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1
Benedetta, Cotta, and Memoli Vincenzo. "Do environmental preferences in wealthy nations persist in times of crisis? The European environmental attitudes (2008-2017)." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no. 1 (March 14, 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractHow do economic recessions affect European citizens’ attitudes towards environmental policies? In this article we investigate the attitudes of European citizens towards environmental protection considering its importance both at individual and country levels and adopting a longitudinal view. In light of the existing research on the link between pro-environmental attitudes and economic affluence of societies, including Ronald Inglehart’s theory of post-materialism, we hypothesise that levels of economic well-being as well as trust in political institutions are important drivers of Europeans’ attitudes towards environmental protection. Taking into consideration some macroeconomic indicators and the environmental attitude of public opinion, our main results show that even in time of crises, citizens’ pro-environmental attitudes persist in terms of importance, both at country and individual levels.
2
Malčič, Matevž, and Alenka Krašovec. "New Parties and Democracy in Slovenia." Politics in Central Europe 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractWhile no stranger to new political parties, Slovenia’s party system became much more unstable after 2008 with the constant arrival of electorally very successful parties. Further, while the citizens’ satisfaction with democracy and trust in political institutions has never reached the heights seen in Western Europe, the crisis years saw them drop to historical lows. In these circumstances, one may expect successful new parties to assure greater responsiveness, or a balance between responsible and responsive politics, and to bring improvements to citizens’ opinion on their satisfaction with democracy and trust in political institutions. In addition, new parties are usually more prone to democratic innovations, which can be associated with the popular idea of introducing stronger intra-party democracy in their internal functioning. The analysis shows that in 2014 Slovenia experienced both the nadir of public opinion on democracy and the political system, and the most electorally successful new party. Nevertheless, improvements in satisfaction with democracy and the political system only slowly emerged after 2014, to a considerable extent coinciding with the return to economic prosperity, while even these improvements left enough room for yet another successful new party at the 2018 elections. Concerning innovations in intra-party democracy, we are only able to identify some smaller democratic innovations. Given this, it seems that the new parties themselves have had a relatively limited impact on democracy in Slovenia.
3
Abeyagoonasekera, Asanga. "Fighting economic crime during the pandemic: a Sri Lankan perspective." Journal of Financial Crime 29, no. 2 (February 10, 2022): 764–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-01-2022-0009.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to understand the dual crisis in Sri Lanka during the pandemic. The health crisis was followed by democratic backsliding which directly impacted the fight for economic crime. The pre-pandemic political commitment to fight corruption is assessed with the pandemic environment and the policy decisions by the Government. Sri Lanka was a detailed case study of how politicians exploited the pandemic environment to suppress democracy and move their semi-autocratic agenda forward. However, Sri Lanka was not the only nation that faced such autocratic sentiments losing the democratic values. This paper discusses recommendations for improving the resources and investment to address economic crime in Sri Lanka. Design/methodology/approach Secondary data was used for the analysis introducing a theoretical framework referring to the work of Michel Foucault and Francis Fukuyama. The secondary data was used to develop an argument aligning political science with economic crime. Findings The Government disciplinary project launched during the pandemic directly impacted Sri Lankan democracy and structural changes made to the constitution. The heavy militarization was a sign of departure of long-cherished values of democracy in the country. Political clientelism backed by nepotism interfered with judicial independence and the fight against economic crime. Many accused, including those responsible for the largest corruption scandal, were not punished. The trust deficit has widened significantly between authorities and the public on fighting corruption in Sri Lanka. Research limitations/implications There are more factors for democratic backsliding than what is presented in this paper. The economic crime environment in Sri Lanka has many dimensions and the paper only highlights a few areas limiting to the secondary data available. Originality/value The paper discusses a unique perspective on how a pandemic could be misused to strengthen the autocratic rule and make structural changes to a nation, including constitution amendments. The pandemic environment was used to commit economic crime and suppress public opinion projecting the health crisis in the lockdown environment.
4
Ibrahim, Adamkolo Mohammed, Balarabe Maikaba, and Suleiman Mainasara Yar’Adua. "Understanding the Rudiments of Media Research Methodology: Content Analysis of Daily Trust, a Nigerian Daily Newspaper." Studies in Media and Communication 7, no. 2 (September 8, 2019): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v7i2.4385.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Newspaper journalism is a vast area of research that has gained much attention from academics and media industry. Because of the immense contribution of media to social, economic, political and cultural development to societies, understanding the links and impacts of media and media content on audiences and the polity has been stressed. Democracy has been shown to be a means to an end, and public opinion and participation are invariably shown to affect and be affected by democracy and media content. By its unique characteristics (private ownership, less state influence, greater independence, ability to criticize the state, etc.) newspaper has been shown to influence government and public agenda and set agenda for broadcast and online media. One of the popular methodological approaches adopted in media agenda-setting research is content analysis. Based on the Agenda-Setting theory, this paper employed a quantitative content analysis approach to provide an understanding about the content of Daily Trust newspaper (a Nigerian national daily) in order to provide some guidance on the practical skills and theoretical knowledge about content analysis both as a methodology and theoretical framework for the benefits of postgraduate media content analysis students and researchers. The findings showed that pictures, headlines and news stories were the dominant units of analysis while politics (democracy, governance and party politics) religion and crisis (ethno-religious crises issues surrounding the herdsmen-farmers conflict) were the dominant content categories. Daily Trust newspaper should continue embracing development and peace journalism trend of journalism.
5
Calnan, Michael. "Health policy and controlling Covid-19 in England: sociological insights." Emerald Open Research 2 (July 29, 2020): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35241/emeraldopenres.13726.2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The global Covid-19 pandemic is posing considerable challenges for governments throughout the world and has and will have a significant influence on the shape of peoples social and economic life and wellbeing in the short and longer term. This opinion paper discusses the current health policy response adopted in England to control or manage the epidemic and identifies the key sociological and political influences which have shaped these policies. Drawing on the theoretical approach set out in his recent book, which emphasises the interplay of powerful structural and economic interest groups, the author will consider the influence of the key players. Government policy has tied itself to scientific and medical evidence and protecting the NHS so the key roles of the medical profession, public health scientific community and NHS management and their respective and relative powerful influences will be discussed. The government needs the support of the public if their policies are to be successful, so how have the government addressed maintaining public trust in this ‘crisis’ and how much trust do the public have in the government and what has influenced it? The strong emphasis on social distancing and social isolation in the national government policy response to Covid-19 has placed an increasing public reliance on the traditional and social media for sources of information so how the media has framed the policy will be considered. One policy aim is for an effective vaccine and the influence of the drug industry in its development is discussed. Finally, the role of the state will be discussed and what has shaped its social and economic policies.
