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1
Salmi-Niklander, Kirsti, Sofia Laine, Päivi Salmesvuori, Ulla Savolainen, and Riikka Taavetti, eds. Friction, Fragmentation, and Diversity. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463726757.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This collection focuses on difficult memories and diverse identities related to conflicts and localized politics of memories. The contemporary and history-oriented case studies discuss politicized memories and pasts, the frictions of justice and reconciliation, and the diversity and fragmentation of difficult memories. The collection brings together methodological discussions from oral history research, cultural memory studies and the study of contemporary protest movements. The politicization of memories is analyzed in various contexts, ranging from everyday interaction and diverse cultural representations to politics of the archive and politics as legal processes. The politicization of memories takes place on multiple analytical levels: those inherent to the sources; the ways in which the collections are utilized, archived, or presented; and in the re-evaluation of existing research.
2
Maia, Rousiley C. M. Politicization, New Media, and Everyday Deliberation. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198748977.003.0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter investigates ‘everyday talk’ within the deliberative system. The democratic potential of everyday talk is assessed against the normative criteria of deliberation and then with reference to the politicizing and depoliticizing effects of this practice. Against scholars who argue that government-focused forums and mini-publics are internally more democratic than broader processes of everyday discussion in the public sphere, this chapter contends that there is no space that is intrinsically more deliberative than any other, especially when seen from a network of governance. This chapter argues that connections across governmental networks and social spaces are more intricate in an increasingly hybrid media environment. Everyday talk is becoming ever more important for helping citizens to discover problems that may otherwise remain hidden or consigned to the realm of fate or necessity, converting topics of conversation into issues of broader public concern, and criticizing and demanding review of certain political decisions.
3
Domínguez-Redondo, Elvira. In Defense of Politicization of Human Rights. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197516706.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
International human rights mechanisms’ efficiency is normally linked to the work of independent experts keen to push the boundaries of accountability, against recalcitrant states determined to defend their sovereignty. As a corollary, progress in this field is associated with the creation and maintenance of political free spaces. Another common presumption, rather than fact, is a belief in a differentiated “North” versus “South” approach to the promotion and protection of human rights, that finds solid ground within the prevalent human rights discourses repeated by governmental and non-governmental actors. Through the lenses of the UN Special Procedures, In Defense of Politicization of Human Rights: The UN Special Procedures challenges these and other presumptions informing doctrinal studies, policies, and strategies to advance international human rights. In seeking to debunk commonly held views about the role of politics in human rights at the international level, this book constitutes the first comprehensive study of the Special Procedures as a system covering their history, methods of work, institutional status, and relationship with other politically driven organs and processes affecting their development. The perspective chosen to analyze the human rights mechanisms most vulnerable to political decisions determining their creation, renewal, and operationalization casts a new light on the extent to which these remain the cornerstone of global accountability in protecting the inherent dignity and worth of individuals as well as groups.
4
Salmi-Niklander, Kirsti, Sofia Laine, Päivi Salmesvuori, Ulla Savolainen, and Riikka Taavetti, eds. Friction, Fragmentation, and Diversity. Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9789048553853.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This collection focuses on difficult memories and diverse identities related to conflicts and localized politics of memories. The contemporary and history-oriented case studies discuss politicized memories and pasts, the frictions of justice and reconciliation, and the diversity and fragmentation of difficult memories. <i>Friction, Fragmentation, and Diversity: Localized Politics of European Memories</i> brings together methodological discussions from oral history research, cultural memory studies and the study of contemporary protest movements. The politicization of memories is analyzed in various contexts, ranging from everyday interaction and diverse cultural representations to politics of the archive and politics as legal processes. The politicization of memories takes place on multiple analytical levels: those inherent to the sources; the ways in which the collections are utilized, archived, or presented; and in the re-evaluation of existing research.
