida, analisar os limites internos da Venezuela.The work aims at understanding the reasons that led to the emergence and the demise of the economic development model implemented in Venezuela in the 1990s and how such model contributed to the collapse of the political system established by the Punto Fijo Pact in 1958. It discusses the hypothesis that the rise of the Chávez Government was possible due to a regional context marked by the exhaustion of the neoliberal economic model in Latin America and the failure of the political system of Punto Fijo. The work opted to follow an analysis that took into account the overall process in the region without overlooking the specificities of the country. Consequently, it seeks to understand the internal limits of that process in Venezuela, a country characterized by an abundance of resources. That framework of analysis was adopted because Venezuela was the first country where a President with a critical approach towards neoliberalism was elected. Likewise, it was the country where a further opening of the economy led to the fall of the (then) current political system. The Venezuelan feature of a rentier society transformed the relations between the social agents and the state in such a way that a rentistic culture was firmly established. That Venezuelan historical trait, coupled with the loss of political and economic legitimacy of the Punto Fijo model, paved the way to the rise of Chávez. The discussion of the above-mentioned hypothesis is presented throughout three chapters that seek to provide a historical explanation of the rise and the crisis of the neoliberal in order to, subsequently, analyse the internal limits of Venezuela.
7
Szuba, Mathilde. "Gouverner dans un monde fini : des limites globales au rationnement individuel, sociologie environnementale du projet britannique de politique de Carte carbone (1996-2010)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010540/document.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Au cours des années 2000, les gouvernements britanniques néo-travaillistes de Tony Blair et Gordon Brown ont porté un projet de politique publique appelé «Carte carbone», consistant à instaurer des quotas individuels d’émissions pour les particuliers. Ce projet avait initialement été formulé en 1996 par des chercheurs écologistes qui, en s’inspirant des politiques de rationnement passées, ont contribué à faire émerger un nouveau référentiel d’action publique structuré par l’idée de la finitude du monde. La mise à l’agenda de ce projet par les néo-travaillistes a cependant été suivie d’un travail de réinterprétation des limites environnementales, tendant à mettre à distance l’idée de finitude pour mieux concilier la carte carbone avec le référentiel environnementaliste de la modernisation écologique. Ce travail d’interprétation s’est doublé d’un processus d’aménagement des limites environnementales, encore éloignées par la rencontre du macrosystème énergétique avec les instruments du nouveau management public. Au terme de ce processus, le report sine die de la carte carbone témoigne d’une nouvelle relégation des limites environnementales aux marges de l’action publique. L’étude sociologique de la trajectoire institutionnelle de ce projet d’action publique vise à nourrir une réflexion plus théorique sur les difficultés d’émergence d’un référentiel de la finitude au temps de la crise écologique globale. À la lumière des travaux de la sociologie environnementale, il s’agira de montrer comment les réflexions politiques sur le rationnement participent à la recherche d’autres modalités de gouvernement dans un monde finiDuring the 2000s, the British New Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown have contemplated implementing a public policy called “Carbon card”, which consisted of allocating tradable emission rights to individuals. This project had originally been formulated in 1996 by green researchers who, drawing on past rationing policies, have contributed with this Carbon card to the emergence of a new public policy “référentiel” structured by the idea of ecological finiteness. Once agenda status was attained, however, this project was subjected to a reinterpretation of its environmental limits frame, that tended to relegate the idea of finitude, in an attempt to better conciliate the Carbon card with the ecological modernisation référentiel. This interpretation was coupled with a technical softening of environmental limits, still more relativized by the junction operated between the energy macrosystem and New Public Management-inspired policy instruments. At the outcome of this process, the indefinite postponement of the Carbon card reveals a renewed relegation of environmental limits to the margins of public action. The sociological study of the Carbon card’s institutional trajectory aims at feeding into a theoretical analysis of the obstacles to the emergence of a finitude référentiel, in a time of global ecological crisis. Drawing from environmental sociology, this work aims at showing that public policy research on rationing might contribute to investigating different ways of governing for a finite world
8
Miller, Sara Ann. "Ethnic Conflict, Electoral Systems, and Power Sharing in Divided Societies." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.
9
Robert-Meunier, Patrick. "Nature de la réforme constitutionnelle de 1999 au Venezuela." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23483.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Depuis la prise du pouvoir au Venezuela par le Mouvement Cinquième République (MVR) et son leader Hugo Chávez en 1998, ainsi que par l'implantation d'une nouvelle constitution en 1999, la face du pays a changé au plan politique. Alors que plusieurs chercheurs s’attardent à analyser les conditions ayant impulsé ces changements politiques, très peu tentent réellement d’en clarifier la nature intrinsèque. Ce que nous suggérons, c’est que la fin du monopole d’alternance au pouvoir entre les deux grands partis traditionnels (AD et COPEI) en 1998, puis l’implantation de la Constitution bolivarienne en 1999, ont fait entrer le Venezuela dans une nouvelle étape de la modernité. Cette nouvelle étape prendrait assise sur une extension des droits politiques, eux-mêmes devenus le socle de la démocratie. La conséquence de cela serait une refondation du politique inspirée des idéaux républicains promus lors de la fondation du pays en 1811 : la souveraineté et l’autodétermination.