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Calnan, Michael. "Health policy and controlling Covid-19 in England: sociological insights." Emerald Open Research 2 (June 22, 2020): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35241/emeraldopenres.13726.1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The global Covid-19 pandemic is posing considerable challenges for governments throughout the world and has and will have a significant influence on the shape of peoples social and economic life and wellbeing in the short and longer term. This opinion paper discusses the current health policy response adopted in England to control or manage the epidemic and identifies the key sociological and political influences which have shaped these policies. Drawing on the theoretical approach set out in his recent book, the author will consider the influence of the key players. Government policy has tied itself to scientific and medical evidence and protecting the NHS so the key roles of the medical profession, public health scientific community and NHS management and their respective and relative powerful influences will be discussed. The government needs the support of the public if their policies are to be successful, so how have the government addressed maintaining public trust in this ‘crisis’ and how much trust do the public have in the government and what has influenced it? The strong emphasis on social distancing and social isolation in the national government policy response to Covid-19 has placed an increasing public reliance on the traditional and social media for sources of information so how the media has framed the policy will be considered. One policy aim is for an effective vaccine and the influence of the drug industry in its development is discussed. Finally, the role of the state will be discussed and what has shaped its social and economic policies.
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Sokolov, B. O., M. A. Zavadskaya, and K. Khmel. "THE DYNAMIC OF POLITICAL SUPPORT IN RUSSIA DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: EVIDENCE FROM ‘THE VALUES IN CRISIS’ SURVEY DATA ANALYSIS." Political Science (RU), no. 2 (2021): 122–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2022.02.06.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
How the COVID-19 pandemic affected the attitudes of Russians towards political institutions? The aggregate data of public opinion polls suggest that, according to various available indicators, the level of political support in Russia has slightly dropped, compared to the pre-pandemic period. Yet, this kind of data does not allow one to infer what aspects of the pandemic experience are the most important predictors of individual assessments of the government's performance. The article presents the results of the analysis of the data from the first two Russian waves of the international online panel survey ‘Values in Crisis’ (ViC). The first wave was carried out in Jun 2020; the second - in April-May 2021. The sample size was 1,527 and 1,199 respectively; 1,014 respondents participated in both waves. The main dependent variable is an integral index of political support that includes indicators of both diffuse and specific support. Regression modeling demonstrates that during the first wave of the pandemic in Russia (spring 2020) the direct experience of the disease and COVID-related anxiety were positively correlated with political support, while anxiety over economic losses showed negative correlation. A decrease in economic well-being had no effect on political support. Other significant predictors included right-wing political views and trust in traditional media (leading to an increase in support) and propensity to share COVID-skepticism (leading to a decrease in support). One year later, in the first half of 2021, the situation has somewhat changed: neither experiencing COVID, nor COVID-related anxiety were no longer associated with support, while the effect of economic factors became more prominent.
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Vasilescu, Maria Denisa, Simona Andreea Apostu, Eva Militaru, and Eglantina Hysa. "Public Opinion on European Health Policy, Lessons from the COVID-19 Pandemic." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 8 (April 15, 2022): 4813. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19084813.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Often, global crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, bring to light crucial weaknesses in political, economic, social and health systems. First, there are governments who formulate and implement policies and, second, there are the citizens who support them, thus contributing a great deal to their success. Our paper investigates the European citizens’ opinion on health policy, focusing on their preference for European health policy during the coronavirus pandemic. The paper uses bibliometric analysis, descriptive statistics, and logistic regression to discuss the public opinion on health policy, the factors of influence, the change in perspectives between 2020 and 2021, and the socio-demographic profile of those favorable for the development of a European health policy in response to the coronavirus pandemic. Our findings show that citizens from southern and central European countries are more likely to prioritize the development of a European health policy, as compared to Nordic countries. Between 2020 and 2021, pro-European health policy citizens profile changes and becomes clearer, from pensioners to young working age males with medium education. In general, people prioritizing a European health policy value health as the most important issue at a national level are generally satisfied with the European Union and do not trust their national government.
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Sobiech, Robert. "Trust in government in times of economic crisis." Studia z Polityki Publicznej, no. 1 (9) (January 3, 2016): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kszpp.2016.1.4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of the paper is to provide an overview of the existing studies concerning the phenomenon of public trust in government. Low trust in government has been frequently defined as a key problem influencing the policy process in many countries. The economic crises reinforced the importance of trust and triggered public debates on the necessary reforms of the public sector. The paper examines the key theories and research conducted by social scientists with a particular emphasis on the role of trust in risk societies. The review of the existing literature concentrates on the drivers of trust, showing the importance of two interlinked logics: the logic of consequences (the performance approach) and the logic of appropriateness (the process approach). The first one explains trust as a result of outputs and outcomes of government policies and services. The logic of appropriateness claims that trust is built on values and identity and depends on the adoption by governments the rules of integrity, openness, responsiveness and transparency. Trust in government is also deeply rooted in a broader system of rules, norms andvalues known as the trust culture. The last part of the paper is an attempt to trace an impact of an economic crisis on public trust. Studies of public opinion do not fully confirm the opinions on low trust and a decline in trust in government and trust in public administration in times of crisis. Some studies reveal considerable fluctuations of public trust in selected countries. In other countries, the public evaluation of government and public administration is high and there are only slight modifications in citizens’ perception of the government.
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Clements, Ben, Kyriaki Nanou, and José Real-Dato. "Economic crisis and party responsiveness on the left–right dimension in the European Union." Party Politics 24, no. 1 (November 13, 2017): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817736757.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The economic crisis within the European Union has had a significant impact on domestic politics in the member states, affecting the links between parties and citizens and accentuating the tensions parties face between governing responsibility and being responsive to public opinion. This article examines whether parties in EU countries have shifted their left–right ideological positions during the current crisis and whether such shifts are a direct response to the pressures of wider economic conditions or are more affected by changes in the preferences of the median voter. Party-based and citizen-based data are examined between 2002 and 2015, encompassing both the precrisis and crisis periods. The main findings are that the economic crisis has made parties less responsive to public opinion on the left–right dimension, and this effect is more pronounced for parties that have been in government.
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Duch, Raymond M. "A Developmental Model of Heterogeneous Economic Voting in New Democracies." American Political Science Review 95, no. 4 (December 2001): 895–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055400400080.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
I argue that information and trust in nascent democratic institutions are two important sources of heterogeneity in economic voting in transition democracies. Economic voting develops in postcommunist electorates as ambiguity regarding the link between government policy and economic outcomes declines. The link becomes less ambiguous as citizens become more informed about how democratic institutions function and gain increasing confidence or trust in the responsiveness of these institutions to public preferences. In the early period of democratization the conditions necessary for an effective agency relationship between voter and incumbent are not yet fully developed. Economic voting increases as these levels of information on, and trust in, government rise. The analysis that tests these propositions is based on a public opinion survey conducted in Hungary in 1997. The test is replicated with a 1997 Polish election survey.
