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1
Gheyle, Niels. "Huddle Up! Exploring Domestic Coalition Formation Dynamics in the Differentiated Politicization of TTIP." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 301–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2588.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The politicization of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has manifested itself to different extents across EU Member States. In some countries, conflicting interpretations about the deal were highly visible in public and political debates, while in others there was hardly any awareness. To further understand this phenomenon, trade scholars have to date not yet deepened nor leveraged the insights of the ‘differentiated politicization’ and social movement literature, which both point to coalition formation as an important trigger of politicization processes. This article contributes to our understanding of variation in politicization across EU Member States, by exploring coalition formation dynamics in differentiated politicization processes, in order to identify the factors facilitating successful domestic coalition formation. Through an exploratory case study design, I focus on three countries that exemplify high, middle, and low politicization cases: Germany, Belgium, and Ireland. By relying on the testimonies of campaigners active during the TTIP episode, I identify three elements that facilitated the formation of a diverse domestic coalition, which subsequently played an important role in pushing for a broad-based debate about the implications of TTIP: (i) an expert ‘mesomobilization’ link with a transnational advocacy network, (ii) the prior availability of domestic alliances, and (iii) an inclusive framing approach in order to establish a diverse coalition. The findings also underline the importance of timing in the unfolding of (successful) politicization processes.
2
Herranz-Surrallés, Anna. "‘Authority Shifts’ in Global Governance: Intersecting Politicizations and the Reform of Investor–State Arbitration." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 336–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2651.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
<p>The global investment regime is a prime example of the so-called ‘politicization beyond the state.’ Investment agreements with an Investor–State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism have become contested in several corners of the globe, triggering a widespread reform process encompassing national, regional and multilateral levels. This article examines the consequences of this confluence of politicization processes, focusing on the European Union (EU) and two key venues of ISDS reform: the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) and the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT). Combining different strands of politicization literature in International Relations and Political Science, the article advances a nuanced conceptualisation of the institutional consequences of politicization that goes beyond a deepening/decline dichotomy. Instead, the article examines whether and how politicization generates ‘authority shifts,’ either through a vertical move between international and national levels; and/or through a horizontal recalibration between public and private forms of governance. The article argues that although the EU’s initiative for global ISDS reform intended to rebalance public and private authority while strengthening its international character, the on-going reform processes at the UNCITRAL and the ECT may eventually lead to a (partial) dismantling of international authority.</p>
3
Lee, Chang Kil. "The politicization of senior civil service in Korea: a human resource management perspective." Asian Education and Development Studies 7, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 412–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-11-2017-0114.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the politicization of senior civil service (SCS) in Korea from a human resource perspective. To be specific, it is to explore how much the SCS has been politicized after its inception in 2006 and to discover what has strengthened it.Design/methodology/approachThis paper employs the human resource management perspective with five stages, selection, rotation, education, promotion and compensation, which are related with different weights to four causes of politicization: political desire to control, leadership change, public demands and political interest.FindingsThis paper argues that politicization of SCS in Korea has gradually increased during the last 10 years. It also found that, while selection and promotion is strongly politicized, education and compensation is weakly politicized.Originality/valueThis paper mainly draws increasing politicization after it was introduced. Little prior literature has explored the politicization of SCS in human resource management processes and its causes for Korea.
4
Curnow, Joe, and Tanner Vea. "Emotional configurations of politicization in social justice movements." Information and Learning Sciences 121, no. 9/10 (November 16, 2020): 729–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ils-01-2020-0017.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose This paper aims to trace how emotion shapes the sense that is made of politics and how politicization can remake and re-mark emotion, giving it new meaning in context. This paper brings together theories of politicization and emotional configurations in learning to interrogate the role emotion plays in the learning of social justice activists. Design/methodology/approach Drawing on sociocultural learning perspectives, the paper traces politicization processes across the youth climate movement (using video-based interaction analysis) and the animal rights movement (using ethnographic interviews and participant observation). Findings Emotional configurations significantly impacted activists’ politicization in terms of what was learned conceptually, the kinds of practices – including emotional practices – that were taken up collectively, the epistemologies that framed social justice work, and the identities that were made salient in collective action. In turn, politicization reshaped how social justice activists made sense of emotion in the course of activist practice. Social implications This study is valuable for theorizing social justice learning, so social movement facilitators and educators might design spaces where learning about gender, racialization, colonialism and/or human/more-than-human relations can thrive. By attending to emotional configurations, this study can help facilitate a design that supports and sustains learning for justice. Originality/value Emotion remains under-theorized and under-analyzed in the learning sciences, despite indications that emotion enables and constrains particular learning opportunities. This paper proposes new ways of understanding emotion and politicization as co-constitutive processes for learning scientists interested in politics and social justice.
5
Ristiawan, Raden Rucitarahma. "Culture as Tourism Attraction: Commodi cation and Politicization of Culture in Kembangarum Tourism Village, Yogyakarta Special Region, Indonesia." Tourisma: Jurnal Pariwisata 1, no. 1 (June 10, 2018): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/gamajts.v1i1.36314.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study aims at describing the commodi cation processes and the form of politicization of culture used as the background of tourism village development toward several community empowerment activities. Employing a case of Kembangarum Tourism Village, Turi District, Sleman Regency, Yogyakarta Special Province, Indonesia, the commodi cation processes are examined in several forms of tourism attractions based on local Javanesse tradition. Commodi cation of culture practices in Kembangarum Tourism Village are encouraged by the politicization of culture represented by several policies and events provided by local government as the background of Kembangarum Tourism Village development direction. This study nds the commodi cation processes as a part of politicization of culture encompassed in community empowerment agendas. There are several models of community empowerment initiated by the investor to put his capital of investment as bene cial as he wants. The development model of Kembangarum Tourism Village through investment projects by the developer results in community con icts encouraged by the local traditions that have been privatized by the investor. This study also delivers the suggestion of development direction that will be provided by government in the future.
