Статті в журналах: "Politics of affluence"

1

Qu, Lina. "Waste on the Tip of the Tongue: Social Eating Livestreams (Chibo) in the Age of Chinese Affluence." Asiascape: Digital Asia 8, no. 1-2 (June 17, 2021): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142312-12340131.

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Abstract This article investigates Chinese social eating livestreams (chibo) in the context of China’s 2020 campaign against food waste. It argues that the subgenre ‘big stomach kings’, a target of the campaign, evinces the moral implications of Chinese affluence, of which food waste is exemplary. The emerging affluence in China has normalized conspicuous, wasteful consumption and given rise to a local form of flaunting wealth called ‘xuanfu’. Chinese social media are inundated with xuanfu images, a symptom of the necessary psychosocial adaptation to affluence. Isolating the ‘big stomach kings’ livestreams from the social context of xuanfu, the anti-waste campaign glosses over the underlying social issue of the vast wealth gap between the affluent and the poor. To expose the ethical controversy of these livestreams, the article also analyzes their gender politics by parsing the mystifying image of female ‘big stomach kings’, whose slim bodies are in stark contrast to their enormous appetites.

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Hudson, Ray. "Reconstruction, affluence and labour politics: Coventry 1945–1960." Journal of Historical Geography 18, no. 2 (April 1992): 238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-7488(92)90148-3.

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Ingimundarson, Valur. "'A Crisis of Affluence': the Politics of an Economic Breakdown in Iceland." Irish Studies in International Affairs 21, no. 1 (2010): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2010.0013.

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Ingimundarson, Valur. "'A Crisis of Affluence': the Politics of an Economic Breakdown in Iceland." Irish Studies in International Affairs 21, no. -1 (January 1, 2010): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2010.21.57.

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Dietz, Thomas, Kenneth A. Frank, Cameron T. Whitley, Jennifer Kelly, and Rachel Kelly. "Political influences on greenhouse gas emissions from US states." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no. 27 (June 15, 2015): 8254–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1417806112.

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Starting at least in the 1970s, empirical work suggested that demographic (population) and economic (affluence) forces are the key drivers of anthropogenic stress on the environment. We evaluate the extent to which politics attenuates the effects of economic and demographic factors on environmental outcomes by examining variation in CO2 emissions across US states and within states over time. We find that demographic and economic forces can in part be offset by politics supportive of the environment—increases in emissions over time are lower in states that elect legislators with strong environmental records.

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Black, Lawrence. "Which? craft in Post-War Britain: The Consumers' Association and the Politics of Affluence." Albion 36, no. 1 (2004): 52–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054436.

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Consumption has recently acquired key importance in re-interpreting post-war British politics. Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska has argued the Conservative construction of a popular alliance in opposition to rationing and controls was crucial to their electoral recovery after 1945 and in securing an advantage among women voters. A wealth of evidence indicates Labour, by contrast, had scant purchase on affluence in the later 1950s. It was not only, as Amy Black and Stephen Brooke would have it, “Labour's befuddlement at the problem of women and gender,” but that it was ambivalent, if not hostile, towards the goods, lifestyles and values associated with consumerism and the people obtaining and exhibiting them. Other factors blur differentiation between the parties. Both were affiliated to the world of production—through their business and trade union links. Richard Findley has contended the Conservative abolition of resale price maintenance (RPM, whereby manufacturers fixed retail prices) in 1964, aroused electorally deleterious opposition from manufacturers and backbenchers. And while Labour consumerists were rare commodities, as is argued here, Labour revisionism made an important contribution to the Consumers' Association (CA).This focus on consumerism corrects the neglect of it by narratives like political consensus or historians' consuming passion with production and work. It arises from rethinking Britain's much vaunted “decline” as, for example, the transition to a post-industrial society. In Matthew Hilton's hands how the consumer “interest” was variously articulated and gendered becomes a means to unlock modern citizenship and the configuration of private and public spheres.

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Prabhakar, Akhilesh Chandra. "Regional Energy Security Cooperation and Geo-Politics with Specific References to India." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 3 (2005): 357–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905774270484.

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Abstract The path from Africa to Indonesia – via West Asia, Central Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia – has been of vital interest to North America. Situated at a junction of three continents – namely Asia, Africa, and Europe – linkage over land and across sea between Europe and the Indian Sub-continent on the one side and Africa and India on the other side, it offers the shortest and cheapest trade and transit routes between the West and the East. It commands a vast reservoir of oil – about 60 percent of the world's proven reserves of oil – which enormously contributes to the affluence of the United States.

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Inoguchi, Takashi. "The Nature and Functioning of Japanese Politics." Government and Opposition 26, no. 2 (April 1, 1991): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01132.x.