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Enns, Peter K., and Jose T. Sanchez Gomez. "The Polls—Trends Economic Evaluations and Political Change in Chile, 1966 to 2018." Public Opinion Quarterly 83, no. 3 (2019): 627–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfz029.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Over the past half century, Chile has fluctuated wildly in terms of economic prosperity and democratic health. Using 78 surveys archived at the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research, we document the evolution of Chileans’ perceptions of their personal, family, and national economic conditions during major political and economic changes. The data show that prior to the Pinochet dictatorship, despite a growing economic crisis, Chileans’ perceptions of their family’s economic situation—particularly among the lower socio-economic class—improved, suggesting that Allende’s social and economic policies may have had their intended effect. In contrast, through the democratic transition and the contemporary period, economic evaluations typically tracked objective economic conditions. We conclude by discussing how these patterns can inform public opinion research in Latin America and beyond.
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Kaufman, Robert R., and Leo Zuckermann. "Attitudes toward Economic Reform in Mexico: The Role of Political Orientations." American Political Science Review 92, no. 2 (June 1998): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585669.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since the debt crisis of 1982, Mexico has experienced more than a decade of market-oriented economic reform, but research on public opinion toward reform is limited. Drawing on general findings from opinion research in the United States, this study examines how policy preferences of Mexicans are shaped by social background, judgments about the economy, and political loyalties. The effect of these variables is examined across three national surveys, conducted in 1992, 1994, and 1995. We found that favorable orientations toward the president and the ruling party were consistently the strongest predictors of preferences about reform. Furthermore, as in the United States, sociotropic evaluations of the economy outweigh “pocketbook” concerns; despite many years of reform, both expectations and retrospective judgments are important in shaping preferences, particularly since the 1994 crisis; and social background variables have limited direct influence.
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Hibbing, John R., and Samuel C. Patterson. "Public Trust in the New Parliaments of Central and Eastern Europe." Political Studies 42, no. 4 (December 1994): 570–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb00299.x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
After the collapse of the Soviet empire, democratic parliamentary elections were conducted in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and new parliaments convened, in the early 1990s. How much confidence did citizens in these new democracies have in their new parliament? Under what conditions is citizens' trust in parliament meagre or ample? Public opinion surveys conduced in 1990–1 in nine countries – Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Estonia, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovenia, and Ukraine – provide data for analysing citizens', trusting or distrusting orientations. Parliamentary trust is significantly influenced by perceptions of economic conditions, and by confidence in politicians and government generally but, surprisingly, not much affected by political awareness or involvement levels, political efficacy, or social class differentials. These findings indicate that public confidence in these parliaments will grow with economic prosperity and the demonstrated effectiveness of the government to govern.
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Macdonald, David. "Trust in Government and the American Public’s Responsiveness to Rising Inequality." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 4 (July 1, 2019): 790–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919856110.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The United States has become increasingly unequal. Income inequality has risen dramatically since the 1970s, yet public opinion toward redistribution has remained largely unchanged. This is puzzling, given Americans’ professed concern regarding, and knowledge of, rising inequality. I argue that trust in government can help to reconcile this. I combine data on state-level income inequality with survey data from the Cumulative American National Election Studies (CANES) from 1984 to 2016. I find that trust in government conditions the relationship between inequality and redistribution, with higher inequality prompting demand for government redistribution, but only among politically trustful individuals. This holds among conservatives and non-conservatives and among the affluent and non-affluent. These findings underscore the relevance of political trust in shaping attitudes toward inequality and economic redistribution and contribute to our understanding of why American public opinion has not turned in favor of redistribution during an era of rising income inequality.
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Kirilenko, V. P., and G. V. Alekseev. "Measuring Political Trust in a Modern Democracy." Administrative Consulting, no. 10 (December 7, 2021): 22–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2021-10-22-34.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Systematic review of articles on the problem of measuring political trust published in such authoritative scientific journals as “European Political Science Review”, “British Journal of Politics and International Relations”, “Parliamentary Affairs”, “Journal of Public Policy”, “Political Science Quarterly”, “Perspectives on Politics” and “International Journal of Public Opinion Research”, demonstrates considerable attention of scientists to the problem of political trust in a modern democracy and pursues as its goal the development of a methodological basis for political trust research. The methodology of the review on the problem of measuring political trust involves a comparative analysis of the results of studies in the field of assessing political trust. Among the main tasks of the article are: generalization of scientific approaches to political trust, development of methods for political trust measurements and its result interpretation, characterization of the crisis of trust in a modern democracy. The objectives of the study include identifying conceptual scientific works of Western scientists for the period 2011–2021, which allow tracing the modernization of ideas about the object of political trust, characterize the methods of measuring the level of political trust used in modern socio-political science, and reveal differences in the formation of moral and strategic trust. The differences in moral political trust, where trusting relationships are formed on the basis of the experience and personal interaction of subjects, and strategic trust, where political culture is formed and certain expectations that political leaders will make correct, rational decisions are based on fundamental ideas about the political an order where constant change forms personal and institutional ties. Measuring political trust, which is the basis of interaction between citizens and the state, is an issue of fundamental importance for characterizing the quality of democracy, and the rule of law is impossible without a high level of political trust.
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Solodoch, Omer. "Regaining Control? The Political Impact of Policy Responses to Refugee Crises." International Organization 75, no. 3 (2021): 735–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818321000060.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIn response to the political turmoil surrounding the recent refugee crisis, destination countries swiftly implemented new immigration and asylum policies. Are such countercrisis policies effective in mitigating political instability by reducing anti-immigrant backlash and support for radical-right parties? The present study exploits two surveys that were coincidentally fielded during significant policy changes, sampling respondents right before and immediately after the change. I employ a regression discontinuity design to identify the short-term causal effect of the policy change on public opinion within a narrow window of the sampling period. The findings show that both Swedish border controls and the EU–Turkey agreement significantly reduced public opposition to immigration in Sweden and Germany, respectively. In Germany, support for the AfD party also decreased following the new policy. Public opinion time trends suggest that the policy effects were short lived in Sweden but durable in Germany. These effects are similar across different levels of proximity to the border and are accompanied by increasing political trust and a sense of government control over the situation. The findings have implications for understanding the impact of border controls on international public opinion, as well as for assessing the electoral effect of policy responses to global refugee crises.
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Tang, Wenfang. "Political and Social Trends in the Post-Deng Urban China: Crisis or Stability?" China Quarterly 168 (December 2001): 890–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443901000523.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article uses a 1999 six-city survey of Chinese urban residents, along with several earlier public opinion surveys, in order to compare views on regime legitimacy between Deng and post-Deng eras. Posing the broad question of whether China's regime is seen to be in crisis or increasing stability, the author analyses data to measure public opinion in the areas of reform satisfaction, political support and political efficacy. The data reveals elements of both scenarios, possibly suggesting that the leadership was doing a good job at deepening economic reforms while successfully silencing public dissatisfaction at both the pace and content of market reform policies. Unlike in 1989, when urban residents took their issues to the street, in 1999 they became more politically conservative, even when dissatisfied with reform. Together with their heavy-handed control, the post-Deng leaders seemed to be successful in consolidating political power, using nationalism as an appeal while pushing for further market reform.