10
George, Nicole. "Situating agency : gender politics and circumstance in Fiji." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150791.
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11
Ewins, Alistair Roderick (Rory). "Tradition, politics, and change in contemporary Fiji and Tonga." Phd thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109584.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The subject of 'the politics of tradition' has attracted increasing attention in Pacific
islands studies over recent years, particularly from historians and anthropologists. The
contemporary politics of Fiji and Tonga are considered to be particularly significant in
this regard: Fiji has experienced the reinforcement of chiefly politics since its 1987 coup;
and in Tonga, calls for democracy have presented a challenge to traditional authority for
over a decade. This study draws on interviews conducted in 1993 with sixty people
involved in government and politics in Fiji and Tonga (among them Ratu Sir Kamisese
Mara, Bishop Patelesio Finau, and 'Akilisi Pohiva) to compare the issues tradition raises
for politics in both countries, and thereby to demonstrate the importance of considering
matters of tradition within political science.
The study examines the concept of tradition, its interaction with the contemporary
politics of Fijians and Tongans, and the forces for change affecting tradition and politics.
It is argued that debates about 'the invention of tradition' and questions of authenticity in
tradition, while useful, have diverted attention from the need for theories about how
tradition works. The theories of the mind of neurobiologist Gerald Edelman are then
used to advance one such theory: that tradition should be seen as a system of group
knowledge subject to evolutionary change - change driven by a selectionary process
involving individuals' thought-processes. Further discussion explains how this process
gives rise to political conflict and hence is of importance to political science.
The role of tradition in contemporary government and other political processes in
Fiji and Tonga is then examined. Two major social forces, it is argued, are currently
influencing and changing Fijians' and Tongans' traditions and politics: education and
money. A third force, the media, is becoming increasingly influential. These forces and
others are examined, along with the sites for change in which they are at work. Land,
indigenous rights, language, ceremony, provincialism, urban/rural divisions, race
relations, religion and the family are all discussed within this framework.
Finally, the study notes the useful parallels of this discussion of tradition and
politics with discussions of postmodernism, particularly those of Walter Truett Anderson
and pragmatist philosopher Richard Rorty, and how some Fijians and Tongans could be
said to have embraced a postmodern worldview. It outlines other matters of interest to
political scientists which might be better understood in the context of tradition, and notes
how Edmund Burke viewed the politics of his day in this light two centuries ago.
12
Baledrokadroka, Jone. "Sacred king and warrior chief : the role of the military in Fiji politics." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/142804.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The role of the Fiji military in politics characterized by the 1987, 2000 and 2006 coups has been interpreted through the broad lenses of ethnic tensions and civil-military relations models. This thesis argues that those coups are best understood through an analysis of the interplay between Fijian traditional politics and the predominantly indigenous Fijian military. Like the usurpation of the traditional Sacred King by the Warrior Chief in Fiji's leading pre-colonial state of Bau, the military's role in politics today is an inversion of the neo-traditional political order, and the military has now moved from a mediator role to play a more enduring function in the governance of Fiji. Given the influence of vanua politics in modern Fiji, and the importance of the neo-traditional Turaga-Bati relationship, models of coups and military-civilian relationships drawn from the literature are of variable usefulness. Finer's Opportunity and Disposition calculus, which emphasizes the coalescence of civilian and military elites in coup making, certainly applies to Fiji and is used in this thesis. On the other hand, Fiji's military professionalism must be seen as differing from Samuel Huntington's civil supremacy model. An additional consideration examined in this thesis is the influence of international peacekeeping operations on the domestic politics of the countries from which peacekeepers are drawn. In Fiji's case, it is argued; experience in peacekeeping operations has influenced the military's self image as political mediator and encouraged it to adopt a role that encompasses security. This has correspondingly led to the militarization of government by a largely ethnic Fijian military.
13
Qalo, Ropate Rakuita. "Indigenous politics in the governance of Fiji : the case of forestry." Phd thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129396.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Indigenous Fijian politics in the modem world has been bewildering to many besides
indigenous Fijians themselves. Fijians want to change to the modem world and
simultaneously they are held back giving the impression that they do not want to .
This thesis seeks to provide an explanation as to why it seems difficult for ethnic
Fijians to change so as to accelerate social, economic and political development in
their quest for change. in the process it chooses to view Fijian politics and changes
through the forest industry.