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JAPAN'S INCREASING AFFLUENCE AND ITS INFLUENCE IN world affairs have led many to inquire about the functioning of Japanese politics and how one should deal with the Japanese in government or business negotiations. With the steady rise of such interest in Japan, the study of Japanese politics has started to flourish at home and abroad. It was impossible to predict one or two decades ago that one would find so many students, many of whom have a good command of the Japanese language, enrolled in a graduate course on Japanese politics in major US universities. Writings on Japanese politics have started to attract many more general readers, not just a small group of specialists in Japanese politics whose number would not reach, by any method of calculation, one thousand in the whole world. In this article I shall summarize and discuss some major debates on the nature and functioning of Japanese politics with some recent illustrations. The following three subjects have been chosen: decision-making and policy implementation, power structure and the nature of democracy.

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Gellner, Ernest. "Nationalism and politics in Eastern Europe." European Review 1, no. 4 (October 1993): 341–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700000752.

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The article restates the theory of Nationalism, which it links to the transition from agrarian to industrial or industrializing society. In an agrarian society, culture is used to underscore a complex and fairly stable system of statuses. Political units themselves are complicated and overlapping and ill-defined, and culture does not demarcate their boundaries. In an industrial society, work ceases to be physical and becomes semantic, and society itself is highly mobile. Under these circumstances, a shared and standardized, codified culture, inculcated by formal education, becomes a precondition of social participation and employability. When shared, literacy-linked culture is very important, people identify with it and thus become ‘nationalists’. The article also traces the five stages which Europe has passed in the course of this transition: the perpetuation of the old dynastic/religious political system in 1815, the century of nationalist irredentism, the setting up of a political system in 1918 based on nationalities which was weak and self-defeating, the most intensive period of ‘ ethnic cleansing’ in the 1940s under the cover of war-time secrecy and post-war retaliation, and finally a certain demolition of the intensity of ethnic feeling during advanced industrialism, thanks to the partial convergence of industrial cultures and the softening impact of affluence.

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Enssle, Manfred J. "Five Theses on German Everyday Life after World War II." Central European History 26, no. 1 (March 1993): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019944.

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To order an untidy past, historians identify and interpret significant pivots in the development of nations. One such pivot in the fractured history of twentieth-century Germany was the period between 1945 and 1949. In these brief postwar years, a remarkable “mutation” of German politics and society began under Allied tutelage. In this interregnum between Hitler and Adenauer, a war-devastated West Germany started on the path “from shadow to substance.” As the Bonn Republic endured, historians started to trace its origins back to certain political and economic structures first erected in the postwar years. Increasingly, they emphasized postwar Weichenstellungen, or turning points, which influenced later events. By the 1980s, this structuralist view strongly suggested that contemporaries of the years 1945–1949 had actually lived through the Vorgeschichte, or prehistory, of the Federal Republic, and of affluence.

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Macfarlane, Daniel, and Andrew Watson. "Hydro Democracy: Water Power and Political Power in Ontario." Scientia Canadensis 40, no. 1 (July 3, 2018): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1048923ar.

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Drawing on Timothy Mitchell’s Carbon Democracy, and using envirotechnical analysis, we probe how the materiality of energy—public hydropower—influenced democracy and governance in Ontario during the early twentieth century. Within Canada, hydro-electricity disproportionately shaped the politics of Ontario and Canada-US relations during the first half of the century. Within the province, it provided the energy-based affluence that underpinned claims for a liberal and democratic society. But residents experienced the consequences of hydropower unevenly. Urban and industrial residents enjoyed most of the benefits, while rural residents and Indigenous peoples living close to hydro developments endured the burdens of development.

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12

Cole, Ross. "Industrial Balladry, Mass Culture, and the Politics of Realism in Cold War Britain." Journal of Musicology 34, no. 3 (2017): 354–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2017.34.3.354.

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Focusing on a series of pioneering radio ballads produced for the BBC between 1958 and 1961 by Ewan MacColl, Charles Parker, and Peggy Seeger, this article explores representations of industrial working-class culture in folksongs of the radical Left. Situating such work in relation to A. L. Lloyd, mass culture, the nascent New Left, gender, and the aesthetics of social realism (distinct from the project of Soviet socialist realism), I argue that early radio ballads were nostalgic panegyrics for the integrity of working-class identity in the face of unprecedented socio-economic change. At the very moment when distinctively masculine working-class traditions seemed to be at risk of disappearing under the rising tide of affluence, Conservative Party rhetoric, female emancipation, and the emergence of a classless commodity utopia, these programs generated a portrait of an unwavering British subculture damaged and defined by capitalist exploitation yet resistant to the unwelcome advance of globalized modernity. Ultimately, such work revealed far more about MacColl’s own political convictions than about the intricacies of working-class life in Britain.

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Mihesuah, Devon. "Searching for Haknip Achukma (Good Health): Challenges to Food Sovereignty Initiatives in Oklahoma." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 41, no. 3 (January 1, 2017): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.41.3.mihesuah.

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In the last three decades, tribes have initiated numerous food projects, including seed distribution, farmers' markets, cattle and bison ranching, and community and school gardens. These enterprises are steps towards achieving what many food activists refer to as “food sovereignty,” that is, tribal self-sufficiency and the ability to supply nutritious and affordable foods to tribal members. As many food activists have discovered, food production and distribution and maintaining healthy environments for farming, hunting, and gathering involve a complex meshing of social, political, religious, economic, and environmental concerns. Oklahoma is home to thirty-eight tribal nations. The state's multifaceted history, environmental issues, and current politics—including uneven food quality, poor indigenous health, intratribal factionalism, racism, and the glaring dichotomy of affluence and extreme poverty—presents opportunities for discussion about food initiatives. This paper discusses the meaning of “food sovereignty” and uses examples from Oklahoma to address some challenges of creating self-sufficient food systems and reconnecting tribal members with their traditional foodways.