5
Danielson, Michael S. Biographies of Emigrant Politicization. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190679972.003.0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Using comparative qualitative methods based on extensive field research, this chapter examines the process through which 10 migrants became politically engaged and influential actors in their home communities. The analysis shows that the most influential migrant political actors from the state of Oaxaca have entered the fray in opposition to dominant powers back home. In contrast, the migrants who have been most influential in the states of Guanajuato and Zacatecas have tended to be mobilized by and act in support of the dominant parties in their states. The institutionalization of the state–migrant relationship in Guanajuato and Zacatecas facilitates migrant social and political engagement with governing parties. In contrast, the exclusion of migrants from influence in Oaxaca helps explain why migrants often oppose the governing party; and their experiences of exploitation and resistance as migrants in Mexico and California radicalized many of the most influential migrant leaders.
6
Schoen, Harald, Sigrid Roßteutscher, Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck, Bernhard Weßels, and Christof Wolf. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.003.0013.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This concluding chapter summarizes the main findings of the preceding chapters in light of the model of contextual effects on voter behavior. Accordingly, the processes of communication and politicization are of key importance for contextual effects. By implication, we cannot take for granted that contextual features exert sizable effects on voters’ opinion formation and behavior in each and every case. Findings about contextual effects are also context-sensitive and thus do not lend themselves to generalization by default. These observations suggest that context plays a nuanced and conditional role in voting behavior. Exploring it further should be a focal topic of future research on political behavior and democratic politics.
7
Zürn, Michael. The Theoretical Model. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198819974.003.0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The authority–legitimation link states that international institutions exercising authority need to nurture the belief in their legitimacy. The authority–legitimation link points to fundamental challenges for the global governance system: with the rise of international authorities that are, at the same time, more intrusive, state consent is undermined and societies are affected directly. Consequently, legitimation problems arise, followed by processes of delegitimation, which then trigger responses by the challenged institutions. Using concepts of historical institutionalism, it is argued in this chapter that the authority–legitimation link produces reactive sequences either via the route of societal politicization or via counter-institutionalization by states. These reactive sequences may result in either a decline or a deepening of global governance depending on the responses of authority holders.
8
Toro-Morn, Maura. Elvira Arellano and the Struggles of Low-Wage Undocumented Latina Immigrant Women. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037573.003.0003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter examines the labor disruptions faced by low-wage undocumented Latina immigrant women under the current neoliberal regime by telling the story of Elvira Arellano, a Mexican immigrant who followed the migrant trail of low-wage work in the United States. On August 15, 2007, Arellano traveled to Los Angeles to attend an immigration rally; four days later, she was apprehended by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and deported to Tijuana, Mexico. Arellano's case highlights the criminalization of undocumented immigrants in the the aftermath of 9/11 that has led to a dramatic increase in the number of Latinos sentenced to prison terms in U.S. federal courts. This chapter explores how neoliberal globalization processes in both Mexico and the United States have shaped Arellano's life choices, her agency, and politicization as an undocumented immigrant woman.
9
Zürn, Michael. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198819974.003.0011.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter summarizes the argument of the book. It recapitulates the global governance as a political system founded on normative principles and reflexive authorities in order to identify the legitimation problems built into it; it points to the explanation of the rise of societal politicization and counter-institutionalization via causal mechanisms highlighting the endogenous dynamics of that global governance system; and, it sums up the conditions under which the subsequent processes of legitimation and delegitimation lead to the system’s decline or to a deepening of it. In addition, the conclusion submits that the arguments put forward in this book are in line with a newly emerging paradigm in International Relations. A “global politics paradigm” is increasingly complementing the “cooperation under anarchy paradigm” which has been dominant for around five decades. The chapter finishes with suggestions of areas for further research.
10
Asquer, Enrica. Domesticity and Beyond: Gender, Family, and Consumption in Modern Europe. Edited by Frank Trentmann. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199561216.013.0029.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article discusses the relationship between gender history and the history of the family, especially in the field of consumer studies, and examines works that consider the rise of a ‘modern’ public sphere, structured around mass consumption and potentially more inclusive with respect to women. Reframing Jürgen Habermas's account with a gender-conscious approach and recognizing the power of the discourse in shaping historical processes, some of the studies it considers critically utilize the Habermasian assumption that commercial culture caused a radical transformation of the classic bourgeois public realm. Focusing on the contemporary debate about women shoppers and the challenge they posed to the masculine public sphere, these works explore the tensions between different ‘publics’ that were emerging in the nineteenth century within European societies and the changing ways in which domesticity and motherhood were linked to consumer culture. The article also looks at the politicization of everyday life in twentieth-century Europe.