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HLIHOR, Ecaterina. "PUBLIC DIPLOMACY DURING CRISES AND CONFLICTS: THE COVID-19 CHALLENGE." STRATEGIES XXI - Security and Defense Faculty 17, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 237–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-2001-21-29.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The spectacular evolution in communication technology, and not only, enabled the world to achieve today a high degree of interconnectivity and interdependence that would have been hard to fathom only a couple of decades ago. The economic, political and, alas, health crises swiftly cross political, cultural and religious borders and yield consequences not only where they appear. This phenomenon forces national institutions and international organizations to communicate with the public opinion at a transnational level, a process also achieved through public diplomacy. The present article suggests a framework of action in which public diplomacy may be used as an instrument of communication in the case of crisis provoked by the Covid-19 pandemic. The current period of time is seen as a critical moment, a crisis that can permanently shatter institutions and societies. There are considerable dangers beyond the impact of the pandemic on people’s lives, ranging from an economic crisis that might prove more serious than the one in 2008/9, to an accentuated crisis of democracy and geopolitical changes, while public diplomacy could mitigate or eliminate these possible evolutions.
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Van de Walle, Steven, Steven Van Roosbroek, and Geert Bouckaert. "Trust in the public sector: is there any evidence for a long-term decline?" International Review of Administrative Sciences 74, no. 1 (March 2008): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852307085733.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Concerns with declining public trust in government have become a permanent element of the contemporary political discourse. This concern also extends to levels of citizens' trust in the public administration and public services. Trust is said to be declining, and this decline is generally seen as detrimental to public service delivery. In this article, we examine the main elements in this discussion, review the existing international survey data and summarize the main findings for Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. Citizens' trust in the public sector is found to fluctuate, and the data generally do not show consistently declining levels of trust. Furthermore, in some countries there simply are insufficient data to come to any conclusions at all about time trends in citizen trust in the public sector. Points for practitioners This article summarizes some of the survey material on citizens' trust in the public administration. It allows practitioners to compare trends in public trust in their country across time and space. The findings lead us to reject the hypothesis of a universal decline of trust in the public sector. The article warns against using opinion poll results without considering context. The long-term and comparative perspective on citizens' trust in the public sector is all too often absent from the policy discourse that is frequently based on assumptions and ad hoc approaches.
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Halikiopoulou, Daphne, and Sofia Vasilopoulou. "Breaching the Social Contract: Crises of Democratic Representation and Patterns of Extreme Right Party Support." Government and Opposition 53, no. 1 (February 12, 2016): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.43.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Why has the extreme right Greek Golden Dawn, a party with clear links to fascism, experienced a rise defying all theories that claim that such a party is unlikely to win in post-Second World War Europe? And, if we accept that economic crisis is an explanation for this, why has such a phenomenon not occurred in other countries that have similar conducive conditions, such as Portugal and Spain? This article addresses this puzzle by: (1) carrying out a controlled comparison of Greece, Portugal and Spain; and (2) showing that the rise of the extreme right is not a question of intensity of economic crisis. Rather it is the nature of the crisis – that is, economic versus overall crisis of democratic representation – that facilitates the rise of the extreme right. We argue that extreme right parties are more likely to experience an increase in their support when economic crisis culminates into an overall crisis of democratic representation. Economic crisis is likely to become a political crisis when severe issues of governability impact upon the ability of the state to fulfil its social contract obligations. This breach of the social contract is accompanied by declining levels of trust in state institutions, resulting in party system collapse.
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Shehata, Adam, and Kajsa Falasca. "Priming effects during the financial crisis: accessibility and applicability mechanisms behind government approval." European Political Science Review 6, no. 4 (January 2, 2014): 597–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773913000258.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study investigates priming effects during the global financial crisis that erupted in September 2008. Using two longitudinal data sources on public opinion dynamics in Sweden between 2007 and 2010, we find no evidence of a basic priming hypothesis. Drawing upon the distinction between accessibility and applicability mechanisms, however, additional analysis indicates that priming of economic considerations was moderated by citizens’ attributions of responsibility for current economic developments. These results support the notion of priming as a two-step process, whereby heavy news coverage of the financial crisis increases theaccessibilityof economic considerations among the audience, but whether these considerations are used in government approval assessments depends on their perceivedapplicabilityas well.
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Nuryanti, Nuryanti, and Salsabila Salsabila. "Strategi Kebijakan Pemerintah Venezuela di Tengah Krisis." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 5, no. 2 (November 30, 2019): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v5i2.7625.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the era of president Nicolas Maduro, the Venezuela faced economic crisis. It affects to social and economic decline. The govenment is in the chellenge of public trust and political instablity. The Maduro performance perceived as less effective and repressive that lead to the society questioning about government capacity to solve the problems. Thus, the authors are interested in explaining the efforts of the Venezuelan government in dealing with the crisis. The author uses descriptive qualitative research methods and data collection techniques based on literature study. The data source comes from the literature published by scholars and experts on Venezuelan politics and the Latin American economic crisis. The author notes several actions of the Venezuelan government in dealing with the economic crisis including: (1) economic policies reform; (2) diplomacy of foreign aid to China; (3) food price stabilization: (4) strengthening public health services; and (5) strengthening regional cooperation with organizations in the Latin American region.
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Tomz, Michael, Jessica L. P. Weeks, and Keren Yarhi-Milo. "Public Opinion and Decisions About Military Force in Democracies." International Organization 74, no. 1 (December 6, 2019): 119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000341.
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AbstractMany theories of international relations assume that public opinion exerts a powerful effect on foreign policy in democracies. Previous research, based on observational data, has reached conflicting conclusions about this foundational assumption. We use experiments to examine two mechanisms—responsiveness and selection—through which opinion could shape decisions about the use of military force. We tested responsiveness by asking members of the Israeli parliament to consider a crisis in which we randomized information about public opinion. Parliamentarians were more willing to use military force when the public was in favor and believed that contravening public opinion would entail heavy political costs. We tested selection by asking citizens in Israel and the US to evaluate parties/candidates, which varied randomly on many dimensions. In both countries, security policy proved as electorally significant as economic and religious policy, and far more consequential than nonpolicy considerations such as gender, race, and experience. Overall, our experiments in two important democracies imply that citizens can affect policy by incentivizing incumbents and shaping who gets elected.
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Berzina, Ieva. "Political Trust and Russian Media in Latvia." Journal on Baltic Security 4, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 2–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jobs-2018-0008.
