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1
Guvenc, Deniz Ali Woloshin. "Max Stirner: Ontology, Ethics, Politics." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38841.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Max Stirner has historically been charged with nihilism, narcissism, and nominalism. Yet there exists another Stirner—a Stirner attentive and responsive to the intricate uncertainty of existence. I argue that we can find in his destructive an-archism a spirited celebration of creativity and experimentation; in his wild anti-humanism, a gentle sympathy for the human life; in his aggressive atheism, an unwavering clemency for the heathen. Stirner’s vagabond ontology, egoist ethics, and insurrectionary politics culminate in a singular, joyful affirmation: there are other ways of being.
2
Bandinelli, Carolina. "Social entrepreneurship : sociality, ethics, and politics." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2017. http://research.gold.ac.uk/20533/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Social entrepreneurship is a growing cultural phenomenon that involves a variety of actors – politicians, academics, business men and women, private citizens - across a range of interconnected fields – e.g. social work, sustainable development, the sharing economy and technological innovation. Notwithstanding its heterogeneous manifestations, social entrepreneurship is characterised by the attempt to re-embed social and ethical dimensions within the individualised conduct of the entrepreneur of the self. The aim of this dissertation is to investigate how this process is thought of and negotiated on a subjective level by young social entrepreneurs in London and Milan. Based on an understanding of social entrepreneurs as individuals who perceive work as a means for self-expression, I contextualise this enquiry within the field of cultural studies on the changing nature of labour in neoliberal societies. This thesis draws on an 18-month period of multi-sited and reflexive fieldwork that involved recorded interviews, participant observation and action research. Combining thick ethnographic descriptions and theoretical analysis, I focus on social entrepreneurs’ understanding of sociality, ethics, and politics, in so far as they are intertwined with the discourses and practices of entrepreneurship. My argument develops in three stages: to begin with, I show that social entrepreneurs engage in opportunistic and compulsory sociality; then, I dwell on social entrepreneurs’ individualised form of ethics; finally, I contend that social entrepreneurs enact and embody a post-political subjectivity. This subjectivity is defined by discourses and actions whose scope and significance are restrained within the bounds of individuals’ experience and influence. What remains inevitably excluded from this conception of politics is the possibility to of formulating a structural analysis of social issues. In this respect, my research may be regarded as a study on how the neoliberal subject par excellence – the entrepreneur of the self – attempts to retrieve and reclaim her political and ethical agency, and what the implications and limits of this endeavour are.
3
Boran, Idil. "The ethics and politics of linguistic coexistence." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2002. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/NQ63406.pdf.
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4
Corcos, Alex. "Guy Debord's Situationism : theory, politics, ethics, protest." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/88598/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Guy Debord (1931-1994) was the director of the International situationniste journal and de facto leader of the group of artists, writers, filmmakers and political agitators who went by the same name. This thesis will consider his many articles, signed and unsigned, that he contributed to the journal alongside his films and the theoretical work for which he is best known, La Société du spectacle (1967) in order to analyse and critique his written, filmic and organisational contribution to the group. The notion of ‘Situationism’, one Debord and the Situationists disdained, will be examined in the course of an assessment of the Situationists’ enduring relevance to contemporary debates in thought and politics as well as to the theory and practice of protest. In resistance to attempts to cast the Situationists as Romantic idealists who founded their critique of society upon a notion of unalienated human nature in need of freeing from the fetters of a capitalistic spectacle, it will be argued that the Situationists presented a radical rejection of such notions in elaborating their own conception of the capacities for egalitarian political subjectivation. The first chapter deals with the formative influence of Marx and Marxism on Debord’s La Société du spectacle and Situationist theory more generally. The second chapter examines the Situationist concept of détournement, the diversion or hijacking of pre-existing cultural elements in new works, with particular reference to Debord’s films. A third chapter presents a particular conception of ethics which emerges from both the writings and the organisational practice of the Situationist International before a final chapter assessing the Situationists’ pertinence to twenty-first century emancipatory politics.
5
O'Byrne, Cheryl. "An Ethos of Dialogue: The Aesthetics, Ethics and Politics of Australian Matriography." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29796.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This project explores life narratives Australian daughters have written about their mothers and published since 1990. It analyses how the daughters navigate the tensions between their desire to write the mother’s story and the myriad factors that impede their view and process; and it concentrates on the ethical and political implications of their aesthetic choices. At one end of the aesthetic spectrum (chapter 1) is a realist memoir which disregards the layers of mediation between text and mother. At the other end (chapter 5) is an avant-garde matriography which thematises these layers. Rather than argue that the move away from realism corresponds to a more ethical rendering of the mother—as hypothesised at the commencement of the project—the thesis argues that ethics derives from the extent to which the daughter acknowledges the complexity of her matriographical endeavour and of her mother subject. The thesis shows the ethical imperative for complexity is relevant on the interpersonal level, between daughter and mother, and that it extends to the political level: matriographies that depict complex maternal subjects, whether descriptively or through formal experimentation, contribute to undermining a Western cultural imaginary that, in Jacqueline Rose’s words, identifies motherhood as “the ultimate scapegoat for our personal and political failings.” A sixth chapter attends to Aboriginal daughter-mother writing and shifts attention from the ethics of settler writing to the ethics of settler reading. Echoing the interest in complexity that animates the first five chapters, it argues that an ethical reading position requires the settler to adopt a nuanced recognition of Aboriginal daughter-mother texts as aesthetic and political objects. The thesis, therefore, highlights the potential for activism inherent in Australian matriographies, and it articulates the conditions of composition and reception that should be met to ensure this potential is realised.
6
Ejizu, Chris I. "ETHICS OF POLITICS IN NIGERIA: THE CHRISTIAN PERSPECTIVE." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1359.
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7
Dickenson, Donna. "Moral luck in medical ethics and practical politics." Thesis, Open University, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.329198.
Повний текст джерела
8
Fung, Ronald Kam Fai. "The Science, Ethics and Politics of Contemporary Xenotransplantation." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16275.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Due to the shortage of human donor organs and tissues, xenotransplantation has been championed as an alternative for patients with critical organ and tissue failure. For example, porcine islet transplantation could treat exocrine pancreatic insufficiency in Type 1 diabetes. Through a case study on Type 1 diabetes, this thesis highlights the therapeutic promise and scientific, clinical, ethical and regulatory challenges of clinical xenotransplantation. In clinical trials to date, porcine islet transplantation temporarily restored endogenous insulin production in a subset of patients however long-term efficacy remains to be achieved. Xenotransplantation also faces the significant barriers of immune rejection and xenozoonosis – the transmission of infectious agents from porcine grafts to human hosts, their close contacts and the broader community. Yet groundbreaking gene editing technologies like CRISPR/Cas9 could allow production of xenografts that are less immunogenic and pose minimal risk of xenozoonosis. There are also ethical concerns that clinical xenotransplantation undermines the moral status of animals and the personal liberties of xenograft recipients who are subjected to lifelong surveillance. However, these issues are not unique to xenotransplantation and parallels may be drawn with synthetic biology, another emerging biotechnology. As Australia develops a regulatory framework for xenotransplantation research, the uncertainty surrounding the public health risks suggests that a precautionary approach should be adopted. And although xenotransplantation research is fraught with scientific, clinical and ethical challenges, this should motivate policy makers and other stakeholders to devise innovative regulatory mechanisms that enable it to proceed in a safe and ethically defensible manner. As is the case with other emerging biotechnologies like stem cell therapy, it may take several decades before the full potential of xenotransplantation is realised.