6
Larocque, Florence. "The Impact of Institutionalization, Politicization and Mobilization on the Direct Participation of Citizens Experiencing Poverty." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (December 2011): 883–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000795.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract. This article seeks to evaluate how democratic and deliberative the direct participation of citizens experiencing poverty is in the definition and implementation of public policies that affect them. A comparison of Belgian and Quebec processes involving persons in situation of poverty indicates that the procedural dimensions of participation (franchise, quality and accountability) are clearly strengthened by institutionalized processes and weakened when processes become politicized. However, the authenticity of the process (a dimension tied to outcomes) remains largely independent from the nature of these processes and depends instead on the mobilization of social actors and especially of anti-poverty organizations.Résumé. Cette article évalue dans quelle mesure la participation directe des citoyens en situation de pauvreté à l'élaboration et la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques les concernant est démocratique et délibérative. Une comparaison des processus belges et québécois de participation des personnes en situation de pauvreté démontre que les dimensions procédurales de la participation (franchise, qualité et garantie) sont clairement renforcées par l'institutionnalisation, tandis qu'elles sont affaiblies par la politisation des processus. Par ailleurs, l'authenticité du processus (une dimension liée aux résultats) reste largement indépendante de la nature des mécanismes et dépend plutôt de la mobilisation des acteurs sociaux et particulièrement de celle des organisations de lutte contre la pauvreté.
7
Ścigaj, Paweł. "De/humanizacja w procesach dezintegracji i reintegracji: przykład „dzikich” wojen." Studia Politologiczne, no. 4/2022(66) (January 15, 2023): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2022.66.3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The processes of integration, disintegration and reintegration are central to thinking about politics in processual terms. Among many circumstances and determinants, a special place is occupied by issues related to the humanization or dehumanization of opponents. The article deals with the relationship between dehumanization-rehumanization and disintegration-reintegration in the context of savage wars and taking into account their consequences for the phenomena of politicization and depoliticization.
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Avksentev, Viktor, Boris Aksiumov, and Galina Gritsenko. "Ethnicity in political conflicts: ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicit." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.04.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes the definitions and concepts of ethnopolitical conflict and its contradictory nature is shown. Ethnopolitical conflict can function and evolve as an “ethnized” political conflict and as a politically framed ethnic conflict. Being on the thin line between rational-political and irrational-ethnic regimes of existence, ethno-political conflicts, usually arising as conflicts of interests, as a product of ethnic entrepreneurship, most often drift towards a conflict of identities. That is why ethnopolitical conflicts are among the most intractable types of conflicts, some of them turn into protracted conflicts and are destructive in their manifestations and consequences. The article studies risk-related aspects of the interaction of ethnic and political factors of social development, leading to the ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicity, and it is shown that the politicization of ethnicity is a prerequisite and one of the most important factors in the genesis of ethnopolitical conflicts. The process of politicization of ethnicity is caused by ethnopolitical tension objectively established in a particular society or region, but often the main factor of this process is the focused activity of ethnic entrepreneurs, who use conditions, favorable for them, or deliberately increase the level of tension. The article discusses the theoretical and methodological aspects of the politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization of politics, analyzes the main scholarly approaches to studying the phenomenon of politicization of ethnicity and its impact on social processes. Most authors mainly accentuate the negative consequences of the politicization of ethnicity, although some researchers point to the functionality of ethnicity in regional political systems where there are long-standing and strong traditions of combining politics and ethnicity
9
Freilich, Charles D. "National Security Decision-Making in Israel: Processes, Pathologies, and Strengths." Middle East Journal 60, no. 4 (October 1, 2006): 635–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.4.11.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article presents a first of its kind typology of Israeli national security decision-making processes, focusing on five primary pathologies and a number of strengths. It will demonstrate that these pathologies are the product of an extraordinarily compelling external environment and domestic structural factors: chiefly, the extreme politicization of the decision-making process stemming from the proportional representation electoral system, the consequent need to govern through coalition cabinets, and the absence of effective cabinet-level decision-making support capabilities.
10
Zimmermann, Hubert. "The European Parliament and the Layered Politicization of the External Dimension of the Common Fisheries Policy." Politics and Governance 7, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 237–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i3.2178.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When the Lisbon Treaty entered into effect, the European Parliament became a core player in the decision-making processes of the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) and its external dimensions. This new role suggested a shift towards stronger politicization in what had previously been a rather technocratic policy field. However, the CFP is not yet marked by a clear and consistent level of politicization. I use the concept of ‘layered politicization’ to explain this pattern. Although it is not comparable to the degree of political controversy shaping fully politicized policy fields, some similar political dynamics can be observed. Among them is a transformation in the policy process due to higher ratification requirements; a higher likelihood of political deadlock resulting from an increasing number of veto-players; and a strengthening of the contested legitimacy of EU decision-making. An empirical test of these theoretical propositions is provided here in the form of two case studies; the negotiation of Fisheries Partnership Agreements with Morocco and Mauritania.
11
Abrams, L. "Politics and governance at the interface between water and development." Water Science and Technology 47, no. 6 (March 1, 2003): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2003.0370.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Water is not just a technical issue - it always has to be addressed within a complex political context. The water sector professional is generally unskilled in political processes, but political skill and awareness is needed to avoid negative politicization of water.