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AbstractRussia’s attempts to influence public opinion outside its borders attracted increased interest in the context of its involvement in the war in Ukraine, Brexit referendum, the elections in the US and other political processes in the West. This article focuses on the assumption that Russian activities in the information environment of NATO and the EU member states among other things are aimed at undermining public trust in democratic governance institutions. Russian state-owned media is one of the tools about how Kremlin disseminates and promotes its worldview within and outside Russia’s borders; therefore, the research questions being addressed in this paper are related to the relationship between political trust and consumption of Russian media. To study this issue, Latvia was chosen as an outstanding case due to the relatively large presence of Russian media content in its information environment. The paper examines the trends of Russian media consumption and political trust in Latvia to assess if this is a fruitful further research area since linking political trust and Russia’s information activities is a new perspective on the issue. The theoretical part of the paper outlines the concept of political trust and the factors affecting it as they are identified in previous research, with a specific focus on the impact of media on political trust. The empirical part of the paper examines the trends in the growth of the audience of the TV channels retranslating Russian media content and political trust in Latvia in the period from 2007 to 2017. Considering that political trust in Latvia is increasing alongside with an increase in Russian media consumption, this paper suggests several further research directions with a focus on political and economic performance indicators and the impact of domestic media.
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Pavlova, E. "Vox Populi: Ukrainian Crisis through the Lens of Latin American Public Opinion." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 4 (2016): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-4-86-94.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
During the crisis in Russia’s relations with the Western countries, provoked by the Ukrainian events, it is important to examine the position of countries whose view of the conflict has been either neutral or positive towards Russia. This article focuses on this previously unexplored subject, with help of examining the attitudes in Latin American countries to Russia’s recent policies. Without trying to analyze the conflict as such, it concentrates on the way it is seen by the Latin American public. This is done using two types of sources. The first part of the article presents the discourse analysis results of online media and sites that publish experts’ accounts of world politics. The second part is based on the results of in-depth interviews with experts and civil society activists conducted by the author in Bolivia (La Paz and Cochabamba) in December 2014. In both cases, the findings suggest that Latin American public opinion negatively evaluates what it sees as hegemonic ambitions of the West, but this does not automatically translate into the support of Moscow’s actions. The conflict around Ukraine is seen as a struggle for the spheres of influence, either between Russia and the West, or between the United States and Europe. In any case, Latin America is expected to lose from this struggle between hegemonic powers, because a world order based on influence areas would mean the U.S. unquestionable dominance in the Americas. Thus, Russia’s moral right to intervene in the internal affairs of Ukraine is often questioned, exactly for the reason that it is seen as Moscow’s protection of its own spheres of influence. At the same time, Russia’s actions are often seen as a reaction to an illegitimate intervention on the part of the U.S. or the West as a whole. Besides, there is a hope that Latin America would be able to benefit economically from sanctions imposed on Russia. In sum, Latin American view of the conflict combines economic pragmatism with a strong fear of potential geopolitical consequences. Acknowledgements. This research was supported by Estonian Research Council (PUT 260).
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Petrvić, Nikola, Marko Mrakovčić, and Filip Fila. "Anti-EU Backlash from Below or Above? Public Opinion in Central and Eastern Europe Prior to the 2015 Migration Crisis." Revija za sociologiju 51, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 317–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5613/rzs.51.3.1.
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Relations between Brussels and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) worsened during and after the 2015 migration crisis. In order to see to what extent CEE citizens contributed to and/or resonated with this new state of affairs, this paper investigates public opinion before the migration crisis in seven CEE EU Member States. We inquire whether the main issues of the rift (CEE political elites’ opposition to following EU decisions and immigration and their emphasis on sovereignism, nationalism, Christian Europe and historical traumas) could also be traced to public stances towards these issues before the migration crisis. We used the ISSP National Identity module conducted in 2013 and 2014 in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Croatia, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia and Slovenia. The results show that opposition to EU supranationalism was not linked to ethnic nationalism and religious identity (except in Hungary). Contrary to political elites, who emphasised the cultural threat posed by migration, public opinion was more concerned with the economic threat. Moreover, the perception of cultural threat was not linked to opposing EU supranationalism in any of the countries. However, particularly support for sovereignism (in almost all the countries), but also pride in national history (in some countries) correlated negatively with support for EU supranationalism. The results suggest that political elites can bypass public opinion to construct an anti-EU climate, however not out of thin air. The conditions for such a process were present in Hungary with its emerging transnational cleavage, which shows the importance of cleavages in studying Euroscepticism.
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Chalmers, Adam William, and Onna Malou van den Broek. "Financial volatility and public scrutiny as institutional determinants of financial industry firms' CSR." Business and Politics 21, no. 2 (January 26, 2019): 240–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2018.28.
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AbstractThis article examines the relationship between the global financial crisis and Corporate Social Responsibility reporting of financial services firms. We challenge the view in existing studies that firms, when faced with economic hardship, tend to jettison CSR commitments. Instead, and building on insights regarding the institutional determinants of CSR, we argue that firms are constrained in their ability to abandon CSR by the extent to which they are subject to intense public scrutiny by regulators and the news media. We test this argument in the context of the European sovereign debt crisis drawing on a unique dataset of 170 firms in 15 different countries over a six-year period. Controlling for a battery of alternative explanations and comparing financial service providers to firms operating in other economic sectors, we find considerable evidence supporting our argument. Rather than abandoning CSR during times of economic hardship, financial industry firms ramp up their CSR commitments in order to manage their public image and foster public trust in light of intense public scrutiny.
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Walters, Peter. "‘Distributing Decline’: Swedish Social Democrats and the Crisis of the Welfare State." Government and Opposition 20, no. 3 (July 1, 1985): 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01090.x.
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IN SWEDEN, AS ELSEWHERE, ECONOMIC TRAUMA HAS BROUGHT the future of the welfare state onto the political agenda. The conjuncture at the end of the 1970s of a faltering economic performance together with an acute fiscal crisis has called into question the viability of welfare commitments. A widespread body of opinion sees the welfare state as a volume of expenditure which needs to be trimmed to accord with more limited economic means. Some argue more fundamentally that the welfare state, both as a fiscal burden and a set of values, contributed to the malaise of the economy and is an obstacle to its recovery. A feature of Swedish politics in the early 1980s has been the growth of electoral support for the Conservative Party which has introduced into public debate the ideas and idiom of neo-liberal political economy. The Conservatives have exploited a vein of unease extending across the political spectrum which has become concerned not only about the economic inefficiency of the welfare state, and the tax burden needed to maintain it, but also about the possibility that its institutions have limited rather than enhanced individual choices and freedoms.
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Khokhlov, I. "Supranational Developments in the European Union: Changeable Balance of the Public Opinion." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2014): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-3-60-73.
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The article is devoted to the consideration of socio-cultural state of the European community during the period of crisis and mass manifestations of protest. In spite of the current instability in the world the EC continues to maintain its “acquis” (the composition of the membership, single currency etc.). This article contains a periodization that reflects tendencies in the trends of public opinion under the influence of internal and external factors. Countries are ranked according to the level of their social and economic development, which allowed to analyze the dependence of public opinion in support of the EC upon the state of the economy. For instance, in the Mediterranean countries that use to be “euroenthusiasts” the level of support became lower than the average for the EC.