9
Schwarz, Elke. "The biopolitical condition : re-thinking the ethics of political violence in life-politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/760/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This project interrogates how the biopolitical rationale conditions our contemporary subjectivities, politics and ethics, in order to critique the ethical justifications of technology driven practices of political violence put forth in present counter-terrorism struggles. Employing the work of Hannah Arendt, and her insights into life-politics and technology to construct a biopolitical lens that adds to traditional Foucaultian analyses of biopolitics, my original contribution to knowledge is thus twofold in a) elaborating core aspects of an Arendtian theory of biopolitics, with which then to b) identify the theoretical underpinnings of biopolitically informed forms of ethics in emerging practices of technology-driven political violence. While a number of scholars have drawn on Arendt for the analysis of the biopolitical dimensions of contemporary violence, a systematic independent account of her work on biopolitical trajectories and technologies remains under-developed in current scholarship. In this work, I suggest that the Arendtian life-politics account allows us to recognise a duality at work in the biopolitical shaping of subjectivities: the politicisation and technologisation of zoe, on one hand, and the ‘zoeficiation’ of politics on the other. It is this duality that conditions the human, politics, and the role and justifcations of violence in modernity. Within these two umbrella categories, the project addresses the equally under-examined but pressing question of the ethics of technology-driven modalities of political violence in a contemporary context and argues that a biopolitically informed rationale of ethics occludes the possibility to engage with ethics as a perpetual and ever-anew arising and political demand that must be taken responsibility for. The analysis in this work unfolds in two parts to draw out and critically address the biopolitically informed ethical rationales of political violence. The first part engages closely with Arendt’s work to establish the theoretical framework of biopolitics for the project’s central analysis. The second part then departs from an exposition of Arendt’s work and draws on this framework to highlight and critique the implications of biopolitically infused subjectivities, politics, violence and ethics.
10
Pascarella, John Antonio. "Friendship, Politics, and the Good in Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc801900/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, Books VIII and IX provide A philosophic examination of friendship. While these Books initially appear to be non sequiturs in the inquiry, a closer examination of the questions raised by the preceding Books and consideration of the discussion of friendship's position between two accounts of pleasure in Books VII and X indicate friendship's central role in the Ethics. In friendship, Aristotle finds a uniquely human capacity that helps readers understand the good is distinct from pleasure by leading them to think seriously about what they can hold in common with their friends throughout their lives without changing who they are. What emerges from Aristotle's account of friendship is a nuanced portrait of human nature that recognizes the authoritative place of the intellect in human beings and how its ability to think about an end and hold its thinking in relation to that end depends upon whether it orders or is ordered by pleasures and pains. Aristotle lays the groundwork for this conclusion throughout the Ethics by gradually disclosing pleasures and pains are not caused solely by things we feel through the senses, but by reasoned arguments and ideas as well. Through this insight, we can begin to understand how Aristotle's Ethics is a work of political philosophy; to fully appreciate the significance of his approach, however, we must contrast his work with that of Thomas Hobbes, his harshest Modern critic. Unlike Aristotle, Hobbes is nearly silent on friendship in his political philosophy, and examining his political works especially Leviathan reveals the absence of friendship is part of his deliberate attempt to advance a politics founded on the moral teaching that pleasure is the good. Aristotle's political philosophy, by way of contrast, aims to preserve the good, and through friendship, he not only disentangles the good from pleasure, but shows a level of human community more suitable for preserving the good than political regimes because these communities have more natural bonds than any regime can hope to create between its citizens.
11
Baderin, Alice. "Political theory, public opinion and real politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7fa3ccbe-1a70-4d6f-95ce-54146da83af1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
If we are interested in questions about how we ought to organize our political lives, what kind of weight, if any, should we give to evidence about what people actually think? The thesis explores this question about the role of public opinion in normative political theory. First, I disentangle a number of distinct justifications for taking account of public opinion. Specifically, the thesis evaluates four views of the status of public opinion: as an epistemic resource; a feasibility constraint; a means of democratizing political theory; or constitutive of moral and political ideals. I defend the epistemic argument, outlining two forms in which popular attitudes represent a valuable epistemic resource. The thesis criticizes the feasibility and democratic accounts of the role of public opinion as these are presented in the existing literature, but suggests more convincing ways of reconstructing these arguments. Finally, I reject the view that public opinion constitutes the ideal of justice, arguing that such an account is subject to a fundamental tension. As well as clarifying the status of popular attitudes, the thesis addresses the methodological difficulties that arise when we seek to bring public opinion to bear on ideas from political theory, whose meaning and status in everyday political thought and discourse is often limited or uncertain. I outline two approaches to integrating normative theory with the investigation of popular attitudes that mitigate the methodological problems that often confront such projects. The second major aim is to situate the question of the role of public opinion in the context of wider debates about the aims and methods of contemporary political theory. In particular, I address recent demands for greater ‘realism’ in political theory, distinguishing two main strands of realist critique and drawing out their contrasting implications for the role of public opinion.
12
Ho, Anita Tsz-Shan. "The ethics and politics of health-care resource allocation." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ60297.pdf.
Повний текст джерела
13
Pace, Jessica Lee. "The Ethics and Politics of Accelerated Access to Medicines." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26494.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Introduction: Australia’s systems for registering and funding medicines are well-established and internationally respected for their success in facilitating access while also protecting patients from harm and ensuring system sustainability. However, in recent years, there have been increasing concerns about whether these systems hinder access to medicines that patients want or need. In response, a number of “accelerated access” initiatives have been implemented to facilitate faster access. However, the risk-benefit balance of such schemes is currently unclear—while they may provide patients with a wider range of treatment options and earlier access to therapies, there is also increased uncertainty surrounding the safety, efficacy and cost-effectiveness of medicines made available via these pathways. Their impacts for stakeholders—including patients, physicians, members of the pharmaceutical industry and the general public—are likely to be significant and stakeholder engagement is therefore essential to determine the best way to proceed.
Methods: This ethically-informed stakeholder analysis consisted of two phases. The first involved semi-structured interviews with physicians about their views on and experiences with accelerated access and standards of efficacy, safety and cost-effectiveness that they want to be applied by regulatory and funding bodies. The second was a mixed methods phase exploring consumer perspectives on this phenomenon. This consisted of an in-depth investigation of media debates surrounding three different forms of accelerated access (coverage with evidence development, cancer drugs funds and initiatives to promote access to medicines used to treat rare diseases) and semi-structured interviews with patient advocates and focus group interviews with patients.