12
Oskolkov, P. "Politicization of Ethnicity and Related Phenomena." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-131-138.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the article, the phenomenon of the politicization of ethnicity is analyzed, together with the related phenomena, i.e. ethnopolitical mobilization (including pan-ethnic mobilization and demobilization), ethnicization of politics and of other social fields for political ends. The author works within the framework of constructivist and ethnosymbolist approaches. The nature, dynamics and actor structure of the processes are considered, and an attempt is made to conceptualize them correctly. The author points at the interconnectedness of the phenomena in the terminological field of the political science as well as at the necessity to distinguish them and adapt ethnopolitical strategies to their variations. The politicization of ethnicity is defined as an attachment of political functions to the ethnic identity. Ethnopolitical mobilization is different in that it has a particular goal. Main factors stimulating ethnopolitical mobilization are: dissatisfaction of a group with different aspects of its status, political opportunities, material and non-material resources available, activities of ethnopolitical elites. Pan-ethnic mobilization employs the wider group identity involving not only actors’ own ethnic group but also other groups close to it within a linguacultural cluster. The ethnicization of politics is defined as the inclusion of ethnic components into the political process. Though both politics ethnicization and ethnicity politicization are typical of majority as well as minority groups, the ethnicization of politics is usually conducted “from above” employing memory archetypes and socially significant symbols. Other social identities, namely religion, sport affiliation, etc. are prone to be ethnicized for political goals, but this process has some important constraints. For instance, religion can be ethnicized if a territorially close ethnic group has other religious affiliation or is less devote; ethnicization of sport depends on a specific historical context. Especially the ethnicization of social discrepancies has a conflict potential and is to be prevented by relevant ethnopolitical management.
13
De Koning, Martijn, Edien Bartels, and Daniëlle Koning. "Claiming the Researcher’s Identity." Fieldwork in Religion 6, no. 2 (April 4, 2012): 168–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.v6i2.168.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this chapter we will discuss the consequences for doing research in the case of a topic and field that has become subject to intense public debate. In three cases involving research on Islam and Muslims we will take up questions pertaining to inter-subjectivity, and show how research on public issues, the relation between the worldviews of informants and those of the researcher, and processes of inclusion and exclusion during fieldwork are influenced by the politicization of Islam. We show how sudden changes in the societal context influence local identifications and allegiances. In our cases these changes produced a politicization of the field which, in turn led to the construction of the researchers as ‘natives’ by the informants. We argue that a reflection on this construction is necessary in order to better analyse processes of signification among informants and render a more adequate representation of the researched.
14
Blackwell, Dick. "The Politicization of Group Analysis in the 21st Century." Group Analysis 35, no. 1 (March 2002): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053331602400933963.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At a time of uncertainty and rapid change, little can be predicted with any confidence. We can note, however; the point reached in dialectical historical processes and recognize the conflicts and contradictions pushing in different directions. We can consider developments in politics, culture, personal relationships and psychotherapy as major dimensions of the context within which we continue to work and which, in the course of our work, we are called on to address.
15
Lövheim, Mia. "Religion, Mediatization, and ‘Complementary Learning Processes’ in Swedish Editorials." Journal of Religion in Europe 10, no. 4 (November 1, 2017): 366–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-01004004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article analyzes positions and arguments in editorials from Swedish newspapers during the period of 1976–2010 regarding the place of religion in modern, democratic society. Starting from Habermas’ call for changes in European political discourse in a post-secular situation, the article analyzes whether signs of ‘complementary learning processes’ can be found in the editorials, where alternatives to a secularist understanding of religion are expressed. Findings suggest that mediatization through increased politicization of the daily press contributes to a re-articulation of the former secularist discourse in Swedish editorials. A salient theme in this alternative discourse is the tension between religious freedom and other citizen rights.
16
ÖHBERG, PATRIK, PETER MUNK CHRISTIANSEN, and BIRGITTA NIKLASSON. "ADMINISTRATIVE POLITICIZATION OR CONTESTABILITY? HOW POLITICAL ADVISERS AFFECT NEUTRAL COMPETENCE IN POLICY PROCESSES." Public Administration 95, no. 1 (March 16, 2016): 269–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/padm.12253.
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17
Wolff, Sarah, and Grégory Mounier. "A Kaleidoscopic View on the External Dimension of Justice and Home Affairs." European Foreign Affairs Review 17, Special Issue (April 1, 2012): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2012019.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article shows that the dynamics of expansion and diversification of the external dimension of Justice and Home Affairs (ED-JHA) identified in the editorial of this special issue can be altered by three processes: further institutionalization, politicization and operationalization. Those three dimensions participate in the creation of different patterns for the ED-JHA that can be summarized under the metaphor of a kaleidoscope. The dynamics of expansion and diversification can therefore take different forms, following which kaleidoscopic view prevails and leading to different ways of participation and influencing policy-making. Institutionalization is identifiable by routinization, structuration of decision-making, diffusion of values as well as competition for power and ressources across the actors. Mechanisms contributing to further institutionalization are to be found by EU institutions through the European External Action Service as well as through the diffusion of the EU's internal security discourse to the Common Security and Defence Policy police missions. The roles endorsed by the European Parliament and JHA agencies are symptomatic of a politicization trend, which widens the circle of actors in this area. Finally, the ED-JHA is taking an operational dimension, law enforcement actors looking for ways to pursue cooperation in a pragmatic way, while avoiding some constraints imposed by institutionalization and politicization. The dynamics of expansion and diversification after Lisbon and Stockholm can be altered in the coming years by further institutionalization, politicization or operationalization.
18
Mancke, Elizabeth. "Early Modern Expansion and the Politicization of Oceanic Space." Geographical Review 89, no. 2 (April 1999): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/216088.
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Mancke, Elizabeth. "Early Modern Expansion and the Politicization of Oceanic Space." Geographical Review 89, no. 2 (April 1, 1999): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1931-0846.1999.tb00215.x.
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20
Muradov, Adalat, and Nargiz Hajiyeva. "The Politicization of Intellectual Property Rights in the Context of Karabakh." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 15 (February 15, 2023): 433–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.25.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Until recently, intellectual property law has been kept away from the political realm, as it was merely linked to economic and legal factors. However, in light of recent geopolitical processes and politically charged conflicts, political science has taken dominance in terms of intellectual property (IP) development and proclivities. In contemporary international politics, it is critical to explain and perceive IP tendencies and systems from the perspectives of political science and political economy, to consider appropriate retorts to processes arising from IPR conflicts in the Karabakh region of Azerbaijan during the occupation. Azerbaijan had been confronted with limitations of its control over its territory due to the nearly three decades of the Karabakh conflict. In this regard, the article will answer questions related to the violation of intellectual property rights, the exploitation of goods and services, as well as the other IPR problems encountered by Azerbaijan during the occupation of Karabakh.