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Kovras, Iosif, Shaun McDaid, and Ragnar Hjalmarsson. "Truth Commissions after Economic Crises: Political Learning or Blame Game?" Political Studies 66, no. 1 (October 4, 2017): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717706902.
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This article addresses an important but understudied aspect of the recent Great Recession in Europe: the institutional strategies political elites deployed to learn from past policy failures and address accountability, more specifically, truth commissions. We raise two overlapping puzzles. The first concerns the timing of the decision to adopt an economic truth commission: while Iceland established a truth commission at an early stage of the crisis, Greece and Ireland did so much later. What accounts for ‘early’ versus ‘delayed’ truth seekers? The second concerns variations in learning outcomes. Iceland’s commission paved the way for learning institutional lessons, but truth commissions in Greece and Ireland became overtly politicised. What accounts for these divergences? This article compares truth commissions in Iceland, Greece and Ireland and identifies two types of political learning – institutional and instrumental – related to the establishment of a truth commission. It argues that political elites in countries with higher pre-crisis levels of trust in institutions and public transparency are more likely to establish economic truth commissions quickly; this is the ‘institutional logic’ of learning. The ‘instrumental logic’ of learning, in contrast, leads governments interested in apportioning blame to their predecessors to establish commissions at a later date, usually proximal to critical elections.
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Quek, Kai, and Alastair Iain Johnston. "Can China Back Down? Crisis De-escalation in the Shadow of Popular Opposition." International Security 42, no. 3 (January 2018): 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00303.
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Many analysts argue that public opinion creates pressure on Chinese leaders to act coercively in territorial disputes, and that it also limits their options to de-escalate once crises have broken out. Evidence suggests, however, that Chinese leaders may prefer having more flexibility rather than less in a crisis. Using original data generated by a survey experiment conducted in China in 2015, this article examines several strategies that Chinese leaders could use to reduce public pressure so as to make concessions in a crisis easier. These strategies include pledging to use economic sanctions instead of force; invoking China's “peaceful identity”; citing the costs of conflict to China's development; accepting United Nations mediation; and backing down in the face of U.S. military threats. In all cases except one, approval for the leader increases over a baseline level of support for making concessions. The exception is if the leader backs down in the face of U.S. military threats. Here, approval drops below the baseline level of support, especially for nationalists and hawks. The findings suggest that if one assumes that Chinese leaders are constrained by public opinion, a U.S. cost-imposition strategy to compel China to back down in crises may have the opposite effect—tying Chinese leaders' hands even tighter.
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ASSEV, SERGEY, and YAROSLAVA SHASHKOVA. "THE ACTIVITY OF YOUTH POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS AS A FACTOR IN THE REGIONAL POLITICAL PROCESS (CASE OF THE ALTAI KRAI)." History and modern perspectives 3, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-1-87-93.
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The article is dedicated to the analysis on how actively the youth political organizations participate in public affairs of Altai Krai before major electoral cycle of 2021. The indications and reasons of crisis, which covers the most youth political parties and formally independent youth associations, are being studied. The data of the survey upon the youth of Altai Krai proved that the level of trust regarding those associations among the youth is quite low, as well as the opinion on their efficiency. Basing on online and offline activity analysis of the youth political organizations, the author concludes that not only formal, but actual presence on Altai Krai political space was only provided by the organizations which received support and resources of political parties that were represented in federal and regional legislature bodies. It has been noted that the regional youth political organizations can’t afford to carry on their individual political agenda. Such organizations are usually being brought to execute planned public outreach. The maximum of the youth potential, its’ human and electoral opportunities are used only in periods of significant election campaigns.
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Rouban, Luc. "The uncertainty of French political life: the shift to the right and the crisis of representative democracy." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2021): 188–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.03.08.
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This article deals with the evolution of French politics between 2017 and 2020. Using systematic surveys, which are conducted by the Center for the Study of French Political Life and in which the author is directly involved he shows that President Macron’s policies have not succeeded in dissipating a democratic crisis affecting trust in political institution. The sanitary crisis had a great impact on the political situation in the country. In France, the crisis associated with Covid-19 was manifested not in the confrontation of political forces, but in the criticism of the government by civil society and in the growth of populism. In this respect, France is very different from Germany, where there is a general public consensus, and Great Britain, where confidence in the system-forming parties remains. Populism has gained ground in French politics and explains, more than any other factor, both the distrust in the Presidency and in government health policies. The rise of left-wing and rightwing populism has not led to the disappearance of the division between left and right. A shift toward right values and State intervention can be observed in French public opinion, changing the electoral game for the 2022 presidential campaign.
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Kovář, Jan. "Catherine E. de Vries: Euroscepticism and the Future of European Integration." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1753.
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The European Union (EU) is facing one of the rockiest periods in its existence. At no time in its history has it looked so economically fragile, so insecure about how to protect its borders, so divided over how to tackle the crisis of legitimacy facing its institutions, and so under assault by Eurosceptic parties. The unprecedented levels of integration in recent decades have led to increased public contestation, yet at the same the EU is more reliant on public support for its continued legitimacy than ever before. This book examines the role of public opinion in the European integration process. It develops a novel theory of public opinion that stresses the deep interconnectedness between people’s views about European and national politics. It suggests that public opinion cannot simply be characterized as either Eurosceptic or not, but rather that it consists of different types. This is important because these types coincide with fundamentally different views about the way the EU should be reformed and which policy priorities should be pursued. These types also have very different consequences for behaviour in elections and referendums. Euroscepticism is such a diverse phenomenon because the Eurozone crisis has exacerbated the structural imbalances within the EU. As the economic and political fates of member states have diverged, people’s experiences with and evaluations of the EU and national political systems have also grown further apart. The heterogeneity in public preferences that this book has uncovered makes a one-size-fits-all approach to addressing Euroscepticism unlikely to be successful.
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Degner, Hanno, and Dirk Leuffen. "Crises and Responsiveness: Analysing German Preference Formation During the Eurozone Crisis." Political Studies Review 18, no. 4 (July 31, 2019): 491–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929919864902.
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Do crises increase governmental responsiveness to citizens’ policy demands in the European Union? Building on the responsiveness literature, we challenge the claim that well-organized business interests determine governmental preferences in times of crisis. We argue instead, that vote-seeking governments rather account for citizens’ policy demands, given particularly high levels of saliency and public attention prevalent during crises. To test our theory, we analyse the formation of German governmental preferences on Economic and Monetary Union reforms during the Eurozone Crisis. We use novel data from the ‘EMUChoices’ project, public opinion polls as well as newspaper articles and trace the development of the German government’s positioning on reforms such as the new Eurozone bailout fund or the tightening of fiscal governance rules. Our analyses show that the German government, despite intensive lobbying efforts by banks and industry associations, responded rather closely to the demands of the public. On a normative ground, this finding highlights that input legitimacy in European Union decision-making is stronger than oftentimes assumed, at least at the level of governmental preference formation in times of crises.