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MAHIET, DAMIEN. "Charles Burney; or, the Philosophical Misfortune of a Liberal Musician." Eighteenth Century Music 10, no. 1 (February 6, 2013): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570612000358.

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ABSTRACTThe moral and political propriety of musical pleasure constituted one of Charles Burney's continuous lines of thought from the 1770s to the 1790s. As a public figure, the music historian found himself called upon to state why music matters – in a preface, a dedication or an essay. Like Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Burney read in musical performances symptoms of contemporary society and politics, but, unlike Rousseau, he perceived in modern music signs of civilization's progress. Musical excellence, according to Burney, required both freedom and affluence; thus while Burney rejected absolutist monarchy, he nevertheless praised the achievements of court culture. Indeed, his advocacy of music as an ‘innocent luxury’ reads as an addendum to eighteenth-century disputes on the morality and benefits of luxury. The social implications of this definition of music, however, are problematic: while Burney acknowledged the right of each individual to feel as they please, he also claimed for the music critic the exclusive authority to speak publicly about music. This essay explores these aspects of Burney's political philosophy of music in relation to the works of Rousseau, Montesquieu, Avison, Wollstonecraft and Hume.

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ErfanManesh, Raheleh, Lahya HosseiniKermani, Ali Piri, and Maryam ForoughiNiya. "The Impact of Religion, Science, Economy and Politics on Seljuq Dynasty Metalworking." Modern Applied Science 10, no. 6 (April 10, 2016): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/mas.v10n6p67.

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We have experienced significant development in art, industry and science through rise of Seljuq dynast. It has smoothed its way in the field of governing over people based on relying on religion. Also, it has attempted to connect its blood to Iranian myths. The presence of all Kufic scripts, fights, and kings battles and female harp player in the metal dishes can demonstrate the impact of politics and religion on the art marvelously. Astrology has impacted Khorasan School and Seljuq dynasty's metalworking and ethereal designs have been included one of the decorative designs in art of this era. The new metal combinations which have been invented by Muslims have an important effect on metalworking industry. In addition to science development, the economic condition of the society has helped to the affluence of metalworking specially inlaying metalworking in this era. The questions which are considered in this study include: has accepting Islam religion by Seljuq dynasty affected Khorasan School metalworking? What has been the effect of sciences like chemistry, alchemy and astrology on metalwork of this era? How much Seljuq dynasty has been impacted by pre-Islamic art? For achieving proper answers, the method of research is descriptive-analysis and information has been chosen by library research method. The purpose of this study demonstrates the close connection between rational, religious, politics and art sciences.

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Taylor-Gooby, Peter. "Introduction: Themed Section on Social Welfare and Social Democracy." Social Policy and Society 1, no. 1 (January 2002): 35–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746402001057.

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For much of the post-war period, the advanced industrial nations of Europe congratulated themselves on having it both ways: successful capitalist economies which also provided effective welfare states – affluence plus social justice. Commentators have traditionally seen social democracy as the friend of social welfare. More recently, the virtuous liaison of social democratic politics with successful democratic welfare capitalism has been called into question. Welfare states face pressures from economic globalisation, population ageing, spending constraint and changes in labour markets and in family patterns; it is argued that traditional social democratic approaches find it difficult to pursue policies that will enable welfare states to adapt and continue to combine high social standards with economic growth in the changed conditions of the twenty-first century. In short, the social democratic welfare state is outmoded.

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Rollings, Neil. "Nick Tiratsoo. Reconstruction, Affluence and Labour Politics: Coventry 1945–60. New York: Routledge, Chapman & Hall. 1990. Pp. ix, 176. $75.00." Albion 24, no. 2 (1992): 371–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050861.

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Johnston, Hank, and Shoon Lio. "Collective Behavor and Social Movements in the Postmodern Age: Looking Backward to Look Forward." Sociological Perspectives 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 453–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389559.

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This article specifies several ways in which the collective behavior portion of Collective Behavior/Social Movement (CBSM) studies may be revitalized in the near future. The revitalization will occur because repertoires of extra-institutional challenge emerging in the postmodern age seem to fall outside the way social movements have been theorized in the last twenty-five years. Today's postmodern trends—increasing consumerism and affluence, individualism, demographic complexity, ideological diversity, global migration, and constant innovation in communications technology—have proliferated new social identities and deconstructed social identities imposed by the Other. As a result, postmodernity's complexities are multiplying the number of small, diverse, and diffuse groupings defining themselves in challenging ways outside the corridors of politics. Indeed these groupings may in the years to come recast what some see as a social movement society into a CBSM Society of diverse challenges to the institutional order.

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Glatthorn, Austin. "In the Name of the Emperor." Journal of Musicology 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2018.35.1.1.