21
Olishevska, Viktoriia, and Kostyantyn Polishchuk. "FOOTBALL AS AN INSTRUMENT OF SOCIETY‘S POLITICIZATION." 39, no. 39 (July 10, 2021): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-39-08.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The active function of football culture referring to the population’s politicization which comes out through self-identification and daily political behavior stands out in this paper. Considering the fact that football began to go beyond the pitch, the studies of sport fandom, economic consequences of international competitions, soft power in terms of stereotypes and state’s political influence have been being conducted since. This paper examines one of such processes that involves a larger part of the world's population at the global and local levels – which is an active support of the football club as a tool of identification and practice of a particular political determination of society. At the same time, the arguments for the indirect identification of a football club with the local authorities can be found here as well because not only does a club with a clear position become a prototype of the desired power, but it also turns to be a tool to fight with for this power. The aim of the article lays in a deep research of the mentioned process in society from various angles – from spatial (Sharon Zukin, John Bale), social (Eric Dunning, Erin Tarver) to historical and political one (David Goldblatt, Simon Cooper). The paper contains the evidence of football clubs being a source of collective and personal memory and of building self-identification and defining the «other» through the prism of fandom as well as examples of such politicization at the global and local levels. The practical part includes the case study of FC «Barcelona» and FC «Karpaty» on the basis of brief historical analysis and interviews with fans. The fact that football fandom is able to be directed into the political sphere which in turn leads to the socialization of individuals as well as to the intensification of their patriotism and separatism in daily life is also proved in the article. Hence, football clubs are an active factor in today's society at least due to their historically tied symbols, verbal and visual elements, spatial city objects and emotional significance for supporters. At the same time, the need for further research where both interdisciplinary approach and practical study of football fandom will be at the central focus is highly needed as well.
22
Hegemann, Hendrik, and Martin Kahl. "(Re)Politicizing Security? The Legitimation and Contestation of Mass Surveillance after Snowden." World Political Science 13, no. 1 (April 25, 2017): 21–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2017-0002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractEver since the revelations by Edward Snowden, there has been a political debate about the appropriateness of mass surveillance by intelligence agencies. At the same time, surveillance practices based on complex technologies, which are almost invisible in everyday life and interlinked across national borders, have run into scarcely any widespread social protest. That is why this article poses the question: are the powers of depoliticized governance – which can rely on sustained diffuse acceptance based on an ever-widening discourse about dangers and technocratic risk management – making themselves evident here? Or is the post-Snowden debate showing signs of shifting toward (re)politicization of security policy, which is making appropriate measures and actors the subjects of public discourse and politically responsible decision making? By asking these questions, this article questions the widespread thesis of an across-the-board depoliticization of security governance, develops a conceptual framework for a differentiated analysis of politicization processes, with a special focus on the security field, and applies this framework to the specific case of the debate in Germany about the disclosures by Edward Snowden. By following this approach, the article strives to contribute to improved understanding of the dynamics, conditions and limitations of politicization in the purportedly special area of security.
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Efanova, Elena, Elena Drinova, and Nikolay Veremeev. "Political Stability of the Latin American Region in the Context of the Politicization of Religious Institution." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2022): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.11.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Introduction. The research topicality is determined by the necessity of interior political proving of regions stable development in the conditions of religion institute politicization in 20th – 21st centuries. The purpose of the work is to analyze the influence of the confessional factor on the domestic political process in the Latin American region in the context of global trends of our time. Methods. The work uses methods of theoretical and applied political science analysis, methods of forecasting and modeling. The methodological basis of the work was the principles of systemic and constructivist approaches. Analysis. In the result of political science analysis of stable social and political issues development questions the explicative model of religion institute politicization processes influence to the sustainability of the Latin American region was offered. The theoretical importance of the research is in the reasons and tendencies revealing of religion institute politicization in the Latin American region. The practical importance of research is determined by the possibility of recommendation output of interior political support of the Latin American region in the conditions of social and cultural uncertainty. Authors’ contribution. E.V. Efanova – the concept of the study, collection and processing of materials; E.M. Drinova – research methodology, writing of the main text; N.Yu. Veremeev – analysis and translation of foreign sources.
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Østebø, Terje. "African Salafism: Religious Purity and the Politicization of Purity." Islamic Africa 6, no. 1-2 (July 6, 2015): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-00602005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
There is much ambiguity in terms of how Salafism is understood as an empirical phenomenon and how it is used as an analytical concept. This is partly because it often occurs rather uncritically in the media and in public discourses, but also due to the fact that Salafism represents a phenomenon encompassing a broad range of issues. This paper gives an overview over features and trends inherent in what I call African Salafism, focusing on issues such as the role of African agency, quests for religious purity, and processes of politicization of purity. The concept of African Salafism is obviously not unproblematic, as it may give the impression that we are dealing with a phenomenon that can neatly be delineated, and that it is characterized by a certain set of features making it distinct from other forms. It is important to recognize that African Salafism signifies the representation of Salafism on the African continent, as something shaped by African realities, and which obviously would contain significant local varieties.
25
Lekov, Ruslan. "Party competition in the Republic of South Ossetia, on the eve of the VI convocation parliamentary elections." Social'naja politika i social'noe partnerstvo (Social Policy and Social Partnership), no. 6 (June 1, 2020): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-01-2006-07.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The dynamics of political processes and electoral competition in South Ossetia is explained by the high politicization of society. Without exaggeration, the majority of the population of the Republic was involved in the formation of party and political construction. The article analyzes the resource potential of key political parties, which gives us an understanding of how competitive the election campaign was in the elections to the VI convocation of the Parliament.