The thesis argues that only by embracing and internalizing a legal/rational authority
will positive change and development of Fijian indigenes accelerate. Traditional
authority which dominates the Fijians' world is traced historically through the forest
industry together with dominant ideas, agents, events, industries and actors
involved.
The study is heterodoxical and eclectic, selecting data from fieldwork and
documentary sources. Conceptual tools for this work are drawn from numerous
disciplines besides politics: anthropology, philosophy, history, geography and
forestry.
Weber, and other scholars' work relating to Weber's monumental work, provide the
basis of analyses. The base of indigenous authority and legitimation of force is
established in the analyses. This is followed by an examination of the ideology of the
'Paramountcy of Fijian Interests' which serves as a legitimating factor for Fijian
leaders. The case of forestry illustrates the historical and present impact of tradition al
authority in the three models of nattrral, corporate and extension forest sectors. These
units also represent private, national and communal types . Their history,
management, and the dominant basis of legitimation are discussed and analysed from
fieldwork and documentary data. The data includes personal researches since 1984,
which are presented as appendicies. The process enables the examination of the
Fijian power base and traditional authority simultaneously highlighting Fijian politics
in the three Forestry types and in general. Forestry provides a window on the
methodology adopted to examine the dominant base of authority in the governance of
the country.
In short the thesis illustrates the impact of the dominance of traditional authority in .
the governanc.e of Fiji in general and in forestry in particular. -It highlights various ' "
weaknesses in the change and development desired by Fijians in general and forestry "
in particular. For an accelerated development a more basic change has to be put in
motion. That change is in allowing government to seriously apply a predominantly
legaVrational authority demanded internationally allowinK proper control and good
government in Fiji through a less dominant traditional base of authority.
14
Daley, Kevin. "Communalism and the challenge of Fiji Indian unity : 1920-1947." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/9893.
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15
Kumar, Avinash. "The resilience of the legislature in Fiji." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149857.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the factors that contribute to the resilience of the institution of the legislature in emerging democracies. Although an institutionalized legislature is a defining attribute of all established democracies, the vast literature on democratization pays scant attention to this key institution in emerging democracies. Apart from a few exceptions, most literature on legislatures is based on the established democracies, particularly the United States and Europe. Only a handful of scholars concentrate on the legislatures in new democracies, who generally emphasise their failures rather than their strengths in promoting democracy in those countries. This has resulted in a gap in the literature on legislatures between the established and emerging democracies. This thesis attempts to address this gap in the literature on legislatures in emerging democracies by taking Fiji's legislature as a case study, a country that has had almost no study based on its legislature.
Fiji is an example of a multi-ethnic society with an instructive track-record of incomplete or interrupted democratization. It has established and lost parliamentary regimes on a regular basis since gaining independence in 1970, thereby providing political scientists with a valuable track record of the repeated rise and fall of parliamentary institutions. Like other institutions in Fiji, the institution of the legislature has faced numerous challenges via extra-parliamentary interventions, notably coups. Notwithstanding those challenges, Fiji's legislature managed to 'bounce back' after the coups in 1987 and 2000 and will presumably return in 2014, eight years after the 2006 military coup. Amazingly, the dominant Fiji politics literature has paid almost no attention to the 'resilience' of this institution but instead has largely concentrated on its fall. This thesis accepts the notion that democratic consolidation in Fiji has largely been shallow, but it claims that analysts have ignored the positive factors that have supported the continuation of various democratic institutions, such as the institution of the legislature. Hence this thesis turns the usual research question asked about Fiji - why has Fiji had so many coups - and asks why a working democratic legislature has been the default position of Fiji politics since independence despite repeated interruptions to the democratic process. The thesis proposes and examines three key factors that explain the resilience of the legislature in Fiji: the prevalence of civil society organizations, the political parties and the international community.
Based on this proposition, this thesis argues that although the legislature is not a fully institutionalized institution in Fiji, its resilience in the face of coups and other interpolations is due to the influence of these three factors. It further argues that the emergence and the sustainability of a future legislature in Fiji can be best understood from this perspective. -- provided by Candidate.
16
Miyazaki, Hirokazu. "Artefacts of truth." Phd thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145974.
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17
Durutalo, Alumita Lawaniyavi Verebalavu. "Of roots and offshoots : Fijian political thinking, dissent and the formation of political parties (1960-1999)." Phd thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151724.