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In July 1786 Prince Carl Anselm of Thurn und Taxis concluded that he had no choice but to dissolve his Italian court opera. This owed in part to the success of the German theater, which had been established in 1784 to rival the Prince’s Hoftheater and contest his position as the Holy Roman Emperor’s representative to the Reichstag in Regensburg. New evidence challenges the prevailing view that the dissolution of the Taxis’s court opera marked the end of the family’s musical patronage and involvement in Regensburg’s cultural life. In the face of opposition from other Reichstag officials, the Thurn und Taxis continued their investment in music and theatrics, appropriating outdoor spectacles of a kind popular earlier in the century to project imperial power. The prince affirmed his position as the emperor’s representative in such older displays of affluence and standing but updated them to suit contemporary tastes. Carl Anselm’s musico-political theatrics around 1789 demonstrate that although Italian opera failed to articulate the legitimacy he intended to project, his culture of political representation conducted in the name of the emperor endured well into the twilight years of the eighteenth century. To understand the continued musical patronage of this contested and middling prince is to appreciate more fully the methods by which music, spectacle, and politics were negotiated during a transformative period in European history.

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Ficek, Ryszard. "Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński’s Concept of Christians Engagement in Culture." Warszawskie Studia Teologiczne 34, no. 1 (September 27, 2021): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30439/wst.2021.1.4.

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The Christian concept of involvement in culture, as defined by Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, exposes man in his entire personal vocation from the perspective of all essential dimensions of his existence. In this sense, all historical-political or socio-cultural processes - affecting society as a whole - always refer to a specific human person. In the context of all these essential dimensions, man is understood as a homo artifex. Thus, the fullness of man’s personal affluence becomes the ultimate and fundamental principle, subject, and goal of culture. Therefore, the article aims to answer the question: can the personalistic concept of a human being constitute the basis for forming and influencing the culture, especially in contemporary reality? Stefan Wyszyński’s personalism treats Christian involvement in culture regarding a vocation addressed to every human being. Moreover, by emphasizing elements such as the human person, family, nation, state, the international community, culture, economy, and politics, as well as the Church proclaiming the universal message of salvation, the personalistic vision of culture emphasizes its praxeological character, rooted in a specific human existence and oriented towards the supernatural dimension. Therefore, the human person is directly involved in the stream of modern civilization and its cultural changes, as well as finds his proper place in the dynamically changing realities of the contemporary world.

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LARGE, STEPHEN S. "MODERN JAPAN'S TROUBLED PURSUIT OF ‘WEALTH AND POWER’." Historical Journal 40, no. 2 (June 1997): 537–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007280.

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Japan through American eyes: the journal of Francis Hall, Kanagawa and Yokohama, 1859–1866. Edited and annotated by F. G. Notehelfer. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992. Pp. 652. £39.00.Sabotaging the shogun: Western diplomats open Japan, 1859–69. By John McMaster. New York: Vantage Press, 1992. Pp. 201. $16.95.Japan and the world since 1868. By Michael A. Barnhart. London: Edward Arnold, 1995. Pp. 198. £40.00 hbk: £13.99 pbk.The abacus and the sword: the Japanese penetration of Korea, 1895–1910. By Peter Duus. Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 1995. Pp. 480. £37.50.Race and migration in Imperial Japan. By Michael Weiner. London and New York: Routledge, 1994. Pp. 278. £37.50.Voluntary death in Japan. By Maurice Pinguet. Oxford: Polity Press, 1993. Pp. 365. £45.00.Shōwa: the Japan of Hirohito. Edited by Carol Gluck and Stephen R. Graubard. London and New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1992. Pp. 315. £8.95.Arming Japan: defence production, alliance politics, and the postwar search for autonomy. By Michael J. Green. New York: Columbia University Press, 1995. Pp. 206. £30.00.The technological transformation of Japan: from the seventeenth to the twenty-first century. By Tessa Morris-Suzuki. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. 304. £35.00.The emptiness of Japanese affluence. By Gavan McCormack. Armonk, New York and London: M. E. Sharpe, 1996. Pp. 311. £16.95.

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Abdul Razzaq, Umme Aymen, and Shama Naz. "U-15 Economics discussions in sahihain and today's Muslim Society." Al-Aijaz Research Journal of Islamic Studies & Humanities 4, no. 2 (December 19, 2020): 222–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/u15.v4.02(20).222-250.

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All praises are for Allah who blessed the Muslims by revealing the Holy Quran and himself took the responsibility of its safety through safe-guarding the Sunnah and the sayings of the Holly Prophet (peace be upon him). The Holy Quran and the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) can be separated from each other. These are the two streams emerging from source, according to the saying of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him), “I am leaving two things among you, if you strictly follow them, you will never be distracted. These are the book of God and the Sunnah of his Prophet (peace be upon him)”. Along with being the fundamental source of the Hadith, the ‘Sahihain’ are regarded as the “Ash-ul-kutab”. In ‘sahihain’ the Al-Hadith encompasses all the spheres of life including sociology, politics, affairs of daily life and morality. On the other side, there is an extensive description of the principles of economics. The Holy Quran has regarded wealth and earnings as the foundation of the survival of human life. In the present age, it is the need to run the four elements of economics that are earning of wealth, distribution of wealth, exchange of wealth, and division of wealth for highlighting the Islamic economy. Unless society is not established on solid economic grounds, prosperity and affluence cannot be the fate of an individual. Keeping in vein and a survey of principles of economics in Sahihain will be presented."