Main findings: Through this study, I have generated an-depth description of the diverse views of patients and physicians regarding accelerated access. In phase 1, we identified three “archetypes” of physicians: “confident accelerators”, “cautious accelerators” and “decelerators”. Although all acknowledged the potential risks and benefits of accelerated access, they disagreed on their magnitude and extent and how they should be balanced in both policy formation and clinical practice. In phase 2, analysis of media debates illustrated an emotive discourse, with stakeholders emphasising the importance of timely access to new therapies and barriers that current regulatory and reimbursement systems pose and little discussion of issues such as uncertainty surrounding safety and efficacy and cost-effectiveness of new therapies and the opportunity costs of funding these. However, interview participants were more cautious. While they noted a number of reasons for alternative access mechanisms, they were also cognisant of potential risks and viewed ongoing data collection and disinvestment and market withdrawal as ways to address these. Participants in both phases also identified a number of factors—such as transparent decisions made by people with relevant expertise, based on a thorough consideration of both scientific evidence and stakeholder perspectives—required to ensure appropriate decision-making processes. Overall, stakeholder views are varied, nuanced, and largely reasonable, with consideration of both benefits and risks and respect for and understanding of perspectives that differ from their own.
Discussion and Conclusions: Stakeholder analysis suggests that there are a number of reasonable views on how we should respond to increasing calls for accelerated access to medicines. I draw on theories of protopianism, pragmatism and incrementalism to argue that the best way to proceed here is to focus on incremental changes to our current systems. While not perfect, these have evolved into something stable, workable and, on the whole, just. While small changes might at times be warranted, calls to drastically change our standards of evidence—as advocated by some—are unjustified and could have serious consequences. However, policy makers cannot simply ignore these calls and must respond to them. I argue that they can do this by focusing on legitimate policy and decision-making (looking at both the structure of the system and specific decisions made about particular therapies). I use theories of legitimate decision-making—such as Daniels and Sabin’s Accountability for Reasonableness, Gutmann and Thompson’s Standards for Assessing the Process of Health Policy Decision-Making and Clark and Weale’s Process Values for Healthcare Priority Setting—to identify both forces that may undermine legitimacy in this area and actions that policy makers can take to address this. I conclude with a number of practical suggestions to ensure both that the benefits of our current systems are maintained and harms to individual patients and the broader healthcare system are minimised.
14
Vasanthakumar, Ashwini. "The ethics of exile : the normative grounds of exile politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.573751.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this dissertation, I identify the normative grounds of exile involvement in homeland politics to determine whether and when exile activism is morally permissible, required, and legitimate. I draw on case studies throughout the thesis, and especially from the fo Iowing three exile communities: Iranians, Sri Lankan Tamils, and Tibetans. In Part I, I argue that exiles may be entitled to participate in and influence homeland politics. I consider two grounds: first, that exiles are stakeholders whose interests are affected by political developments in the homeland, and who are therefore entitled to some say in those developments; and second, that exiles are the representatives of silenced or otherwise marginalized groups in the homeland. I identify the conditions under which exiles can legitimately claim each of these grounds and the challenges they face in satisfying these conditions. In Part Il, I turn to the question of whether exiles are subject to special responsibilities to remain involved in homeland politics. I identify four bases for exile responsibilities: capability to assist; shared identity; shared oppression; and complicity in collective wrongdoing. I conclude that exiles' special capabilities to provide assistance impose a minimum duty of publicity. Exiles' activism that goes beyond this duty may be accounted for by their reasons from identity, oppression, or complicity.
15
Lacy, Mark James. "Global responsibility and climate politics : ethics, uncertainty and international relations." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367784.
Повний текст джерела
16
RODRIGUES, CARLA. "TRACES OF THE FEMININE: ETHICS AND POLITICS IN JACQUES DERRIDA." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=17394@1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROEste trabalho se propõe a refletir sobre a maneira como o filósofo Jacques Derrida pensa o feminino e faz articulações entre o pensamento do feminino e a maneira como ele pensa a ética e a política. Estão em debate temas caros ao pensamento da desconstrução, como o questionamento da metafísica da presença e sua respectiva garantia de sentido; a suspensão, entre aspas, de todos os conceitos filosóficos, o tratamento do sexual, do identitário e do ontológico e suas relações com o tema da diferença; além das proposições do feminino como estrutura radical de acolhimento. Através de tais tematizações, o autor recoloca em novos termos tanto a ética, renomeada de hospitalidade incondicional, quanto a política, que passa a ser chamada de responsabilidade infinita.
This work intends to reflect on how the philosopher Jacques Derrida thinks the feminine and makes links between the thoughts of the feminine and the way he thinks ethics and politics. Are in discussion topics important to deconstruction, as the questioning of the metaphysics of presence; the suspension in quotation marks, of all philosophical concepts, the treatment of sexual, the identity and ontological and its relationship to the theme of difference, beyond the propositions of the feminine as otherness. Through such discussions, the author brings back in terms of both new ethics, renamed unconditional hospitality, as the policy, which shall be called the infinite responsibility.
17
Fagan, Madeleine. "Responsibility at the limit : the line between ethics and politics." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/33a342c1-77d2-443c-bbd6-eae3dc68df87.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis engages critically with the question of how poststructuralist notions of ethics and responsibility might inform practical politics. The thesis reviews extant literature in Politics and International Relations which addresses this question and identifies a series of problematic assumptions that underlie these approaches. These tensions are, I argue, a result of a disjuncture between the question asked and the literature drawn upon to answer it. To explore these issues further the thesis then goes back to the work of Emmanuel Levinas, Jacques Derrida and Jean-Luc Nancy which underpins much of the secondary literature, to provide alternative readings of these authors which allow for a different framing of responses to this question. Rather than approaching ethics and politics as originally separable or derivable from one another the thesis argues that the focus needs to shift instead to the relationship between these concepts. The originary ethics drawn from Levinas in order to provide an ethical politics is, I argue, not straightforward. Instead, as the question is traced through this literature the notion of a transcendent Other and the corresponding idea of a pure ethical or responsible relation as a necessary or possible starting point for ethics is challenged. Nancy’s focus on the line or limit refigures the relationship between ethics and politics in such a way that they are only on the line which both separates and joins them. In this alternative reading both immanence and transcendence are corrupted as grounds, so nothing remains to provide answers on the better way to proceed. Ultimately, returning to the original question, this means that there are no grounds—particularly ethical ones—on which to construct a ‘politics of’ anything; only ethical-political decisions on possible answers can be made.
18
Dimmick, Jeremy Neil. "Patterns of ethics and politics in John Gower's 'Confessio Amantis'." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272295.