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18
Parke, Aubrey L. "Traditional society in north west Fiji and its political development : constructing a history through the use of oral and written accounts, archaeological and linguistic evidence." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/12468.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The first aim of my research project is to determine from oral accounts I recorded over a period of some fifty years, how Fijians especially in western areas of Fiji currently understand and explain (a) the origins, characteristics, development and interactions of the social and political divisions of late pre-colonial traditional Fijian society, and (b) the general principles of traditional land tenure. The second aim is to assess the reasoning, consistency and, where possible, the historical accuracy of such understandings. The period on which my project concentrates is the two centuries or so immediately prior to Cession. Under the Deed of Cession a number of the major chiefs of Fiji had offered to cede Fiji to Queen Victoria; and after the offer had been accepted, Fiji became a British Crown Colony on lOth October 1874. The traditional Fijian society and system of land tenure with which the project is particularly concerned is
referred to in this dissertation as "pre-colonial" or "pre-Cession" Fijian society. For the sake of chronological convenience, pre-colonial Fijian society has been divided into "late prehistoric" and "protohistoric" periods. "Proto-historic" refers to the century ending at Cession in 187 4 and beginning with the arrival of the first outsiders to have significant interaction with Fijians. Other studies of Fijian traditional social structure have generally concentrated on areas in the eastern parts of Viti Levu and in other parts of Fiji to the east of the main island (the so-called Na Tu i Cake). Partly for this reason and partly because I have been
familiar with the area since 1951, my investigations culminating in this dissertation have concentrated on the relatively little known west (the Yasayasa vakaRa). It is hoped that the outcome of my project will now enable people to endorse the more easily the line with which I introduce Chapter 1, "But westward look, the land is bright." Research into pre-colonial Fijian society began incidentally when I was an officer of the Colonial Service in the Fiji District Administration and in the Fijian Administration in the 1950s and 1960s. My experience and general investigations while a member of these two Administrations served as a background to my later formal research conducted directly in relation to this project. When I returned to carry out the latter research in the 1990s, I endeavoured to operate through both these
Administrations as well as through the currently recognised socio-political units or
polities.
19
Baleiwaqa, Tevita. "Rerevaka na kalou ka doka na tui = Fear god and honour the king : the influence of the Wesleyan Methodists on the institutions of Fijian identity." Phd thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148458.
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20
Slatter, Claire. "The politics of economic restructuring in the Pacific with a case study of Fiji : a thesis presented in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Department of Social Policy and Social Work, School of Social and Cultural studies, Massey University, Albany Campus, Auckland." 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1646.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The subject of this thesis is the politics of economic restructuring, euphemistically termed 'reform' in the Pacific. Although structural adjustment policies are essentially neoliberal economic policies, the project of global economic restructuring, and its supposed end, a global regime of free trade, is a political one in several respects. It involves the wielding of economic power over developing countries by powerful multilateral institutions, developed countries and private corporate entities to such a degree that it is considered by some to represent the disciplining/subjugating and dis-empowering of developing states. It is supported by a successfully propagated ideology that combines economic growth theories (held to be infallible), 'good governance' rhetoric (with which no-one can reasonably disagree), and new notions of equality and 'non-discrimination' - the 'level playing field' and 'national treatment, in WTO parlance (which have been enshrined in enforceable global trade rules). It entails redefining the role of the state, transferring public ownership of assets to private hands, and removing subsidies that protect domestic industries and jobs, all of which are strongly contested. Successfully implementing 'reform' is widely acknowledged to require not only 'reform champions' but also 'ownership', and thus broad acceptance and legitimacy, yet commitments to restructuring are often made by government ministers without reference at all to national parliaments. National economic summits are used to rubber stamp or legitimate policies in a fait accompli. The thesis begins by situating the global regime of structural adjustment within the political context of North-South relations in the 1970s, the debt crisis of the early 1980s, and the collapse of socialist regimes and consequent discrediting of the socialist economic model and other variants of state-led development. It shows the key role of the World Bank in advocating the neoliberal model and setting the development aid agenda, and its abdication of this lead role after 1995 in favour of the World Trade Organisation and its agenda of global trade liberalisation. The thesis then examines the origins, agents and interests behind structural reform in the island states of the Pacific before focusing on how a regional approach to achieving regional wide economic restructuring and trade liberalisation is being taken, using a regional political organisation of Pacific Island states (The Pacific Islands Forum), and regional free trade agreements. It then illustrates the path of economic restructuring embarked on by Fiji following the 1987 coups, examines the implementation of 'economic reform' concurrently with policies to advance the interests of indigenous Fijians, and discusses some of the less acknowledged dimensions of reform.
21
Woods, Brett A. "The causes of Fiji's 5 December 2006 coup : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Arts in Political Science in the University of Canterbury /." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2740.
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22
Emde, Sina. "Between equality and hierarchy : articulating the multicultural nation in postcolonial Fiji." Phd thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151142.
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23
Lowry, Cynthia A. "A political economy perspective of social cost-benefit analysis : a case study of rural electrification policy in Fiji." Thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/10118.
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