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Maccaferri, Marzia. "Intellettuali italiani fra societŕ opulenta e democrazia del benessere: il caso de "Il Mulino" (1958-1968)." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 1 (May 2009): 45–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001002.

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- By the 1950s the process of economic reconstruction in Italy was widely considered as accomplished with the welfare consumerist society starting to take hold, albeit not without its contradictions. Shifting the perspective of the analysis from the economic aspects to the socio-political ones of consumption, this essay seeks to reconstruct the debate that was developed by the group of intellectuals of the journal Il Mulino over the challenges posed by the transformation of lifestyles and culture as a consequence of the establishment of the so-called affluent society in the years spanning between the publication of John Kenneth Galbraith's work and 1968. By analysing political works and archival materials the article sheds light on the key issues of the debate as well as on the connection between, on the one hand, the issue of welfare and the consumer revolution, and space and political legitimation, on the other. It is focused on the analytical process that, starting from the reception of Anglo- American sociology and political science, would then conceptualise the standard of living and access to consumption and leisure time as an element of political legitimacy and a redefinition of the relations between citizens and government. The article then analyses the democratisation of affluence and what intellectuals like Giorgio Galli, Luigi Pedrazzi, Nicola Matteucci identified as the political formula capable of providing adequate answers to this new aspect of the modernisation process: the Centre-Left DCPsi alliance. In conclusion, the author deepens the hypothesis drafted by the Il Mulino group concerning the superseding of the "sclerosis of the Italian party system, that is the imperfect two-party system, interpreted as being the diagnosis of the Italian political stalemate and a solution to" the political issue of affluence. Key words: welfare society, affluent society, political issue of welfare, consumer society, the Sixties in Italy, intellectuals of the Il Mulino, DC-Psi Centre-Left coalition, imperfect two-party system DC-Pc

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Castles, Francis G. "The dog that didn't bark: economic development and the postwar welfare state." European Review 8, no. 3 (July 2000): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004932.

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This paper focuses on the linkages between postwar economic and social policy development. Examining the relationship between affluence and levels of welfare over the period as a whole reveals a tendency for social expenditure effort to be higher in moderately affluent then in extremely affluent nations. Turning to the question of how economic growth impacted on welfare expansion in the early postwar decades, the paper argues that growth was a necessary, rather than a sufficient, condition of welfare development. Finally, analysis of the era of welfare containment suggests that domestic economic performance has been the main factor conditioning expenditure change

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Ahsan, A. H. M. Kamrul, Peter Walters, and Md Adil Khan. "Service Delivery and Accountability of Urban Officials: Evidence from Urban-based Local Government in Bangladesh." South Asian Survey 28, no. 2 (June 11, 2021): 222–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09715231211016312.

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This study compares the state of city government service delivery for communities living in different areas with different level of affluence in Rajshahi City in Bangladesh. Based on the results of a qualitative study, we found a significant service disparity between the affluent and the poor communities. This disparity is due to the inability of the poor to hold service providers accountable, attributable to a lack of knowledge about services and a lack of social status. Lack of quality monitoring and a marked bias in the quality of interactions between the poor and the affluent contribute to the service disparity This disparity is largely invisible to the poor who, instead of comparing themselves with the affluent citizens, compare themselves with a similar class of people.

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Toft, Maren. "Enduring contexts: Segregation by affluence throughout the life course." Sociological Review 66, no. 3 (November 23, 2017): 645–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026117741051.

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Although temporal processes are fundamental to the ‘spatialization of class’, they remain understudied. This article thus provides empirical evidence of residential pathways in the Oslo region over the life course; it does so by using population-wide data in a 24-year panel, while focusing on residency in affluent and deprived areas. By utilizing sequencing and clustering techniques, the analysis shows that exposure to dense poverty and affluence is reproduced and intensified within individual biographies; this is indicative of vastly limited life experiences from late adolescence into adulthood. Accordingly, the relationship between class origins and class destinations that is often reported in studies of class mobility is likely to be reinforced due to prolonged experiences in advantaged or disadvantaged surroundings over time. Rather than being ‘stuck in place’, however, the disadvantaged are more geographically mobile and less spatially isolated than their affluent counterparts. The socio-spatial patterns suggest that the affluent employ strategies of spatial withdrawal that may be enabled by a dual process of closure consisting of the extensive marketization of housing and classed sentiments of belonging. The article argues that revealing the way in which spatially mediated contexts unfold throughout the life course seems to hint at spatialized processes of class structuration, thereby shedding light on contemporary inequality.