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19
Malecka, Joanna. "The ethics, aesthetics and politics of Thomas Carlyle's 'French Revolution'." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2017. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8182/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
‘The Ethics, Aesthetics and Politics of Carlyle’s French Revolution’ examines the work of Thomas Carlyle as a crucial aesthetic intervention in the modern reception of the French Revolution in Europe. It interrogates the prevalent critical constructions of Carlyle’s work and finds them to proceed predominantly from the Whig historical agenda, structured around such key nineteenth-century concepts as utilitarianism and civilisational and moral progress. Within this critical framework, Carlyle’s largely conservative cultural stance and Christian spirituality are hardly allowed any creative potential and, ever since the famous fabrication of James Anthony Froude who depicted Carlyle as ‘a Calvinist without the theology’, they have been perceived as artistically-stunted, irrational, and out of touch with the nineteenth-century political, social and cultural realities. In examining Carlyle’s involvement with German Romanticism on the one hand, and with contemporary British periodical press on the other, this thesis proposes a more comprehensive reading of Carlyle’s politics, aesthetics and spirituality in an attempt to represent his radically open, catholic and indeed cosmopolitan artistic agenda which taps into the Scottish Enlightenment concept of rationality, Calvinist scepticism towards nineteenth-century progressivism and acute perception of evil in this world, and post-Burkean Romantic aesthetics of the sublime. We chart the aesthetic movement from Carlyle’s early dialogue with Schiller and Goethe to ‘The Diamond Necklace’, Carlyle’s first artistic rendition of the French pre-revolutionary scene, delivered as a (Gothic) moral tale and anticipating The French Revolution (a historical work that uniquely employs the Gothic genre within historical narrative, arguably unparalleled in British post-Burkean Romanticism). The critical reception of The French Revolution in Britain is examined, with special attention paid to the highly unfavourable review by Herman Merivale in The Edinburgh Review, in order to challenge the Whig line in Carlylean criticism and to expose the fundamental artistic, political and moral disagreement between Carlyle and Merivale. Carlyle’s Calvinist stance sees both Merivale’s and Thomas Babington Macaulay’s facile exorcism of the categories of good and evil from their historical agendas as irrational given the recent French terror (which, in Carlyle’s reading, released its demons precisely through such a botched ethical deal). Similarly, I highlight Carlyle’s close dialogue with John Stuart Mill both in their correspondence, and in the publications in the London and Westminster Review, while I argue that this intellectual exchange is crucial for the reading of The French Revolution as a text challenging Mill’s utilitarianism, and written within the institutional framework of the contemporary periodical press. Finally, Carlyle is seen to make capital of the concepts of Gothic and sublime, introduced by Edmund Burke and popularised by the Anti-Jacobin Review in Britain, by applying them directly to the French mob in search of a new spiritual tongue for his times (a move that even a nineteenth-century radical liberal thinker such as Mill sees as politically, if not artistically, far too subversive and revolutionary). Creative non-conclusiveness and playful deconstruction of the prevalent post-revolutionary narratives of 1789 characterise Carlyle’s deeply spiritual and artistically-sophisticated text, which, in an orthodox Christian reading, rejoices in the messy, dark and complex residue of human history, through which Christian providence acts in mysterious and unexpected ways that do not allow for any simple, de-mythologised reading.
20
Godsell, R. M. "Liberal ethics in South Africa since 1948 : power, principle and responsible action." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15832.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation examines a four part hypothesis: (a) that liberal ethics in South Africa, particularly since the victory of the (Afrikaner) National Party in 1948, have been characterised by a sense of political powerlessness; (b) that as a consequence of this powerlessness, these ethics have been more concerned with principle, motives, conscience and internal consistency than with the consequences of liberal action; (c) that this sense of powerlessness is not justified in the social and political environment of the 1980's; and therefore, (d) that liberals should review their ethical approach with a view to developing an ethic of responsible liberal action.
21
Eryilmaz, Enes. "Politics, Law And Morality: David Hume On Justice." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613424/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis evaluates David Hume&rsquos notion of justice by examining the coherence in his legal, moral, and political philosophy. It is argued that on the whole, Hume&rsquo
s use of the concept justice is coherent in his theories of law, ethics, and politics. To this end, firstly, Hume&rsquo
s moral thought is examined in detail. Secondly, his legal theory and his position in legal philosophy are considered with references to its moral aspects. Next, Hume&rsquo
s notion of justice is examined in its relation with the state. It is observed that Hume&rsquo
s conception of justice has moral, legal, and political foundations, and that all of these subjects depend on the same principles. It is shown that the laws of justice constitute an ethical, legal, and political issue in Hume&rsquo
s philosophy. According to Hume, although obeying the rules of justice is a moral topic, the laws of justice are guaranteed by the state in large societies.
22
Lockwood, David Gordon. "Moral theory and political practice : a rule-consequentialist account of the relation between ethics and politics." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.584954.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Many philosophers argue for the Distinct Political Morality Thesis, which holds that private and political life are governed by different normative theories. I reject this claim, and must therefore find a theory that adequately encompasses both realms. I argue in Part I of this thesis that rule-consequentialism offers a defensible compromise. However, standard accounts of the theory are vulnerable to the 'collapse/incoherence dilemma'. Brad Hooker's version solves the collapse objection, but still faces difficulties associated with rule-worship and conflicts between rules. I attempt to resolve these with a modified version of rule-consequentialism. This introduces two new elements: practice-rules, which incorporate qualifications and exceptions, and general background principles that act as tie-breakers between practice-rules. The theory also takes account of agents' intentions. I additionally argue that a cognitivist metaethical theory is a precondition of intelligible political and moral discourse, and defend Onora O'Neill's version of Constructivism as the most persuasive non-Realist candidate. In Part III examine arguments offered in support of the Distinct Political Morality Thesis. I briefly survey attempts to detach ethics from politics, and demonstrate that there is a continuum, and no rigid distinction, between public and private. It might be held that politics is characterised by irreconcilable demands and hence true dilemmas, and that political decisions are luckily morally good in their consequences. I seek to show that moral 'dilemmas'; and moral 'luck' are both fictions. I next examine and reject the claim that 'dirty hands' cases show that political agents are not bound, and must sometimes commit acts forbidden, by everyday morality. 'Many hands' scenarios also raise particular problems, for unless we can attribute determinate collective responsibility and intentions to groups and institutions, the problem of luck recurs. Finally, I investigate the implications of large-scale policy decisions involving stochastic processes.
23
Le, Fort Olivia. "The politics of amnesty /." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83955.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since Antiquity, the granting of amnesty to past atrocities has played a prominent role in political transitions. However, the moralized discourse of human rights that has emerged after the end of the Second World War has called for prosecutions in such cases. This study shows that granting individual amnesties to those responsible for past atrocities, as opposed to their prosecution, is a critical element in paving the way towards homonoia---harmony or concord---in a community that has been affected by civil strife. After having explored the origins of amnesty in Ancient Athens and its similarities with the amnesties granted by early modern European peace treaties and the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the author argues that individual amnesty constitutes the only way of uncovering the truth about past atrocities. This is turn facilitates the forgiving of perpetrators and thus the achievement of homonoia. Moreover, individual amnesty, as mainly a political act, can nevertheless encompass considerations of justice, when the notion is not restricted merely to its punitive aspect.
24
Riek, Christine Leviczky. "The problems with social cost-benefit analysis : economics, ethics and politics." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26112.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the problems with social cost-benefit analysis in three areas -- economics, ethics and politics -- and suggests how these problems might be addressed in government project review processes. Problems in economics are empirical, methodological or theoretical dilemmas that make a social cost-benefit analysis difficult to prepare and interpret. Problems in ethics stem from the value judgments implicit in a social cost-benefit analysis that may be in conflict with the ethical beliefs of some individuals in society. Problems in politics stem from the various powers of individuals in a political process and challenge the relevancy of analysis.
A literature survey, primarily of welfare economics but also of environmental ethics and political theory, is used to determine the various problems with social cost-benefit analysis, while a case study is used to illustrate how these problems are reflected in practice. Similarly, ideas for improvement are drawn from the literature of environmental impact assessment and these ideas are illustrated by applying them to the case study. The problems are discussed according to the stage of analysis at which they occur: problem definition, specification of objectives, selection of alternatives, prediction of consequences, and evaluation of alternatives. The case study is of the social cost-benefit analysis of B.C. Hydro's proposed Site C hydroelectric development and the associated project review process of the B.C. Utilities Commission Act.