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Delong, Marek. "Moral and ethical aspects of the Polish transition from communism in the enunciations of the Polish Episcopate." Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym 20, no. 7 (February 25, 2017): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1899-2226.20.7.09.
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The Polish Episcopate critically assessed the social and economic situation in Poland in the period of the transition from communism to democracy and a freemarket economy. Privatisation led to production being stopped and to an increase in unemployment. Profit and not human dignity became the measure of labour. The economic and social reality was dominated by the treatment of economics and financial success as of the highest values and the dissemination of the opinion that in politics and economics there are no values. The political elites showed an inability to develop long-term strategies for getting out of the crisis. The disappearance of the morality of many representatives of public life, which was manifested in universal corruption and the aspiration to improve social status as soon as possible, contributed to this state of affairs. As a result, there was a crisis of the idea of the common wealth and an increase in crime. The social crisis was particularly visible in moral attitudes, social behaviour, and in the economic sphere, public finance, on the labour market, and in the quickly progressing social stratification.
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Nyblom, Åsa, Karolina Isaksson, Mark Sanctuary, Aurore Fransolet, and Peter Stigson. "Governance and Degrowth. Lessons from the 2008 Financial Crisis in Latvia and Iceland." Sustainability 11, no. 6 (March 22, 2019): 1734. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11061734.
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This paper investigates the role of governance dimensions in socio-economic transitions in line with degrowth, i.e., an equitable downscaling of the economy. Our focus is on experiences from the 2008 economic crisis in Latvia and Iceland. Although these cases are not in themselves examples of degrowth, we see them as important sources of empirical learning from major socio-economical transitions; furthermore, we see crises as possible starting points for future degrowth transitions. This paper applies a governance framework to explore the vast differences in management strategies and crisis outcomes in Latvia and Iceland. In Iceland, public resistance led to a shift in policy measures such that economic inequality and the negative social consequences of the crisis decreased. In Latvia, public resistance existed but had no strong influence. The outcome in Latvia included none of the elements of equitable downscaling found in the case of Iceland. These two cases show how differences in formal institutional arrangements, political culture and societal trust affect different governance dimensions during a time of crisis. The analysis illustrates the importance of institutional and governance dimensions in major socio-economical transitions, and demonstrates how they influence the kind of transition that can be realized.
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Deng, Wen, and Yi Yang. "Cross-Platform Comparative Study of Public Concern on Social Media during the COVID-19 Pandemic: An Empirical Study Based on Twitter and Weibo." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 12 (June 16, 2021): 6487. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18126487.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has created a global health crisis that has affected economies and societies worldwide. During these times of uncertainty and crisis, people have turned to social media platforms as communication tools and primary information sources. Online discourse is conducted under the influence of many different factors, such as background, culture, politics, etc. However, parallel comparative research studies conducted in different countries to identify similarities and differences in online discourse are still scarce. In this study, we combine the crisis lifecycle and opinion leader concepts and use data mining and a set of predefined search terms (coronavirus and COVID-19) to investigate discourse on Twitter (101,271 tweets) and Sina Weibo (92,037 posts). Then, we use a topic modeling technique, Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA), to identify the most common issues posted by users and temporal analysis to research the issue’s trend. Social Network Analysis (SNA) allows us to discover the opinion leader on the two different platforms. Finally, we find that online discourse reflects the crisis lifecycle according to the stage of COVID-19 in China and the US. Regarding the status of the COVID-19 pandemic, users of Twitter tend to pay more attention to the economic situation while users of Weibo pay more attention to public health. The issues focused on in online discourse have a strong relationship with the development of the crisis in different countries. Additionally, on the Twitter platform many political actors act as opinion leaders, while on the Weibo platform official media and government accounts control the release of information.
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Fjelstul, Joshua C. "Explaining public opinion on the enforcement of the Stability and Growth Pact during the European sovereign debt crisis." European Union Politics 23, no. 2 (March 4, 2022): 192–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165221075940.
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The EU reformed the regulatory rules of the Eurozone in response to the European sovereign debt crisis, empowering the EU to more effectively enforce the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP), which is designed to prevent debt crises. Given recent empirical evidence that the EU’s willingness to enforce EU law depends on public opinion, under what conditions will EU residents view SGP enforcement as an effective way of tackling the crisis? I theorize how individuals will evaluate SGP enforcement and test my theory’s predictions using cross-national survey data from all Eurozone member states and Bayesian multi-level models. I find that respondents’ preferences over SGP enforcement depend on the interaction of their political support for the European Economic and Monetary Union and their member state’s noncompliance with the SGP criteria. Public buy-in for SGP enforcement is lower precisely when enforcement is most important.
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Mestvirishvili, Natia, and Maia Mestvirishvili. "Emancipative values in Georgia: An individual level analysis." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 1 (February 6, 2014): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.01.005.
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The main interest of the study is to determine whether and how an individual’s perceived economic situation is related to emancipative values in Georgia. The analysis employs individual-level survey data from nationwide public opinion surveys conducted by the Caucasus Research Resource Centers (CRRC) in 2010 and 2011 in Georgia. Several dimensions of emancipative values are examined: gender equality, tolerance, participation, autonomy, interpersonal trust, satisfaction with life and religion. Level of education and age are brought in as alternative factors accounting for value change. The results are ambiguous and only partially confirm validity of the emancipative theory of democracy on an individual level in Georgia.
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Prica, Ines. "SARS-COV-2: Rise and fall of the Croatian scenario. An ethnography of the corona-politics in the Croatian pandemic crisis management." Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 69, no. 3 (2021): 575–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2103575p.
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The oscillations in the Croatian scenario of the struggle with the pandemic are followed by the considerable rearrangements of the key social actors. The initial success in the controle of the disease, as well as goverment measures for the rescue of national economy (recognized as the return of social state), have led to the unprecedentent public suppport and hope in the renowal of the disturbed social cohesion. The optimism was projected in the unexpected cognitive collectivity awaken by trust in the credible and expert management of the crisis, clear of political manipulations. Nevertheless, the divergence in both political and professional judgements of the coming changes of epidemiological measures, aimed to balance the public health and the social-economic risks, have led to the unexpected realignments of the social-critical stances, especially concerning the cultural understanding of labour economic relations, marked by the conflict of the public and private sector.
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Kimhi, Shaul, Yohanan Eshel, Hadas Marciano, and Bruria Adini. "Fluctuations in National Resilience during the COVID-19 Pandemic." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 8 (April 7, 2021): 3876. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18083876.
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The current study measured national resilience (NR) in three different time frames during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic in Israel (N = 804). We investigated two main issues: first, the direction and extent of NR changes during the crisis, and second, the predictors of NR. The results show the following: (a) the average NR score declined significantly across the three repeated measures, with a medium-size effect. (b) Three of the four identified NR factors declined significantly across the three measurements: belief in the government and the prime minister (large effect size); belief in civil society; and patriotism (medium effect size); while trust in Israeli national institutions was the lowest and did not weaken significantly. (c) Analyzing the prediction of NR factors indicated that the levels of the three NR factors mainly reflected one’s political attitudes, sense of political and economic threats, rather than health threats. One conclusion concerns the importance of trust in leadership as the most sensitive component in the decline of national resilience following a crisis.