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Burke, Ronald J., Mustafa Koyuncu, Lisa Fiksenbaum, and Halil Demirer. "Time affluence, material affluence and well‐being among Turkish managers." Cross Cultural Management: An International Journal 16, no. 4 (October 23, 2009): 386–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13527600911000357.

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28

Shin, Naomi Lapidus, and Ricardo Otheguy. "Social class and gender impacting change in bilingual settings: Spanish subject pronoun use in New York." Language in Society 42, no. 4 (August 28, 2013): 429–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404513000468.

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AbstractThis study examines the role of social class and gender in an ongoing change in Spanish spoken in New York City (NYC). The change, which has to do with increasing use of Spanish subject pronouns, is correlated with increased exposure to life in NYC and to English. Our investigation of six different national-origin groups shows a connection between affluence and change: the most affluent Latino groups undergo the most increase in pronoun use, while the least affluent undergo no change. This pattern is explained as further indication that resistance to linguistic change is more pronounced in poorer communities as a result of denser social networks. In addition we find a women effect: immigrant women lead men in the increasing use of pronouns. We argue that the women effect in bilingual settings warrants a reevaluation of existing explanations of women as leaders of linguistic change. (Language change, social class, gender, bilingualism, Spanish in the US, pronouns)*

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29

GAŁGANEK, Andrzej. "Życie międzynarodowe rzeczy. Przedmioty luksusu i codziennego użytku w społecznej historii stosunków międzynarodowych." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.3.1.

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The paper discusses the potential of objects, broadly understood luxury ‘items’ and necessities, in order to present uneven and combined development as the foundation of the social history of international relations. The author evidences that this approach to ‘objects’ allows us to achieve, at the very least, the following: (1) to observe the single social world which emerges after the division into ‘internal’ and ‘international’ is rejected; (2) to ‘touch’ the international outside the realm that the science of international relations usually associates with international politics; (3) to examine the social history of international relations, abandoning the approach that dominates in traditional historiography where production processes are privileged over consumption processes; (4) to demonstrate how human activities create internationalism. Discussing apparently different processes related to the international life of broadly understood ‘objects’, such as African giraffes, Kashmiri shawls, silk, the importance of English items for the inhabitants of Mutsamudu, or the opera Madame Butterfly the author identifies similar patterns which, although sometimes concealed, demonstrate the consequences of uneven and combined development for the social history of international relations. Prestige goods express affluence, success and power. They are usually objects manufactured from imported raw materials or materials, with limited distribution, which require a significant amount of labor or advanced technology to create. In contrast to everyday necessities, owing to their high value, prestige goods are exchanged over long distances through networks established by the elite. The analysis of manufacturing, exchange and social contexts related to prestige goods constitutes a significant source for understanding the social history of international relations. The examples in the paper present control over these goods as a source of political power. The control of raw materials, production and distribution of prestige goods is perceived as key to maintaining hierarchical social systems. Objects are inescapably related to ideas and practices. Uneven and combined development leads to meetings between people and objects, either opening or closing the space, allowing for their transfer and domestication, or rejection and destruction respectively. Concentration on the analyses of objects outside of modernization models or comparisons between civilizations and the conscious narrowing of perspective offers a tool with a heuristic potential which is interesting in the context of international relations. Comparative observation of objects (‘single’ elements of reality) via cultures undergoing uneven and combined development protects us from historiographic western exceptionalism. It also shows that the division between the ‘internal’ and ‘international’ unjustifiably splits the social world and makes it impossible to understand.

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30

Cooper, Richard N., and Gavan McCormack. "The Emptiness of Japanese Affluence." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 6 (1996): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047846.

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31

Rothman, Stanley, and Paul L. Wachtel. "The Poverty of Affluence." Political Psychology 6, no. 3 (September 1985): 547. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791091.

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32

Majima, Shinobu, and Mike Savage. "Contesting Affluence: An Introduction." Contemporary British History 22, no. 4 (December 2008): 445–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619460802439358.

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33

Christopher, Andrew N., Ryan D. Morgan, Pam Marek, Jordan D. Troisi, Jason R. Jones, and David F. Reinhart. "Affluence cues and first impressions: Does it matter how the affluence was acquired?" Journal of Economic Psychology 26, no. 2 (April 2005): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.joep.2004.02.002.

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34

Clement, Matthew Thomas, and Camila Alvarez. "The Inequality of Mundane Environmental Change: Assessing the Impacts of Socioeconomic Status and Race on Neighborhood Land Development, 2001–2011." Sociological Perspectives 63, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 292–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121419857984.

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Theoretical frameworks in environmental inequality suggest that affluent, white, and educated communities have a greater ability to control local environmental change. With a focus on neighborhood-level land development, the authors evaluate this proposition considering the spatial shifts that are reshaping metropolitan areas across the United States at the beginning of the twenty-first century. With coverage for 52,473 metropolitan census tracts, the authors integrate sociodemographic variables from governmental sources with longitudinal data on developed land area from the National Land Cover Database, 2001–2011. Controlling for a host of other factors, results from spatial regression models with fixed effects show that new land development is negatively associated with affluence and educational attainment. Situating the notion of environmental privilege in a historical context, we propose that, with the “back to the city” movement, these groups are moving back into the urban core, which is already relatively built-out and thus has a lower rate of new land development.