Empirical problems in economics range from: defining "wicked problems"; measuring interpersonal utility; defining and measuring consequences; obtaining adequate data; and evaluating or recognizing intangibles. Methodological problems in economics include: predicting consequences; elements of bias in evaluation techniques; the neglect of non-users in evaluation techniques for non-market resources; option values for environmental resources; and evaluating irreversible project consequences. Theoretical problems in economics stem from: narrow problem definitions and incomplete specification of alternatives which hinder achievement of optimal decisions; the theory of "second best"; the Scitovsky reversal paradox; the need for actual compensation to take place under certain situations; the use of willingness-to-pay or willingness-to-be-compensated measures of consumer surplus; the selection of a discount rate; and the effect of risk and uncertainty on evaluation.
Ethical problems in social cost-benefit analysis arise from: the existence of multiple and conflicting problem definitions and sets of alternatives; Arrow's Impossibility Theorem which precludes the specification of a social welfare function; value judgments made implicitly in the methods of inquiry in both economics and the science needed for impact prediction; the existence of non-utilitarian frameworks that conflict with the utilitarian emphasis of social cost-benefit analysis; the reductionist nature of valuing environmental resources; the judgments made about individual rights in the selection of willingness-to-pay and willingness-to-be-compensated measures; and the judgments made about future generations in the selection of a discount rate.
Political problems in social cost-benefit analysis are evident in: the hidden agendas and political goals of politicians, bureaucrats and interest groups; incentives to bias problem definition and alternative selection in order to justify a politically but not necessarily economically justified project; incentives to restrict the boundaries of analysis to provincial boundaries; and incentives to overstate benefits, understate costs and neglect qualitative project effects.
Some of the economic, ethical and political problems can be resolved by changing the way that government project review processes operate. Three broad changes are recommended: a two-tier review process which clearly separates evaluation from the preceding stages of analysis; an increased use of public and interdepartmental review in the early stages of analysis; and a flexible and experimental approach to evaluation.Business, Sauder School of
Graduate
25
Coca, Annabel. "Embodied Ethics: Difference, Politics, and the Dissolution of Good and Evil." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1290201241.
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26
Doody, Sean T. "The Politics and Ethics of Food Localism: An Exploratory Quantitative Inquiry." VCU Scholars Compass, 2016. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/4120.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The local food movement has become a prominent force in the U.S. food market, as represented by the explosive expansion of direct-to-consumer (DTC) marketplaces across the country. Concurrent with the expansion of these DTC marketplaces has been the development of the social ideal of localism: a political and ethical paradigm that valorizes artisanal production and smallness, vilifies globalization, and seeks to recapture a sense of place and community that has been lost under the alienating conditions of capitalism’s gigantism. Supporters of localism understand the movement to be a substantial political and economic threat to global capitalism, and ascribe distinct, counter-hegemonic attributes to localized consumption and production. However, critics argue that localism lacks the political imagination and economic power to meaningfully challenge global capitalism, and that it merely represents an elite form of petite bourgeois consumption. While scholars have debated this issue feverishly, there is a dearth of empirical cases measuring whether or not actual local consumers understand their local consumption within the political and ethical frame of localism, leaving much of the discussion in the realm of esoteric theorizing. This study seeks to uncover whether or not local consumers interpret their local consumption habits within localism’s moral framework by using an original survey instrument to gather primary data, and conducting an exploratory quantitative inquiry.
27
Forry, Joan Grassbaugh. "The Gender Politics of Contemporary Sport: Ethics, Power, and the Body." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2008. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/8021.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
PhilosophyPh.D.
Gendered power relations in sport pose important problems for mainstream feminist and ethical arguments for the alleviation of gender-based oppression. Though mainstream feminist theorists and applied ethicists have largely left sport undertheorized, some multi- and inter-disciplinary scholarly attention has been devoted to analyzing gender and sport. However, this scholarship encompasses disparate lines of thought with a range of philosophical, political, disciplinary, methodological and theoretical commitments, which translate into conflicting and competing normative views on how to best conceptualize, theorize, and practically navigate gender relations in sporting contexts. My dissertation remedies the tensions between these conflicting normative views by excavating and critically evaluating the political and philosophical assumptions that ground these views of gender relations in sport. I define 'sport feminism' as the normative views and consequent practical strategies that are concerned with interpreting, navigating, and eliminating the unjust restrictions on women's freedom in sporting contexts. I identify and critically evaluate four sport feminist views: liberal, radical, somatic, and post-structuralist. These views are distinct from one another as they differ in their conceptualizations and interpretations of three elements: (1) the nature of gender and the significance of physiological difference; (2) the function of sport and fitness practices; and (3) the ethical grounds and strategies for defining and alleviating gender-based oppression. Drawing from the merits of these views, my project develops a feminist framework for ethical action with regard to unequal gendered power relations in sport.
Temple University--Theses
28
Woog, Carlin Russell. "To what end?: the ethics and politics of the American presidency." Thesis, Boston University, 2004. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27803.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
29
Nemoto, Kuniaki. "Committing to the party the costs of governance in East Asian democracies /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3359876.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 23, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 328-364).
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Heiney, Everett Alexander. "Zarathustra's Politics." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/363.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper will argue in three sections that Thus Spoke Zarathustra necessarily implies an aristocratic political system. In the section "Zarathustra’s Value Theory," I lay out Zarathustra's theory of value creation. In the second section, "Possible Interpretations of Value Creation," I describe three different perspectives that can be used to understand Zarathustra’s value theory. In the third section, "Zarathustra and Politics" I provide a critique of modern liberalism and an alternative coherent with Nietzsche's philosophy, aristocracy.
31
Willowby, Nathan. "Sanctification as virtue and mission| The politics of holiness." Thesis, Marquette University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10101022.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation considers the political implications of the doctrine of holiness. I proceed by demonstrating the neglect of holiness in political theology, the viability of the holiness movement as an embodied witness of the political implications of the doctrine of holiness, and a biblical trajectory in Leviticus that extends into the New Testament. I describe this scriptural holiness as vocation for all of God’s people through personal formation and outward societal action to extend God’s holiness.
With attention to the approaches of political theology and formation, I demonstrate that the holiness movement of the nineteenth century offers an example of holiness in practice that addresses societal problems (e.g., urban housing crisis, intemperance, and slavery). I then propose three theological issues that undermined the political vision of the holiness movement in the twentieth century. First, the scope of sin narrowed resulting in a less hopeful expectation of sanctification’s power. Second, most of the holiness movement adopted premillennial eschatology, which altered the way it viewed social structures. Third, the holiness movement was marginalized by its theological rejection of the Third Great Awakening, which served to influence religious and civil approaches to social problems in the twentieth century (e.g., the New Deal and Social Gospel).
Three case studies (race, global missions, and temperance) demonstrate the influence these respective theological shifts had on social action. I argue that a theological interpretation of Leviticus 17-26 guides the holiness movement to embody the vocation of holiness as an alternative vision to the formation of modern politics regarding social orderings. I extend Israel Knohl’s insight that Lev 17-26 responds to prophetic critiques of cultic practices and reconceives holiness to address social challenges. I argue that Jesus picks up this stream when he recites, “love your neighbor as yourself,” and that Christian embodiment of this Scriptural holiness sustains the political vocation of holiness in changing contexts (including the modern bifurcation of life into private and public spheres). I conclude that vocational holiness enables a Christian understanding of political community.