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Schmid, Verena, Adalbert Evers, and Georg Mildenberger. "More or Less Political: Findings on a Central Feature of Local Engagement for Refugees in Germany." Social Inclusion 7, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i2.1939.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is based on research in the region of Heidelberg—the city itself and two small municipalities nearby. It addresses three dimensions of local support movements for refugees: (1) the varying bundles of motives among those engaged, (2) the diversity of organizations concerned and (3) their interaction with the local political administration. A focal point of the study concerns features and processes that give actions and organizations a more or less political character. Our results reveal that, especially among newly engaged helpers and activists, political and apolitical motives coexist. Many people and their local organizations take positions in the country-wide controversial political debates on refugees, but for their practical action on location, moral concerns clearly prevail. Processes of politicization and depoliticization of refugee support largely depend on the ways and degrees to which nationwide political controversies and local developments intermesh. Politicization may take place due to controversies that call for more than a moral attitude, have an impact and build up at the local level. However, resistance to supportive action, be it by changing discourses or the persistence of traditional administrative routines, may also cause depoliticization, where volunteers and initiatives restrict themselves to acting as mere helpers that bring some human touch into an environment that longs to return to normality.
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MAZUR, Mariusz. "TRZY ŹRÓDŁA WSPÓŁCZESNEJ HISTORIOGRAFII PAŃSTWOWEJ." Historia@Teoria 4, no. 6 (April 23, 2018): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ht.2017.6.06.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Th e present state historiography in Poland is dominated by the chronicling of events. But its politicization (even particization), mythologization and tabloidization neglecting methodological rules of the scientifi c research, implicate the misconception of the history and the incomprehension of the past, revealing in the diff erent public contexts. Regarding current cultural processes, the eff ects for the contemporary historiography are massively destructive and no change for bett er is observed in this moment.
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Buromenskiy, M. V., and P. V. Otenko. "IMPACT OF POLITICIZATION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION ON THE FUNCTIONING OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 140 (2019): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.140.1.58-66.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Complex and comparative analysis of the election and nomination procedure of Commissioners and the President of the EU Commission has been made from the date of creation of the High Authority within the European Coal and Steal Community until the establishment of the modern EU Commission in accordance with the last amendments that have been made by the Lisbon Treaty. It is proved that due to the entering into force of the Maastricht Treaty, sharpening of the «democratic deficit» problem and because of other political processes at the beginning of 1990’s within the European Communities, European Parliament obtained ample powers and leverage on the functioning, election and nomination procedure of Сommissioners and the President of the EU Commission. It is emphasized that election and nomination procedure of Commissioners and the President of the EU Commission is sufficiently politicized and bureaucratized at the contemporary stage of the existence of the European Union. The definition of the phenomenon «politicization of the EU Commission» has been specified. It is outlined that the phenomenon of politicization of the EU Commission has both positive and negative consequences on the EU Commission and the EU as a whole. It is established that «politicization» of the EU Commission may cause disruption of the cornerstone principles on which the EU has been created, first of all those principles that are related to the theory of functionalism in International Law.
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Sanakoev, Inal B. "THE PHENOMENON OF POLITICIZATION OF ETHNICITY IN THE CONTEXT OF ETHNOPOLITICAL PROCESSES OF THE COLLAPSE OF THE USSR (ON THE EXAMPLE OF SOUTH OSSETIA)." Issues of Ethnopolitics, no. 4 (2020): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-7041-2020-4-10-17.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The author analyzes the phenomenon of politicization of ethnicity in the conditions of the collapse of the USSR on the example of South Ossetia. The study of this phenomenon is carried out by the author in the aspect of ana- lyzing the mass public sentiment in South Ossetia on the eve of the Georgian- Ossetian conflict, which became a kind of socio-political background and also the aggravation of the internal political struggle in the republic.
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Raycheva, Lilia, and Dobrinka Peicheva. "Populism in Bulgaria Between Politicization of Media and Mediatization of Politics." Mediatization Studies 1, no. 1 (November 13, 2017): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/ms.2017.1.69.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
<span style="font-family: BookAntiqua; font-size: 8pt; color: #231f20; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal;"><span style="font-family: BookAntiqua; font-size: 8pt; color: #231f20; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal;"><span style="font-family: BookAntiqua; font-size: 8pt; color: #231f20; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal;">Populism as a political position and rhetorical style is nowadays an object of comprehensive research and multi-faceted social discussions. The strong critical attitude of populists towards the status quo, towards what they regard as the chimera of democracy, is generally intertwined with the function of the media as a corrective factor with regard to government authorities. The development of mankind in the present is characterized by transformation trends in technological, economic, and social spheres. These trends impact the political environment as well. The challenges of the economic crisis, as well as the migration processes are strengthening the position of euro-skeptics and revitalize the development of populism. The present text is focused on the developments of political populism in Bulgaria. The political environment in the country is characterized by almost permanent merge of political entities, which gradually escalates the use of populist approaches, styles and rhetoric. Research attention to this political phenomenon is determined by the success of some newly formed populist parties during the new century, gradually winning considerable numbers of seats in the parliament. The use of populist phraseology is evident among all political parties in the country, whether left- or right-oriented. Bulgarian political actors of a populist trend – including political leaders and parties – have mixed, oftentimes changing, characteristics. this populist phraseology is transmitted to audiences mainly through the media. It has to be noted that the dynamics of the pre-election campaigns during the period of democratization since 1989 has been developing alongside demonopolization, liberalization and transformation of the media system. Deregulation of the radio and TV broadcasting sector dragged on, giving way to the development of two mutually bound processes – politicization of the media and mediatization of politics. The paper is structured in three methodologically interconnected parts, presenting: an overview of the process of politicization of the media and mediatization of politics in Bulgaria; an analysis of the political populist trends in the country; a discussion on the connections between populism and the media.</span></span></span><strong></strong>
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Semenenko, I., and I. Prokhorenko. "From Elitist Project to Mass Politics: Challenges of Politicization to European Integration." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2015): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-7-29-40.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The current recession has stimulated the politicization of the economic regulation in the EU and has brought about a change in the priorities of European integration. European identity landmarks emerge amid a growing interdependence of the European and divergent national political agendas and a “conflictual Europeanization” of mass politics. Protest publics have come to the forefront of European politics, and a conspicuous rise of the voters support for hybrid anti-establishment parties repudiating traditional politics demonstrates a cumulative effect of dissatisfaction and frustration in both national and European political institutions. Hence a growing support for Eurosceptics in the 2014 European parliamentary elections. As the Greek crisis and the results of the following national elections in Greece testify, the politicization of European integration through contentious politics can be regarded as an answer to the growing alienation of the political and institutional design of contemporary Europe from its social roots. Social welfare, alongside political democracy and a Christian heritage, remains a pillar of a common European identity. Contentious politics break into this political space in diverse, often populist and brutal forms, and point to the need to rethink existing stereotypes about politics and everyday life, about the changing motivation of political action and the changing nature of political actors. Europe faces the necessity to adapt its institutions both to the challenges of effective policies and of democratic politics. The on-going politicization processes can contribute to this end, on condition that the European political elite is capable to face this challenge.