11
Wolf, Christof. Voters and Voting in Context. Edited by Harald Schoen, Sigrid Roßteutscher, Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck, and Bernhard Weßels. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This book investigates the role of context in affecting political opinion formation and voting behavior. Building on a model of contextual effects on individual-level voter behavior, the chapters of this volume explore contextual effects in Germany in the early twenty-first century. The contributions draw on manifold combinations of individual and contextual information gathered in the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES) framework and employ advanced methods. In substantive terms, they investigate the impact of campaign communication on political learning, the effects of media coverage on the perceived importance of political problems, and the role of electoral competition on candidate strategies and perceptions. Other contributions deal with the role of social and economic contexts as well as parties’ policy stances in affecting electoral turnout. The chapters on vote choice explore the impact of social cues on candidate voting, effects of electoral arenas on vote functions, the role of media coverage on ideological voting, and effects of campaign communication on the timing of electoral decision-making. The volume demonstrates the key role of the processes of communication and politicization in bringing about contextual effects. Context thus plays a nuanced role in voting behavior. The contingency of contextual effects suggests that they should become an important topic in research on political behavior and democratic politics.
12
Grimm, Dieter. The Constitution of European Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198805120.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Europe is in crisis. With rising unrest among citizens of European Union Member States exemplified by the UK’s decision to leave the European Union (EU), and the growing popularity of anti-EU political parties, this book presents the argument that Europe has to change its method of further integration or risks failure. The book asserts that currently the EU does not have enough sources of legitimation to uphold itself, surviving solely on the legitimation provided by Member States. One popular remedy is the suggestion of ‘parliamentarization’ of the EU, giving the European Parliament the powers typically possessed by national parliaments as a means of heightening its legitimation. This is criticized by the book as expanding the Parliament’s powers would not change the effects of over-constitutionalization as the Parliament is inferior to the constitution. In order to reduce the EU’s legitimacy deficit, the book makes several recommendations, including the re-politicization of the decision-making processes, which can be achieved by reducing treaties to the capacity necessary for their constitutional function; the reinvigoration of European Parliament elections, by having ‘Europeanized’ parties to increase engagement with European society and give voters the opportunity to more immediately influence European politics; and a new division of powers based on subject matter to restrain European expansionism, reserving particular areas of policy to the responsibility of Member States even if this affects the common market.
13
Jha, Mithilesh Kumar. Language Politics and Public Sphere in North India. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199479344.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Moving beyond the existing scholarship on language politics in north India which implicitly or explicitly focuses on Hindi–Urdu debates, this book examines the formation of the Maithili movement in the context of expansion of Hindi as the ‘national’ language. For a long time, the Hindi–Urdu debate has provided an important source to critically asses various facets of the nationalist movement in north India. But much emphasis on this debate has undermined simultaneous developments taking place in ‘minor’ linguistic spheres within the ‘Hindi heartland’ like Maithili, Braj, Awadhi, and Bhojpuri. This work also revisits the dynamic hierarchy through which a distinction is produced between ‘major’ and ‘minor’ languages. Significance of these ‘minor’ linguistic movements lies in the ways through which they resist such domination and appropriations while asserting their own independence. Throughout the history of the Maithili movement, what one finds is not just an opposition to Hindi’s claim of Maithili being its ‘dialect’ or the ambivalent relationship between the two. But more appropriately, one can see a double movement. The authority of Hindi has strengthened within the Maithili-speaking region even when the movement for the recognition of Maithili as an independent language has become more assertive. Another paradox of the Maithili movement has been its increasing politicization—from Hindi–Maithili ambiguities and antagonisms to territorial consciousness and finally demands for a separate statehood of Mithila, along with the persistent indifferent attitude of the masses. This work examines these processes historically since the middle of the nineteenth century until the inclusion of Maithili into the eighth schedule of the Indian Constitution in 2004.