32
Sheldon, Ruth. "Ordinary ethics and democratic life: Palestine-Israel in British universities." Thesis, University of Kent, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.650810.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This is an ethnographic study of student politics relating to Palestine-Israel within British universities. Palestine-Israel has been a focal issue within British campuses for over four decades, manifesting in intense, high profile conflicts, which have been subject to competing political and media framings. In this thesis, I identify this as a case of what Nancy Fraser (2008) describes as 'abnormal justice', a situation of incommensurable, spiralling conflicts over the 'what', 'how' and 'who' of political community. I show how students' engagement with Palestine-Israel raises spectres of entangled histories of the Holocaust and colonialism, and tensions over the national versus global boundaries of the polity. Moving beyond abstract portrayals of this as a conflict between discrete ethno-religious groups or autonomous moral actors, I attend to students' complex personal experiences of these political dynamics. My central argument is that PalestineIsrael exerts discomforting, at times irreconcilable, claims over participating students, arising out of violent histories, ongoing racisms, complex transnational attachments and " the rationalism of post-imperial British universities. I trace how unsettling ambiguities and a desire for moral coher.,e nce are enacted within this campus politics, analysing how institutional practices of containment and shaming lead to 'tragic' moments of passionate aggression, which then circulate in the media. Contributing to a cross-disciplinary turn towards affect, aesthetics and ethics in the study of public spheres, I stake a claim for responsive ethnography with ethical ambitions. I do so by drawing our attention beyond spectacular political conflicts, showing how students cultivate reflexive practices and express uncertainty, care and commitment within overlooked, 'ordinary' spaces of the campus. In these ways, I show how attending to intersubjective political experience provides vital insights into the motivations and desires at stake in justice conflicts, and operis up expansive possibilities for reflexivity and creativity within the public institutions of democratic societies.
33
Pollot, Elena Linda Maria. "Virtues of the self : ethics and the critique of feminist identity politics." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9874.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis is situated at the intersection of feminist political theory, identity politics and moral philosophy. Its broader aim is to show the positive consequences of returning the self and its inner activity to the ethical domain for feminist identity politics. To this end, it brings feminist identity politics into dialogue with contemporary developments in virtue ethics, in particular Christine Swanton’s pluralistic virtue ethics. As its starting point, it takes issue with the tendency to reduce the complexity of identity to issues of category. The first part of the thesis problematises this tendency and argues for a reconsideration of the question of identity politics by shifting the focus away from identity per se and towards a more complex picture of the self that is reflective of the constitutive relation between the self and identifications, commitments and values. The work of the post-modern feminists Wendy Brown and Judith Butlers are read as proposing just such a shift away from the identitarian engagement of identity politics of ‘who am I?’ towards a more ethically imbued engagement that centres a complex self with inner depths. Part Two of the thesis extends this reconceptualisation of the problematic of identity politics and elaborates on what it could mean to undertake such a shift and how such a project could be conceived. Drawing on both Michael Sandel’s and Michel Foucault’s formulations of the self, identity and its relation to the good, the thesis develops the argument that the problematic of identity politics, articulated in ethical language, enables the formulation of an argument for giving an account of the good life and that this entails developing a subject imbued with a full inner life. Part Three of the thesis argues that contemporary work in virtue ethics offers the best way to take this project forward, suggesting that it represents a positive development in conceptions of the self and that a complex picture of the person emerges that provides the basis for a richer approach to the ethical concerns raised in identity politics. The thesis concludes by illustrating the potential value of taking those feminist insights into the constructed nature of identity into dialogue with a pluralistic virtue ethical account of the self and suggests that this approach provides new opportunities for understanding and discussing the collective dimension of identity politics in situations of diversity and inequality.
34
Ibeh, Martin Joe U. "Environmental ethics and politics in the developing countries : case study from Nigeria /." Paderborn : F. Schöningh, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39048352f.
Повний текст джерела
35
Desser, Daphne Payne. "Beyond identity politics toward dialogic ethics: The letters of Mordecai Ben-Ami." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For many the study of rhetoric has become a study of dialogue and difference, of communication across metaphorical and literal borders, and of the ethics of such communication. Using letters written in French by my great-grandfather, Mordecai Ben-Ami, a Russian Zionist, journalist, and fiction writer, as a site for analysis, I argue that a dialogic ethic of response offers scholars and teachers of rhetoric and composition a way to move beyond identity politics in our writing classes and the oppression of the other in our scholarship. I suggest that some of this field's most common theoretical lenses and practical sites of analysis--historiography, identity construction, gender, and translation--can be complemented by the application of dialogic ethics. Using conceptions of discourse and dialogism in work by Bakhtin and the concept of an ethics of responsibility in work by Levinas, I demonstrate that an intersubjective understanding of ethics rooted in the necessity of response to the other can help us meet the challenges of multicultural dialogue. The letters date from 1924-1928 and originate from Milan, Berlin, Odessa, and Chaiffa, among others. The dissertation is organized in chapters that employ, examine, and problematize a different postmodern approach to rhetorical analysis. Each chapter begins with an examination of a theoretical approach in relation to the letters, then analyzes sample letters using that approach. Each chapter then examines the analysis to discuss particular strengths and flaws of the theoretical framework and to suggest how a dialogic ethics can complement it. The chapters discuss the following: the historical situatedness of the letters, the shifting constructions of ethnicity and identity in the letters and in the dissertation, the gendered aspects of the reading and writing processes of the author and the translator, and finally the cultural politics involved in the translation of Russian Zionist letters by a postmodern American.
36
Wood, Adam. "A school's lived architecture : the politics and ethics of flexible learning spaces." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2017. http://e-space.mmu.ac.uk/618818/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis draws on ethnographic research in a new secondary academy school in the north of England. Built under the Building Schools for the Future (BSF) programme, the school and particularly its design featuring innovative, flexible learning spaces were intended to transform education. This project sought to understand broadly how definitions of innovative education were proposed architecturally and organisationally in the school and, more specifically, on what or who flexibility depended with a particular focus on teachers’ work. Drawing on realist philosophy and architectural and spatial theory to underpin the empirical work, the research took place over two years using participant observation, interviews and questionnaires to explore teachers’ perspectives towards and uses of the school’s learning spaces. These included a mix of semi-open classrooms and larger, more open, flexible learning spaces. Flexible learning spaces are often proposed as spatial designs supporting (or even leading inevitably to) 21st century education. The thesis shows how teachers’ efforts to use the spaces flexibly for teaching were made difficult by noise levels, limited time resources, highly structured team-teaching and the wider educational culture including high stakes assessment demands. Rather than notional flexibility of the spaces, what mattered for these teachers was their ability to use the spaces in ways that they wanted. The thesis argues that the flexibility of ‘flexible learning spaces’ is both a rhetorical move and an ontological claim that is untenable – an example of spatial fetishism – and as such it can have ethical and political effects. Approaching a space as inherently flexible obscures other constraints (e.g. assessment demands and time) and how the characteristics of particular users affect whether and how a space can be flexibly used. If what matters is the use of spaces in flexible ways, then that ‘use’ should be recognised as the work it is, rather than seeing flexibility as a spatial property. The thesis also relates the promotion of flexibility within the BSF programme to changing modes of educational governance and a devaluing and dispersal of educational purpose. It proposes an alternative understanding of flexibility, based on Amartya Sen’s capability approach and Herman Hertzberger’s architectural theory, that shifts attention towards enabling teachers to achieve purposes they value.