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Melberg, Andrea, Alemnesh Hailemariam Mirkuzie, Tesfamichael Awoke Sisay, Mitike Molla Sisay, and Karen Marie Moland. "‘Maternal deaths should simply be 0’: politicization of maternal death reporting and review processes in Ethiopia." Health Policy and Planning 34, no. 7 (July 31, 2019): 492–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/czz075.
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Abstract The Maternal Death Surveillance and Response system (MDSR) was implemented in Ethiopia in 2013 to record and review maternal deaths. The overall aim of the system is to identify and address gaps in order to prevent future death but, to date, around 10% of the expected number of deaths are reported. This article examines practices and reasoning involved in maternal death reporting and review practices in Ethiopia, building on the concept of ‘practical norms’. The study is based on multi-sited fieldwork at different levels of the Ethiopian health system including interviews, document analysis and observations, and has documented the politicized nature of MDSR implementation. Death reporting and review are challenged by the fact that maternal mortality is a main indicator of health system performance. Health workers and bureaucrats strive to balance conflicting demands when implementing the MDSR system: to report all deaths; to deliver perceived success in maternal mortality reduction by reporting as few deaths as possible; and to avoid personalized accountability for deaths. Fear of personal and political accountability for maternal deaths strongly influences not only reporting practices but also the care given in the study sites. Health workers report maternal deaths in ways that minimize their number and deflect responsibility for adverse outcomes. They attribute deaths to community and infrastructural factors, which are often beyond their control. The practical norms of how health workers report deaths perpetuate a skewed way of seeing problems and solutions in maternal health. On the basis of our findings, we argue that closer attention to the broader political context is needed to understand the implementation of MDSR and other surveillance systems.
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Grohs, Stephan. "Contested boundaries: The moralization and politicization of prostitution in German cities." European Urban and Regional Studies 27, no. 2 (January 10, 2019): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776418822083.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The local regulation of prostitution in Germany is a contested area of urban politics. In this issue area, morality claims intersect with the material interests of home- and landowners and the security demands of ‘ordinary’ citizens. The Prostitution Law of 2001 has liberalized the legal framework: the legislation ‘normalized’ sex work, triggering the re-definition of urban strategies to regulate prostitution. This article analyses the conflict dynamics and the framing of conflicts over regulations in four German cities. It identifies the main actors, coalition-building processes and the framing of conflicts, and links these elements to the resulting policies. With regard to theory, it explores the relevance of classical explanatory approaches to local governance such as party politics, urban growth coalitions, political culture and bureaucratic politics to the value-laden issue of prostitution. It thereby contributes to the growing academic interest in the nature of morality policies and the question of the specific conditions under which prostitution is framed as a moral issue or as a ‘normal’ subject within urban politics.
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Coronado, César Ernesto González, and Liliana Ibeth Castañeda Rentería. "Historia De La Universidad Pública Latinoamericana: Una Visión General." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 4 (February 28, 2018): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n4p104.
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This text describes on a synthetic way the history that characterizes the development of public Latin America´s universities. Through an intense literature review three core aspects are identified: enrollment generalization, the growth of private institutions and the politicization within the processes, considered as an essential part of the public universities in the continent. The analysis states that even if they are not negative, these characteristics are by themselves product of a history loaded by the social mobility and by the citizenship formation.
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Sukhanov, V. "Israel Continues to Expand Its Settlements." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 161–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-161-166.
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The article analyzes the influence of the religious aspects on the political processes in Israel. Special attention is paid to the role of religion in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The author shows the trend towards politicization of religion and characterizes the process as unconstructive, which prevents to a peaceful settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.The article also discusses the interaction between secular and religious principles in the State of Israel, estimates the current situation, highlights the importance of the religious component in the political life of Israel.
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Brändström, Annika, and Sanneke Kuipers. "From ‘Normal Incidents’ to Political Crises: Understanding the Selective Politicization of Policy Failures." Government and Opposition 38, no. 3 (2003): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.t01-1-00016.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article aims to enhance understanding of selective politicization processes in policy failures and examine the attempts of policy-makers to use framing strategies to allocate blame. The policy response to alleged submarine intrusions in Sweden and Dutch military involvement in the fall of Srebrenica are the two case-studies used in this article. These cases will be analysed using three perspectives derived from the literature on framing: depicting events as violations of core public values; depicting events as operational incidents or as symptoms of endemic problems; allocating accountability and blame for the occurrence and/or ‘mismanagement’ of crisis. Finally, we present a conceptual framework of the different shapes that political blaming can take when certain framing strategies are adopted.
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Alberici, Augusta Isabella, and Patrizia Milesi. "Online discussion and the moral pathway to identity politicization and collective action." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 14, no. 1 (March 12, 2018): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v14i1.1507.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Research on the mobilizing potential of the Internet has produced some controversy between optimistic vs. skeptical perspectives. Although some attention has been paid to the effects of online discussions on collective participation, very little is known about how people’s experience of online interactions affects the key psychosocial predictors of collective action. The present research investigated whether use of the Internet as a channel for deliberation influenced the moral pathway to collective mobilization by shaping users’ politicized identity, thereby indirectly influencing collective action. Results showed that when people perceived online discussions as a constructive communication context, their politicized identity was imbued with the meaning of responding to a moral obligation, and willingness to participate in collective action was sustained. However, when participants perceived that online discussions were not constructive, their identification with the movement did not refer to moral obligation, and intention to participate in collective action was not sustained. Our discussion focuses on the need to deepen investigation of how people experience the particularities of interacting online, and on how this can affect psychosocial processes leading to collective action.