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Córdova, Abby, and Matthew L. Layton. "When is “Delivering the Goods” Not Good Enough?" World Politics 68, no. 1 (December 8, 2015): 74–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000441.
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This article develops and tests a theory to explain why perceptions of good government performance are a necessary but insufficient condition for the poor to trust their local government. The authors theorize that independent of partisan sympathies, the poor evaluate local government on the basis of government performance and the economic disparities that they observe in their neighborhood of residence. Accordingly, even if the poor hold positive perceptions of government performance, they are less likely to trust their local government when they live in a context of high economic inequality. To test their theory, the authors rely on census, public opinion, and systematic observation data collected within resident-identified neighborhood borders in each of seventy-one neighborhoods sampled from six municipalities in El Salvador. The findings are consistent with the hypotheses and indicate that economic inequality at the neighborhood level may produce a reservoir of distrust in local government among the poor. The results further highlight the political relevance of neighborhoods for the formation of citizen attitudes toward local government in the Latin American context.
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Suprinyak, Carlos Eduardo. "DREAMS OF ORDER AND FREEDOM: DEBATING TRADE MANAGEMENT IN EARLY SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 40, no. 3 (August 6, 2018): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837217000463.
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The early 1620s trade crisis had a significant influence on the way public opinion in England regarded economic issues, and the pamphlets written during that period convey the impression that the supply of money was the undisputed primary concern of economic policy. However, monetary matters occupied a prominent position in the political agenda of England only during times of crisis, when the kingdom faced a perceived threat of demonetization. The paper argues that, during the first two decades of the seventeenth century, concern with a positive balance of trade was of only secondary importance, being normally overshadowed by a more fundamental goal: a well-ordered, stable, and properly managed trade. This opened the door for debates about the limits of free initiative and regulation in economic affairs, as evidenced most clearly by the debates about free trade and monopolies that permeated James I’s reign.
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Kauppinen, Anna-Riikka. "Saving the ‘indigenous banks’: moral politics of economic sovereignty in Ghana’s 2017–19 financial crisis." Africa 92, no. 4 (August 2022): 561–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197202200033x.
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AbstractNine Ghanaian private banks collapsed during the country’s 2017–19 financial crisis. Apart from public audits that revealed liquidity problems and large portfolios of non-performing loans, the crisis generated vibrant debate on ‘indigenous banks’ as integral to national economic sovereignty. At the centre of these debates was a contested central bank-led project to inject equity in five struggling Ghanaian banks through a special purpose vehicle (SPV), Ghana Amalgamated Trust (GAT). Set against the historical dominance of foreign banks in West Africa and Ghana’s recent history of political fault lines, this article explores the moral discourses and popular discontents of harnessing an SPV – a device typically used to isolate financial risk – for a desire for African economic sovereignty. Drawing on banking archives, public debates and fieldwork in a private bank selected as a benefactor of the SPV, I focus on the contests of value that emerge when costly banking sector reforms meet a critical public that doubts the sincerity of politicians and bankers as economic ‘reformers’. Arguing that ‘indigenous banks’ became a moral category that embedded abstractions of finance in a nationalist discourse of affect and sentiment, this article illuminates the long history of centring domestic ownership of financial infrastructures in postcolonial African economic policymaking.
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Pérez-Curiel, Concha, Ricardo Domínguez-García, and Ana Velasco-Molpeceres. "Exploring the Political Debate over the COVID-19 Vaccination on Twitter: Emotions and Polarization in the Spanish Public Sphere." Social Sciences 12, no. 2 (February 8, 2023): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12020085.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In a scenario marked by COVID-19, communication has posed a real challenge for institutions. Since the first case of COVID-19, Spain has faced the enormous challenge of an unprecedented health, economic, and social crisis. The public sphere has put its trust in vaccination as the only chance for the country’s recovery. To determine the role played by political leaders in the debate on vaccination and citizens’ perception of crisis management, this article analyzes the messages posted on Twitter by the four leaders of the parties with the most representation in parliament: Pedro Sánchez (PSOE), Pablo Casado (PP), Santiago Abascal (Vox), and Yolanda Díaz (Podemos). Using a methodology for comparative content analysis on Twitter, a sample was established that began at the start of the vaccination process and inoculation with the first dose, and covered the entire year that followed. The research results, which contrasted with those collected in demographic surveys, reflected an increase in polarization and electoral use of the vaccine, which took precedence over the awareness-raising discourse typical of public campaigns.
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Kenny, John. "Environmental protection preferences under strain: an analysis of the impact of changing individual perceptions of economic and financial conditions on environmental public opinion during economic crisis." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 28, no. 1 (October 31, 2017): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2017.1395884.
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de Vries, Catherine E. "Ambivalent Europeans? Public Support for European Integration in East and West." Government and Opposition 48, no. 3 (June 5, 2013): 434–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.15.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the midst of the economic crisis sweeping across the European continent, popular support for European integration has become a common theme in political discourse. This article revisits the debate regarding popular support for European integration. Although many journalists, politicians and pundits currently argue that the public is becoming increasingly sceptical of further steps towards integration, this study qualifies that claim and suggests that public opinion towards Europe is best described as ambivalent. Also, it shows that ambivalence regarding European integration is higher in Western than in Central and Eastern Europe. This is probably due to the fact that as citizens in Western Europe have gained more experience with the positive and negative consequences of integration over the years, they have also become more ambivalent about the European project. Rather than suggesting that citizens are by and large turning their backs on Europe, I put forward the view that we seem to be witnessing growing uncertainty about the future scope and depth of the integration process. This, I argue, could be viewed as a natural by-product of experiencing both the virtues and the vices association with membership. Consequently, attitude ambivalence as such may be demonstrative of a maturation of public opinion concerning European integration.
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Hooghe, Marc, and Jennifer Oser. "Social and Political Citizenship in European Public Opinion: An Empirical Analysis of T.H. Marshall’s Concept of Social Rights." Government and Opposition 53, no. 4 (April 26, 2017): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.11.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Normative democratic theory assumes that political systems should ensure civil, political and social rights, and this claim has become more salient since the economic crisis that began in 2008. This conception of citizenship was developed most prominently by T.H. Marshall (1950), and it has been further elaborated by numerous other authors, resulting in a clear division between procedural/electoral democracy concepts and authors emphasizing egalitarian concepts of democracy. We use latent class analysis to assess democratic ideals among European citizens as reported in the 2012 European Social Survey. The findings demonstrate that a majority of Europeans consider political and social rights as equally important, while some citizens predominantly emphasize either political or social rights. Furthermore, the focus on social rights is not limited to those with left-leaning ideologies. Considering current manifestations of discontent about the politics of austerity, we discuss the implications of social citizenship concepts for democratic legitimacy in Europe.