37
Gomez, Angela. "Charitable Choice in Florida: The Politics, Ethics and Implications of Social Policy." Scholar Commons, 2003. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1375.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation research is a study of the anthropology of policy with welfare reform in general and charitable choice in particular as its focus. The study begins with the notion that policies work as instruments of governance and consequently have social and political implications. These policies are examined by exploring the manner in which Catholic Charities and policy makers in Florida are responding to the charitable choice mandate and how their views are shaping local policies.
The study is framed within anthropological principles pertaining to economic, humanistic and philosophical tenets. The study provides a historical background of poverty, the development of the welfare state in the United States as well as some of the social, economic, and political factors that shape social policies.
Data were collected through semi-structured interviews conducted with representatives from Catholic Charities, government agencies, legislative committees, and faith-based organizations, and through document reviews. Data were analyzed qualitatively and were managed using the software Atlas.ti. Analysis of the data show that while there is increased convergence between the state and faith-based organizations (FBOs), there is some hesitancy on the part of religious organizations to assume full responsibility for the poor, particularly without having any funding guarantees. The data also suggests that through the implementation of charitable choice religious organizations face the risk of becoming highly dependent on the state and therefore loose their voice and the possibility of lobbying for the poor. Furthermore, the data suggests that there are some aspects of the implementation of charitable choice that have not received congressional approval and may eventually jeopardize the entire faith-based initiative.
38
Brugh, Christopher Scott. "Theravāda “Missionary Activity”: Exploring the Secular Features of Socio-Politics and Ethics." TopSCHOLAR®, 2019. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/3119.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this thesis is to comprehensively explore Theravāda missionary activity. The philological, textual, theoretical, and ethnographic methods used to investigate the historical, sociopolitical, religious, and ethical aspects of early Theravāda, the U.S. Vipassanā (Insight) meditation movement, and modern Burmese Theravāda revealed nuanced meanings in the descriptions of these adherents’ endeavors with respect to proselytizing, converting, and the concept of missionary religions. By exploring the secular features that contributed to their religious appearances, a more developed contextualization of Theravāda “activity” reshapes understandings of the larger concept of missionary religions. I argue that what has been maintained in the establishment of early Theravāda, and continuance of Theravāda thereafter, is the preservation of a secular activity with respect to resolving diverse sociopolitical and ethical tensions through religious articulations and practices of tolerance and egalitarianism.
In brief, the first chapter is a philological study on the Pāli word “desetha” or “preach.” The word desetha, and thus its meaning, is traced to its Prākritic form—a contemporaneous language more likely spoken by Gotama Buddha—to posit a more accurate translation for this word. Next, a theoretical examination into early Theravāda’s sociopolitical, ethical, and religious environment demonstrates the larger secular, rather than religious, features that contributed to this ancient movement’s emergence. A contextual analysis comparing the emergence and establishment of the “secular” U.S. Vipassanā (Insight) meditation movement to that of early Theravāda follows, in order to explore how the former aligns with Theravāda missionizing. Lastly, an ethnographic study on Burmese Buddhist monastics is presented. In relation to missionary activity, the Abhidhamma, a Buddhist doctrinal system, not only provides Burmese Buddhist monastics with a system of applied ethics that shapes how they interact with Buddhists and non-Buddhists in America, but also helps to explain the larger concern of viewing such activity as strictly “religious.”
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Okorie, Ogbonnya. "The Ethical Implication of Separating Morality From Politics : Taking Cue From Machiavellian Political Ideas and The Nigerian Political Experience." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6776.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The attention of this paper would be to assess critically the consequences of any conscious effort to separate morality from politics giving that morality constitutes an essential and integral part of any political culture. With this understanding it becomes controversial and worrisome for any one to suggest that morality can be divorced from politics and still make a success out of the entire business of governance. The concept of Machiavellianism presents a very big challenge to this possibility in politics. I would attempt to show the dangers inherent in such a calculated effort using the Nigerian political experience as a case study
40
Rodrigues, Elza Maria. "Um breve estudo sobre a educação na republica de Platão." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252900.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Orientador: Patrizia PiozziDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T16:17:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigues_ElzaMaria_M.pdf: 355785 bytes, checksum: 094d5899f3fdeb96b3bbd55492f558eb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: Esta dissertação de mestrado na Educação: ¿Breve estudo sobre a educação na República de Platão¿, contempla a importância da educação na formação do povo grego, particularmente na pólis platônica, como podemos verificar no diálogo que serviu de base para nossa pesquisa: A República, de Platão. Tratamos de questões que dizem respeito à formação do melhor cidadão, em vista à cidade ideal, a cidade justa. Nos detivemos em questões que o filósofo, ao longo desse diálogo, desenvolve acerca de uma nova Paidéia. A cidade da República é uma cidade feliz, uma vez que seus habitantes observem as leis e exerçam a função que foram naturalmente destinados a exercer na cidade. A educação tem a função de moldar esse cidadão para exercer uma das três funções possíveis na pólis, ou seja, a de guardião, a de guerreiro ou a de artesão. Ressaltamos ainda a importância de se formar cidadãos conscientes do papel que deve ser desempenhado na sociedade da qual participam
Abstract: This is study/dissertation on education in the Republic, of Plato¿s, privileges the paper of the education of the citizen, in habitant of the polis of the Republic. The objective of the foundation of these polis, exactly in logos, is the reform of the education to guarantee that the citizen executes in the city the function for which of course is cut to exert
Mestrado
Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura
Mestre em Educação
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Celik, Sinan Kadir. "A Survey Of The Distinction Between Ethics And Politics With An Aristotelian Appraisal." Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611742/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A SURVEY OF THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN ETHICS AND POLITICS
WITH AN ARISTOTELIAN APPRAISAL
Çelik, Sinan Kadir Ph.D., Department of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Ahmet &
#272
nam March 2010, 189 pages In the history of philosophy, ethics and politics have either been considered as two unrelated, irreducible realms or as identical to each other. In the thesis the historical transformation of the problematic relation between ethics and politics is critically evaluated. It is argued that from the emergence of the conflict in Ancient Greece following the &ldquo
Socratic ideal&rdquo
to the modern attempt for its resolution by the &ldquo
Machiavellian revolution,&rdquo
the prominent theories developed for dealing with the problem have defined politics as an amoral practice, as a science, a technique or an art. An alternative Aristotelian approach is tried to be developed so as to elucidate the nature of the distinction between ethics and politics. According to this view, ethics and politics can neither be strictly separated from each other nor be reduced into one another. The Aristotelian conception of politike as &ldquo
philosophy of human affairs&rdquo
has ethical, practical and technical dimensions. The thesis tries to clarify at which point ethics and politics should be conceived as two different practices and at which point they cannot be treated as independent from each other. Hence, the present study aims to determine the peculiarities and the strong sides of Aristotelian practical philosophy in order to offer an alternative to resolve the problem under consideration.