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35

Ross, Fiona. "Framing Welfare Reform in Affluent Societies: Rendering Restructuring More Palatable?" Journal of Public Policy 20, no. 2 (August 2000): 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00000805.

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This paper investigates the conditions under which political framing can render welfare restructuring more palatable. I start by asking two research questions. What are the necessary (albeit perhaps insufficient) conditions that allow leaders successfully to frame welfare reform? To what extent are these conditions evident across welfare regimes? I identify four variables that affect leaders' opportunities for framing social policy: (1) extant frames, (ii) actors, (iii) institutions and (iv) policy arena. After examining the four dominant types of frames found across affluent societies, I review the discursive politics surrounding The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act as a case where all four conditions for framing welfare reform coalesced.

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36

McVeigh, Brian J., and Gavan McCormack. "The Emptiness of Japanese Affluence." Pacific Affairs 75, no. 4 (2002): 605. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4127361.

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37

Harmon, Mark D. "Affluenza." International Communication Gazette 68, no. 2 (April 2006): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048506062228.

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38

Frohlich, Xaq. "Accounting for Taste: Regulating Food Labeling in the “Affluent Society,” 1945–1995." Enterprise & Society 13, no. 4 (December 2012): 744–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700011447.

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Accounting for Taste examines the history of the US Food and Drug Administration's regulation of markets through labels as a form of public–private infrastructure, built through the ceaseless work (and antagonisms) of public regulators, the food industry, and expert advisors. From public hearings on setting “standards of identity” for foods to rule making on informative labels like the Nutrition Facts panel, it links a narrow history of institutional change in food regulation to broader cultural anxieties of twentieth-century America, arguing that the recurrence to informative labels as a political solution reflects a transformation in not only scientific understandings of dietary risk but also cultural understandings about the responsibility of consumers. In describing this “informational turn” in food politics, the dissertation foregrounds the important role of intermediaries, specifically consumer and health experts, and intermediate spaces, such as labels, in the framing of political debates about the production and consumption of everyday goods.

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39

Lorenzi, Peter. "Affluence, Consumption and the American Lifestyle." Society 45, no. 2 (February 9, 2008): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-008-9060-1.

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40

Liu, Ran. "Do Family Privileges Bring Gender Equality? Instrumentalism and (De) Stereotyping of STEM Career Aspiration among Chinese Adolescents." Social Forces 99, no. 1 (October 30, 2019): 230–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soz137.

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Abstract When studying the persistent underrepresentation of a women in science, engineering, technology, and mathematics (STEM) fields across different countries, some evidence shows a paradox of affluence: gender differences in STEM aspirations and outcomes are found to be more pronounced in more developed, postindustrial countries and among students from more affluent families. The argument of “indulging gendered selves” provides an explanation: students in more affluent settings are less compelled to pursue lucrative STEM careers and more encouraged to indulge gendered passions as a form of self-expression. Extending this argument, this paper uses nationally representative data from China to examine the effect of family privileges on adolescents’ STEM aspirations. Two distinct mechanisms are identified: instrumentalism, which considers the instrumental calculation of material security and economic returns in developing career aspirations, and (de) stereotyping, which considers whether family privileges cultivate or alleviate gender stereotypes. Findings show that less privileged girls such as ethnic minorities and those having rural hukou tend to have higher instrumental motivation to learn math, indicating an instrumentalism mechanism; on the other hand, girls with privileges such as higher parental education and more books at home enjoy more gender-egalitarian values, indicating a de-stereotyping mechanism. Moreover, Internet access at home as a privilege can foster gender stereotypes and decrease students’ motivation to learn math, and the latter association is stronger for girls than boys. Results suggest the importance of distinguishing the instrumentalism and (de) stereotyping mechanisms and the need for educational programs to refute gender stereotypes.

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41

Kavetsos, Georgios, and Pantelis Koutroumpis. "Technological affluence and subjective well-being." Journal of Economic Psychology 32, no. 5 (October 2011): 742–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.joep.2011.05.004.

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42

Armstrong, Andrea. "Affluence, Mobility and Second Home Ownership." Housing Studies 26, no. 6 (September 2011): 967–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673037.2011.592385.

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43

Connor, Michan Andrew. "Race, Republicans, and Real Estate: The 1991 Fulton County Tax Revolt." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 5 (August 18, 2015): 985–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144215598963.

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A 1991 reappraisal of property in Atlanta and Fulton County, Georgia, corrected systemic inequalities in property taxation that had subsidized affluent whites during a boom period. Many of those homeowners responded to reassessment by initiating a major tax revolt. The tax revolt failed to stop reassessment but won lasting victory in the political arena. Tax revolt politicians successfully linked the economic grievances of taxpayers to resentments against black political leaders and the poor, replaced older, moderate suburban politics with confrontation, and sped partisan realignment and Republican ascendancy in the state. Historical perspective on the politics of the Fulton County tax revolt supports the conclusion that metropolitics were essential to the development of “color-blind” or “laissez-faire” forms of racial ideology that became the dominant mode of American racial discourse in the post–Civil Rights era.