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Avksentev, Viktor Anatolyevich, Boris Vladimirovich Aksiumov, and Galina Dmitrievna Gritsenko. "Mass Media and Ethnic Discourse in the North Caucasus: Politicization or Depoliticization?" Общество: политика, экономика право, no. 11 (November 20, 2020): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2020.11.1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Based on the content analysis of “non-ethnic” mass media in the federal subjects of Russia in the North Caucasus, the attempt to determine the place of ethnicity in the information field of the region and the influence of these sources on the processes of politicization/depoliticization of ethnicity is made in the paper. It was revealed that the topic “historical memory” is the leading one in ethnically marked publications. The next places in the thematic classi-fier are occupied by “ethnic identity” and “ethnic traditions and values”. Along with this, the dis-course of modernization turned out to be in de-mand, which indicates that the North Caucasus is in a situation of search for an optimal balance between old and new, traditions and innovations. Only one case of the use of the concept of “nation” as a syn-onym for the Russian (“Rossiyan”) nation has been identified, however, references to the nation in the ethnic sense are extremely rare. It is concluded that the “non-ethnic” media of the North Caucasus keep ethnic and confessional issues within public dis-course, but it is not “superfluous”, i. e. the tendency to politicize ethnicity is not typical or explicit.
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Krüger, Timmo, and Victoria Pellicer-Sifres. "From innovations to exnovations. Conflicts, (De-)Politicization processes, and power relations are key in analysing the ecological crisis." Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 33, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13511610.2020.1733936.
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Karolak-Michalska, Magdalena. "Ethnopolitical processes as determinants of ethnopolitical management in Eastern European countries in the context of sub-regional security." Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej, no. 14 (December 31, 2020): 311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/rie.2020.14.20.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The following article discusses ethnopolitical processes (politicization of ethnicity and ethnopolitical mobilization of national and ethnic minorities) in Eastern European countries. The author analyses social and political activity of national and ethnic minorities, as well as their representation in state authorities of the Republic of Belarus, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, and concludes that those processes affect the national security of the countries that make up the sub-region. Particular threat to national security is posed by organized separatist actions. In case of the Republic of Belarus, the problem is not observed, but in the Republic of Moldova (Gagauzia, Transnistria) and Ukraine (Donbas, Carpathian Ruthenia) it is a very serious issue. Separatist tendencies of various ethnic groups have a significant impact on the national security policy. They also call for intervention by state authorities, not only in connection with security issues, but also in relation to appropriate management of ethnopolitical processes within the country.
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Kitzberger, Philip. "Against the current: The emergence of a media democratization policy agenda in Latin America." Global Media and Communication 13, no. 3 (October 6, 2017): 229–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766517734253.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In Latin America, the role of the media in democratic societies has recently become the subject of public debates, struggles and political mobilizations that have denaturalized the existing media order and established a distinct policy agenda oriented towards media democratization. This region-wide trend – a counter-tendency to the globally dominant market-driven orientation of media and telecommunication policies – requires explanation. This article stresses that it cannot be attributed to a spontaneous reaction to market concentration or media elitism, just as it cannot be reduced to a top-down process driven by populist leaders seeking to control the media. Drawing on social movement literature, the article traces four interacting processes – domestic network mobilization, reframing processes, transnational activism and changes in political elite alignments – that have brought about the unprecedented politicization of the Latin American media order.
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Weingart, Peter. "From “Finalization” to “Mode 2”: old wine in new bottles?" Social Science Information 36, no. 4 (December 1997): 591–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901897036004002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Discussions about “new forms of knowledge-production” refer to purportedly fundamental changes in the organization of science. A closer look reveals that these changes pertain to a particular sector of science, i.e. policy-related fields. It is suggested that a better understanding of the kind and scope of changes would be achieved by viewing them as resulting from a “scientification” of society and a correlate “politicization” of science, both of which processes signify the emergence of the knowledge society. Ironically, the “finalization thesis”, which foresaw much of this two decades ago, met with opposition, while the new claims were embraced. This is explained by the context of legitimation
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Barqueiro, Carla, Kate Seaman, and Katherine Teresa Towey. "Regional Organizations and Responsibility to Protect: Normative Reframing or Normative Change?" Politics and Governance 4, no. 3 (August 11, 2016): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i3.642.
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The adoption of the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) by all United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) member states in 2005, and its reaffirmation in dozens of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions, indicate that there is a growing consensus around the world that egregious human rights violations necessitate a cooperative and decisive international response. But just as the political debates raged surrounding the precise articulation of RtoP between 2001 and 2005, so too goes the contemporary debate surrounding the implementation of RtoP. Regional divergences in RtoP implementation, in particular, have been noted by many scholars, as regional organizations implement those elements of RtoP that best suit their policy goals. This paper will apply recent scholarship on norm-lifecycles, specifically on “norm localization” to the operationalization of RtoP by regional organizations. We seek to explore regional divergences on RtoP implementation between the European Union (EU), League of Arab States (LAS), and the African Union (AU) on Libya and Syria. From this assessment, three main arguments will be put forward: (1) regional organizations remain politicized, reframing RtoP in divergent ways that dilute the strength of the norm, (2) politicization of the RtoP discourse constrains regional norm localization processes, (3) politicization and reframing of RtoP inhibit regional normative change and limit the potential for timely and decisive responses to protect civilians.