42
Brunskell-Evans, Heather. "The construction of child sexual abuse : The politics and ethics of genealogical knowledge." Thesis, University of London, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514232.
Повний текст джерела
43
Alhasan, Ghadeer. "Ethics, politics, and alterity in selected plays and other works by Harold Pinter." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2017. http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/89362/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis offers a comprehensive critical examination of the intersections between Pinter’s political output – most notably his drama – and contemporary ethical thought. In order to so, I build on the recent few discussions of Pinter’s ethics by arguing that the ethical has always been a critical focus at every stage of Pinter’s work. In short, this study challenges both the earlier tendency that takes Pinter as an Absurdist and the late one that regards him as purely political. I shall then seek to explore the nexus between politics and ethics in various Pinter texts that deal explicitly or suggestively with the political. In order to so, I shall look at the question of alterity as that which structures the irreducible gap between ethics and politics in Pinter’s work. In particular, I approach the conception of otherness in Pinter in the double sense of the unknowable and that which always already inhabits the same. In either case, alterity, for Pinter, I argue, appears as a disruptive force, displacing the inclination towards hegemony, totality and sameness. In short, Pinter, I argue, does not offer a prescriptive treatise on how to overcome the ethical-political opposition; however, his plays, I would argue, glance towards a different configuration of the political, one that is grounded in an ethical responsiveness or openness towards the other. Comparatively speaking, the academic field of drama and theatre studies has been a latecomer to the growing interest in ethics that was mainly triggered by an increasing interest in the work of Levinas during the last two decades of the twentieth century. It is not until the late 2000s that a turn to ethics became manifest in theatre studies. And it is particularly this turn towards ethics within drama studies, in general, and the contemporary British stage, in particular, that sets the context for my current investigation of Pinter’s ethics.
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Smith, Sarah Anne. "Love, Sex, and Disability: The Ethics and Politics of Care in Intimate Relationships." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1246649418.
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Nikitin, Denis. "Adequate knowledge and freedom from affections in politics an exploration of Spinoza's "Ethics" /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2007.
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Laachir, Karima. "The ethics and politics of hospitality in contemporary French society : Beur literary translations." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2003. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1599/.
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The thesis examines the issue of the ethics and politics of hospitality in the French contemporary context in relation to the diasporic populations of the descendants of post-war North African immigrants or the 'Beur', using an approach which combines philosophy, sociology and literature. I argue that the concept of hospitality has been framed by the enduring effects of colonial legacy, the legacy of the 'camp-thinking' mentality marked by bio-cultural kinship and the ties of blood or 'race' as the basis for belonging to a nation. I maintain that hospitality is exactly the anti-logic of the camp-thinking mentality in its rejection of closure and overdetermination by keeping the political open to the ethical. Even though a hiatus between the ethics and the politics of hospitality exists, the two can not exist separately. I argue that this aporia does not mean paralysis, but in fact, it means the primacy of the ethics of hospitality over politics, and thus, keeps alive the danger of hostility in the making of the politics of hospitality by means of 'political invention' that respects the uniqueness of the Other and that does not exclude him/her every time a decision is taken. The language of deconstruction and its political and ethical rejection of nationalisms, borders and centres reflects the experience of those who are marginalised at the peripheries of societies, whom I call the hyphenated peoples or diasporic populations like the Beurs. But at the same time, this language enables them to assert and articulate their own existence, their own politics and identities in a way that opens new possibilities of resistance to violence and exclusion. Jacques Derrida's concepts of marginality, diaspora, translation and democracy-to-come express the experience of minority diasporic groups such as the Beurs in France. I attempt a close deconstructive reading of the Beur texts in order to trace their translations of the contradictions of French hospitality and the way the Beurs have been 'racialised' as an 'external group' threatening the supposed 'purity' of the French national culture by their physical, cultural and religious 'difference' though they are French citizens with strong affiliations with France. I argue that with their mixed origins and cultural multiplicity, the Beurs resist the authority of the 'constructed' and 'mythical' national purity and cultural determinis1n, since their position at the threshold between communities (the French and the North African immigrant communities) and national camps (the French and the North Africans) allows them to offer a basis for solidarity that transcends ethnic absolutism and national belonging. I argue in my thesis that it is the diasporic populations such as the Beurs in France that can open up hospitality to an attitude beyond nationalistic determinism and xenophobia.
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Banerjee, Amrita 1979. "Re-conceiving "borders": A feminist pragmatic phenomenology for postcolonial feminist ethics and politics." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11556.
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xi, 205 p.As an increasing number of differentially situated women implicated within the global economy continue to come into contact with each other, a host of opportunities and challenges are inaugurated for feminist praxes across borders and differences. The cycles of dependencies accentuated by globalization come hand-in-hand with concerns about unequal distribution, unequal access to resources, and the rise of fundamentalist ideologies. All these together remind us of the urgency of collaboration and cooperation across differences. At the same time, the presence of differences and inequalities threaten to undermine the spirit for collaboration at any given moment. We, therefore, need analytical frameworks that are able to do justice to our identities and agency within interactive spaces. We also need better evaluative frameworks for theorizing ethical responsibility and political concerns about justice within a transnational space that take these realities into account. I argue for the possibility of a new "critical multicultural transnational feminism" and develop a theoretical framework to anchor this vision in my dissertation. The "critical" component emphasizes the vision for a feminism that is, at once, a self-reflective praxis. The juxtaposition of "multicultural" and "transnational" seeks to emphasize the need for recognizing both the limitations and the importance of borders on our lives. To do this, I articulate an alternative logic of "borders" so as to develop an interactive ontology for thinking about transnationalism and transnational identity. I then take up the project of envisioning the ethical-political project of "solidarity" in the light of this ontology. The philosophical framework that I develop is inspired by the philosophical pragmatism of Mary Parker Follett and Josiah Royce, the existential phenomenology of Simone de Beauvoir, and the work of various postcolonial feminists such as bell hooks, Chandra Mohanty, and Ofelia Schutte. This framework is a feminist pragmatic phenomenology for postcolonial feminist ethics and politics, which can serve as a normative paradigm and a framework of analysis. Finally, I use the framework developed in the dissertation to analyze and evaluate aspects of the international industry in surrogacy-related fertility tourism--a paradigmatic instance of incommensurability and inequality among women within the global economy.
Committee in charge: Bonnie Mann, Co-Chair; Scott L. Pratt, Co-Chair; Mark Johnson, Member; Judith Raiskin, Outside Member
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Williams, Keith R. "Moral support, strategic reasoning, or domestic politics America's continual support for Israel." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FWilliams.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Wirtz, James ; Freeman, Michael E. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 24, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-59). Also available in print.
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Braswell, Michael, Larry Miller, and Joycelyn Pollock. "Case Studies in Criminal Justice Ethics." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. http://amzn.com/1577667476.
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Building on the success of the popular first edition, the authors provide hypothetical criminal justice scenarios for analysis, having found in their experience as teachers that the process adds depth and dimension to the study of justice and ethics. This expanded second edition offers ten new cases addressing the intricate process of moral and ethical decision making. Focusing on both personal and social context, the authors explore true-to-life situations and encourage readers to think about the possible consequences that could result from the choices they make.https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1032/thumbnail.jpg
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Baek, Hyeon Sop. "Benevolent Politics: A Proposal for Maternal Governance." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent161913342452055.
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