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44

Rodríguez-de-Francisco, Jean Carlo, Bibiana Duarte-Abadía, and Rutgerd Boelens. "Payment for Ecosystem Services and the Water-Energy-Food Nexus: Securing Resource Flows for the Affluent?" Water 11, no. 6 (May 31, 2019): 1143. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w11061143.

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Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) is not only a prominent, globally promoted policy to foster nature conservation, but also increasingly propagated as an innovative and self-sustaining governance instrument to support poverty alleviation and to guarantee water, food, and energy securities. In this paper, we evaluate a PES scheme from a multi-scalar and political-ecology perspective in order to reveal different power dynamics across the Water-Energy-Food (WEF) Nexus perspective. For this purpose, we analyze the PES scheme implemented in the Hidrosogamoso hydropower project in Colombia. The paper shows that actors’ strongly divergent economic and political power is determinant in defining how and for whom the Nexus-related water, food, and energy securities are materialized. In this case, the PES scheme and its scalar politics, as fostered by the private/public hydropower alliance, are instrumental to guaranteeing water security for the hydropower scheme, which is a crucial building-block of Colombia’s energy security discourse. For this, the water and food securities of the adjacent, less powerful communities are sacrificed. Examining the on-the-ground politics of WEF Nexus is key to understanding their impact on equitable and sustainable governance of water, energy, and food in the everyday lives of millions of resource users. We conclude that politicizing the Nexus can help to trace both the flows of resources and the flows of power.

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45

Blok, Anders, and Hans-Peter Y. Qvist. "Anmeldelser." Dansk Sociologi 32, no. 2 (October 17, 2022): 75–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v32i2.6729.

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Anmeldelser af følgende: Pierre Charbonnier: Affluence and freedom: An environmental history of political ideas. Anmeldt af Anders Blok. Frank van Tubergen: Introduction to Sociology. Anmeldt af Hans-Peter Y. Qvist.

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46

Witko, Christopher. "The Politics of Financialization in the United States, 1949–2005." British Journal of Political Science 46, no. 2 (August 27, 2014): 349–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000325.

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Financial activity has become increasingly important in affluent economies in recent decades. Because this ‘financialization’ distributes costs and benefits unevenly across groups, politics and policy likely affect the process. Therefore, this article discusses how changes in the power of organizations representing the ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ of financialization affect its pace. An analysis of the United States from 1949–2005, shows that when unions are stronger, and when the Democratic Party is in power and is more reliant on the support of working-class voters, financialization is slower. In contrast, when the financial industry is more highly mobilized into politics, financialization is faster. The study also finds that financial deregulation was one policy translating the political power of these actors into economic outcomes.

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47

Hay, P. R., and M. G. Haward. "Comparative Green Politics: Beyond the European Context?" Political Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1988): 433–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00240.x.

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It is argued that there are significant differences between green electoral politics in Europe and green developments in the affluent non-European west, and that these are such that, despite the greater political formalization of the green movement in Western Europe, there is a sense in which North American and Antipodean developments are ultimately more fundamental than those that have occurred in Europe. Loosely adopting explanatory categories employed by Rudig and Lowe in a Political Studies article, we examine evidence under four sub-heads: electoral thresholds; the historical legacy of the environment movement; the different contextual roles played by the anti-nuclear movement and wilderness experience, and ecology, Marxism and the new left.

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48

Coffie, Amanda, and Lembe Tiky. "Exploring Africa's Agency in International Politics." Africa Spectrum 56, no. 3 (October 27, 2021): 243–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00020397211050080.

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A protracted conventional knowledge within mainstream International Relations (IR) has been that African agents (states, organizations, and diplomats) are consumers of international norms and practices designed in the affluent countries of the Global North. Papers in this special issue present a challenge to this view; they discuss the active role and the influence of African actors in international politics and renew a call for the development of IR theories, concepts, and methods that reflect Global Southern and African experiences, ideas, institutions, actors and processes.

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49

Boulding, Carew, and Claudio A. Holzner. "Community Organizations and Latin America’s Poorest Citizens: Voting, Protesting, and Contacting Government." Latin American Politics and Society 62, no. 4 (September 24, 2020): 98–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2020.17.

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ABSTRACTHow do Latin America’s poorest citizens participate in politics? This article explores the role that community organizations play in mobilizing individuals into three common modes of political participation: voting, protesting, and contacting government. It argues that community organizations help mobilize poor individuals both through the resources they provide for mobilization and because they serve as sites where political parties target individuals for mobilization. It analyzes survey data from LAPOP surveys for 18 Latin American countries and finds that overall, poor people are just as politically active as more affluent individuals; that involvement in community organizations is a very strong predictor of all types of political participation; and that membership in organizations has an especially strong effect on voting and protesting for poor people. By equalizing levels of political participation across income groups, organizations help erase class-based inequalities in participation that have plagued democracies in the region.

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50

McCormack, Gavan. "Response to review ofthe emptiness of Japanese affluence." Asian Studies Review 23, no. 2 (June 1999): 271–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357829908713235.

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