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Violante, Teresa. "Bring Back the Politics: The PSPP Ruling in Its Institutional Context." German Law Journal 21, no. 5 (July 2020): 1045–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2020.63.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIn this paper, I argue that the conflict between the German Federal Constitutional Court and the Court of Justice of the European Union is the story of a clash foretold, if one takes seriously constitutional courts as institutions designed to be “dogs that bite.” The German Court consistently developed a doctrinal tool to guide its role as guardian of the national constitutional order and the democratic principle, and enforced it when the constitutional control of monetary policy measures so required. I analyze the PSPP ruling, focusing on where the Court concluded that the lack of a satisfactory statement of reasons by the European Central Bank prevented it from reviewing the proportionality of the program. I argue that the Court, after conducting a substantive assessment, applied a weak remedy, thereby deferring the last word on the constitutionality of the PSPP to the political branches. In doing so, the Court opens space for the political assessment of a controversial monetary policy, enhancing the politicization of the Economic and Monetary Union, and provides a doctrinal toolbox for national constitutional courts that face competence creep of EU law in their jurisdictions. I conclude that, ultimately, the main merit of constitutional courts’ interventions in the EU integration is that they are in a privileged position to allow for the politicization of technocratic processes.
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Polonskaya, Ksenia. "Selecting candidates to the bench of the World Court: (Inevitable) politicization and its consequences." Leiden Journal of International Law 33, no. 2 (February 28, 2020): 409–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156520000023.
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AbstractJudges of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) are prominent jurists of high merit. However, little is known about certain extra-legal factors of the candidates that guide states in their selection and appointment process. This article focuses on examining extra-legal factors that matter for states in the selection process. Such extra-legal factors demonstrate that elections of candidates to the Court constitute another aspect of a broader political struggle to define the meaning of international law. The article situates the discussion on the selection process in the broader context of the discussion on biases in international law to suggest that the election of candidates to the Court becomes both an instrument and a procedure for controlling the discourse. The characteristics of the judges thus matter as a proxy to control the production and direction of such discourse. This article then explores the ways in which some states have greater strategic advantage in the selection and election processes that enables them to control the discourse to define the meaning of international law effectively.
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Magone, José. "A Presidência rotativa do Conselho e a governança multinível europeia: a peça-chave no processo de decisão intergovernamental." Relações Internacionais, no. 68 (December 2020): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2020.68a03.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the post-Lisbon constitutional architecture, the rotating presidency of the Council of Ministers of the European Union remains a vital part of intergovernmental decision-making. Its leadership activity is mainly behind closed doors to avoid the politicization of legislative processes. This study aims to contextualize the presidency as a crucial part of European integration due to its position between formal and informal processes. Informality gives the presidency time to create consensus and be flexible in its negotiation. Despite large countries’ attempts to reduce the importance of the rotating presidency, small states have resisted this temptation. In this contribution, the rotating presidency is seen from the point of view of European integration theory which is discussed in depth. Some notes follow on what can be expected in terms of the behaviour of the German and Portuguese presidencies in the new 2020-21 team presidency cycle.
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Stoler, Ann Laura. "Working the Revolution: Plantation Laborers and the People's Militia in North Sumatra." Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 2 (May 1988): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056166.
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Nationalist struggles are invariably civil as well as anticolonial wars. The processes of popular politicization are shaped as much by internal contests as by mobilized sentiments against foreign rule. Political engagement by the rural poor is typically influenced by local power struggles, ethnic conflicts, and class tensions that may deflect the poor's stakes in and concern for national liberation. To discover the quotidian contours of revolution, we must turn to these sorts of relationships and constraints. To understand the conditions that foster or discourage the active participation of subordinate groups in revolution, we must appreciate the local relations under which people labor as much as the political context in which they fight.
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Thompson, Andrew. "Humanitarian principles put to the test: Challenges to humanitarian action during decolonization." International Review of the Red Cross 97, no. 897-898 (June 2015): 45–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383115000636.
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AbstractThis article examines the meaning and purpose of the Fundamental Principles of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement during and after decolonization. This was a period when the character of conflict experienced far-reaching changes, when the limitations of international humanitarian law were sharply exposed, and when humanitarian organizations of all kinds – the International Committee of the Red Cross included – redefined their missions and mandates. The Fundamental Principles were caught up in these processes; subject to a resurgent State sovereignty, they were both animated and constrained by the geopolitical forces of the era. The article pays particular attention to the politicization of the Principles in the contexts of colonial counter-insurgency, political detention and transfers of power.
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Хорошилов, Е. Е. "INFRASTRUCTURE BANK AS AN INSTRUMENT OF STATE ECONOMIC POLICY: EVIDENCE FROM CANADA." Scientific Journal ECONOMIC SYSTEMS 1, no. 255 (2022): 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.29030/2309-2076-2022-15-4-203-217.
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The article examines activities of the Canada Infrastructure Bank in the context of state economic policy. Features of the bank’s mandate and management structure are studied. An analysis of its operations in 2017–2022 is carried out. Assessments of the infrastructure bank’s activities by Canadian authorities, politicians, and the expert community are summarized. It is concluded that the Canadian Infrastructure Bank has not become an effective instrument of state economic policy and has not made a significant contribution to the development of infrastructure in Canada. Among the main problems associated with its activities, there are politicization, long decision-making processes, high administrative costs, low transparency of operations, and inability to attract large private investors to infrastructure projects.
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Bartulović, Alenka. "“Make up Your Own Mind about Gavrilo!”." Etnološka tribina 52, no. 45 (December 21, 2022): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15378/1848-9540.2022.45.02.
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Drawing on recent scholarly critiques of dominant Balkanist understandings of memory work in post-war societies and focusing on individuals as active managers of transmitted memories, this article illustrates the dynamic nature of how the Sarajevo assassination and Gavrilo Princip are remembered in Sarajevo. It offers ethnographic insights into the everyday effects of power struggles between popular and official memories and responds to calls to explore affective states brought about by the politicization of the past in particular settings. Without denying the importance of memory in post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina, it nevertheless points to the relevance of exploring uncertainty, doubts, disinterest, and silences for ethnographic research on memorialization processes in post-conflict societies and beyond.