14
Miller, Lisa L. Making the State Pay. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190203542.003.0008.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter argues that the literature on the politics of punishment generally, and on US exceptionalism specifically, suffers from insufficient attention to serious violence. It complicates conventional assumptions about democratic politics, mass publics, and crime. Drawing on three cases—the United Kingdom, the United States, and the state of Pennsylvania—this chapter illustrates that rates of violence matter for political attention to crime. It also shows that the politicization of crime does not always lead to a singular focus on punishment and that this politicization in the United States is shaped by both high rates of violence and distinctive institutional dynamics that decouple crime from related social and economic insecurities. The consequence is an (exceptional) political process in the United States that makes it difficult for the polity to make the state pay for high rates of violence and the criminogenic conditions that give rise to them.
15
Goodier, Susan. Antis Win the New York State Campaign, 1912–1915. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Activities of the anti-suffrage movement ebbed and flowed with those of the suffrage movement, suggesting the responsive nature of both movements. This chapter focuses on this process. The leadership of Alice Hill Chittenden, elected in the fall of 1912 to serve as president of the New York State Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage, accounts for the increased politicization of the anti-suffrage movement. Anti-suffragists won this battle, apparent in the results of the November 1915 referendum. However, it is also apparent by 1915 that anti-suffrage leaders faced serious challenges to their campaign to prevent enfranchisement, leading to a far different campaign for the 1917 referendum.
16
Liddy, Christian D. Communication. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198705208.003.0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The exercise of political power in late medieval English towns was predicated upon the representation, management, and control of public opinion. This chapter explains why public opinion mattered so much to town rulers; how they worked to shape opinion through communication; and the results. Official communication was instrumental in the politicization of urban citizens. The practices of official secrecy and public proclamation were not inherently contradictory, but conflict flowed from the political process. The secrecy surrounding the practices of civic government provoked ordinary citizens to demand more accountability from town rulers, while citizens, who were accustomed to hear news and information circulated by civic magistrates, were able to use what they knew to challenge authority.
17
Zürn, Michael. The Deepening of Global Governance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198819974.003.0009.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The contestation of inter- and transnational institutions does not necessarily lead to the decline of the global governance system. Against this backdrop, this chapter attempts to systematically demonstrate the possibility of substantial reform in the face of societal pressure. In doing so, it focuses on IOs that increasingly introduce provisions for the protection of human rights. Its goal is to examine the conditions under which the authority–legitimation link can deepen global governance in reactive sequences involving non-state actors and how this can play out in different pathways. The argument will be exemplified in the field of human rights protection. One more causal mechanism, “reinforcement via politicization” (CMALL 2), will be examined for this purpose. The method used in this chapter can be described as comparative process tracing.
18
Horne, Cynthia M. Trust in Government and Government Effectiveness. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793328.003.0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter examines whether, when, and how lustration and truth commissions affected trust in government and government effectiveness. Lustration had a direct positive relationship with government effectiveness; more extensive lustration programs appeared to have a bigger positive impact on government effectiveness than more informal programs. However, with respect to trust in government, the lustration effects were largely indirect and temporally contingent. Only early lustration was clearly associated with trust in government. Later in the transition, reforms registered weaker effects on trust in government, if any. To illustrate further the dynamics associated with the timing of reforms, the chapter explores the case of Poland’s late reform programs, highlighting some of the potential problems with domestic politicization of late reform efforts. Poland’s programs illustrate that while the timing of reforms matters, effective implementation of lustration can happen early or late in the transition process.
19
Bereni, Laure. Women’s Movements and Feminism. Edited by Robert Elgie, Emiliano Grossman, and Amy G. Mazur. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199669691.013.21.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter starts by exploring the ways in which comparative research on women’s movements has challenged dominant conceptions in social movement theory, notably the antagonism between movements and institutions and the conflation of protest and disruption. The chapter then turns to the specific insights of French research on the women’s movement and feminism. First, a series of studies have explored the politicization of gender identity and the the historical interplay between mobilizing as women and doing so for women. Second, there has been considerable examination of the complex ways in which feminist protest has become ingrained in state institutions. Third, several works have focused on the process of diffusion and individual appropriation of feminist ideas outside the women’s movement. A recent line of research has placed the emphasis on the intersecting power relationships that shape the contemporary women’s movement.
20
Russell, Meg, and Daniel Gover. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198753827.003.0010.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter summarizes the book’s findings, and provides a substantive analysis of the way policy influence operates at Westminster. It concludes that parliament has significant power that takes several distinct forms. The chapter summarizes the changes made to the 12 case study bills, and draws on interview evidence from insiders about parliament’s overall influence in the process. It identifies six ‘faces’ of parliamentary power over legislation—including visible change through amendments, but also ‘anticipated reactions’, more subtle internalization by government of parliament’s desires, setting the policy agenda (‘issue politicization’), exposure and accountability, and, finally, supporting the government. The chapter explores how these different forms of influence are exercised by different actors at Westminster—particularly including the opposition and government backbenchers. It concludes that Westminster can, despite common perceptions, be viewed as a ‘legislator’ in an important sense, and discusses why there may be a mismatch between common perceptions and reality.
21
Goodier, Susan. Antis Adjust to Enfranchisement, 1917–1932. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter offers an alternative—but far more logical–end to the story of anti-suffrage. In the process of preventing their enfranchisement, many former anti-suffrage women came to see the value of political involvement and power. This represents the experience of most New York anti-suffrage leaders and their supporters after enfranchisement. Quite a few former anti-suffragists, including, in particular, Alice Hill Chittenden, appeared to welcome the new political role for women and became involved in party politics with the specific goal of educating women to make good use of the franchise. The chapter discusses the politicization of former anti-suffragists and the ways they chose to play their role as enfranchised members of the polity. Many of these women became active members of the Republican Party, carrying on their political activity in much the same way as they had for anti-suffragism, this time voting and loyal to a political party.
22
Gerstenberg, Oliver. Euroconstitutionalism and its Discontents. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198834335.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This book addresses the question of social constitutionalism, especially with regard to its role in the contemporary European project. For reasons of history and democracy, Europeans share a deep commitment to social constitutionalism. But at the same time, Europeans are concerned about an overconstitutionalization and the balancing-away of less-favoured rights, leading to the entrenchment of the status quo and stifling of the living constitutionalism and democracy. The book challenges the common view that constitutionalization means de-politicization. Without claiming for themselves the final word, courts can exert a more indirect—forum-creative and agenda-setting—role in the process of an ongoing clarification of the meaning of a right. In exerting this role, courts rely less on a pre-existing consensus, but a potential consensus is sufficient: courts can induce debate and deliberation that leads to consensus in a non-hierarchical dialogue in which the conflicting parties, state actors, civil society organizations, and the diverse stakeholders themselves develop flexible substantive standards that interpret constitutional requirements, often over repeat litigation. The CJEU and the ECtHR—as courts beyond the nation state—in their constitutionalizing jurisprudence are able to constructively re-open and re-politicize controversies that are blocked at the national level, or which cannot be resolved at the domestic level. But, crucially, the understanding of constitutional framework-principles is itself subject to revision and reconsideration as the experience of dealing with the diverse national contexts of discovery and application accumulates. This democratic-experimentalist process lies at the heart of the distinctive model of contemporary Euroconstitutionalism.
23
Rovner, Joshua. Pathologies of Intelligence Producer-Consumer Relations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.272.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The shift in America’s national security priorities has significantly changed the foreign intelligence needs of US policymakers in recent years. Due to the substantial rise of transnational threats, intelligence requirements have become increasingly numerous and varied, necessitating ever closer communication between consumers and producers to facilitate the production of relevant and timely intelligence. Producer-consumer relations is the glue which pulls together the intelligence cycle; for what happens at the interface of policy and intelligence ultimately determines the success or failure of the entire intelligence endeavor. Efforts to reform intelligence analysis have been motivated by the assumption that accurate analysis naturally leads to effective policy decisions. From this perspective, computational resources have primarily been devoted to the collection and assessment of empirical data in an effort to provide consumers with increasingly accurate predictions. The perennial issues facing the intelligence community can be roughly summarized as follows: the intelligence professional must guard against politicization and uphold his analytical integrity while at the same time maintaining close enough contact with policymakers to provide personalized and relevant intelligence support. Scholars argue that what the producer-consumer relationship needs is not radical change but some amelioration. The general reform objective should be to deepen the incorporation of intelligence throughout the policymaking process, to improve the two-way understanding of policy requirements, and to ensure that the intelligence community maximizes and maintains its unique expertise.