Дисертації: "Political science in Australia"

1

Pasolli, Kelly E. "Policy legacies and child care politics in Australia and Canada." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/101806.

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Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2015.
"September 2015." Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 58-63).
This study explores the puzzle of why Australia and Canada have followed significantly different paths in national-level child care policy despite their otherwise similar welfare state structures. Australia has developed a relatively generous system of public subsidies to support the provision of care for young children, while at the same time relying increasingly on the market to deliver child care. In contrast, Canada has extremely low levels of public spending and service provision, resulting in a less expansive system of regulated child care. I trace these divergent outcomes to the impact of post-WWII child care policy legacies in these countries and the way that these legacies interact with the changing politics of the welfare state to produce variation. In Canada, child care policy was first established within a social assistance framework as a service intended to combat poverty, while in Australia, child care was introduced as an economic policy to facilitate women's workforce participation. The differences in the intended goals of these policies affected the subsequent patterns of child care politics and policy development in these two countries, leading to the divergent outcomes observed today.
by Kelly E. Pasolli.
S.M.

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2

Lowe, David Michael. "Australia, South East Asia and the Cold War, 1948-54." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283670.

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3

Crandall, Erin. "Understanding judicial appointments reform: comparing Australia, Canada and the United States." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=117059.

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The appointment of a judge, regardless of the process followed, is a political act. With the global expansion of judicial power, the topic of judicial appointments has become one of growing political importance. However, comparative research on judicial appointments reform has so far been limited. This dissertation proposes and tests a theory for understanding the timing and nature of reforms to judicial appointments systems, the Judicial Politics Trigger Theory, by looking at the final courts of appeal in Canada, Australia, and the United States. Examining these three courts from their respective origins to the present day, the dissertation situates contemporary interest in judicial appointments reform within the larger framework of each court's institutional history. Drawing upon in-depth interviews and archival research, it finds that changes to judicial appointments systems in these cases have tended to evolve incrementally over time. In addition, the dissertation highlights the importance that institutional rules can play in structuring the opportunities for and outcomes of reform, and confirms that there is a correlation between the perception of increased judicial empowerment and calls for judicial appointments reform. Consequently, as the judicial branches in various countries continue to gain political power, interest in and attempts to reform the judicial appointments processes of these courts are likely to continue, making research of such reform all the more essential.
La nomination d'un juge, quelle que soit la procédure suivie, est un acte politique. Avec l'expansion mondiale du pouvoir judiciaire, le sujet de la sélection des juges est devenu d'une importance politique plus forte. Cependant, la recherche comparative sur la réforme des processus de nominations judiciaires a été limitée jusqu'a present. Cette thèse propose et teste une théorie pour comprendre le calendrier et la nature des réformes des systèmes de sélection des juges, la théorie du «Judicial Politics Trigger», en examinant les tribunaux de dernière instance au Canada, en Australie et aux États-Unis. En faisant l'examen de ces trois tribunaux de leurs origines respectives à aujourd'hui, la thèse situe l'intérêt contemporain pour la réforme des systemes de sélection des juges dans le cadre plus large de l'histoire institutionnelle de chaque tribunal. S'appuyant sur des entretiens avec les élites politiques et des recherches dans les archives, la thèse etablit que les changements de processus de nominations judiciaires dans ces cas ont eu tendance à évoluer progressivement au fil du temps. En outre, la thèse met en évidence l'importance que les règles institutionnelles peuvent jouer dans la structuration des possibilités et des résultats de la réforme, et confirme qu'il existe une corrélation entre la perception de l'augmentation du pouvoir judiciaire et les appels à la réforme des systemes de selection des juges. Par conséquent, parce les branches judiciaires continuent de conquérir le pouvoir politique, l'intérêt et les tentatives de réformer les processus de sélection des juges de ces tribunaux sont susceptibles de se poursuivre, ce qui rend la recherche de telles réformes d'autant plus indispensable.

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4

Grant, Robert. "Globalisation and colonialism : challenges to the liberal democratic state in Australia." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2001. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU141101.

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The impact of globalisation on Australia has reverberated from white settlement in the eighteenth century to the present. Only at the turn of the twenty first century are the contradictions and tensions of the democratic state being exposed by the activism of indigenous peoples across the globe seeking redress for historical grievances. By focusing on the Australian experience I highlight the ways in which liberalism and colonialism have worked together under conditions of globalisation to dispossess Aboriginal Australians. Together, liberalism and colonialism have worked to legitimise the dispossession of Aboriginal Australians. Yet under contemporary conditions of globalisation Aboriginal Australians have worked to prise apart the underpinnings of a state-centred discourse rooted in colonialism. This thesis seeks to address the issues raised by Aboriginal demands for territorial rights in the context of globalisation and to assess their impact on the Australian state. In what way are the assumptions that underpinned the notions of democracy and territoriality being transformed and what are the options for the future of democracy in a postcolonial environment?

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5

Subritzky, John Anton. "Britain, the United States, Australia, New Zealand and the Malaysian-Indonesian confrontation, 1961-1965." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265418.

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This thesis analyses an international crisis in the mid-1960s known as the Malaysian-Indonesian Confrontation (Konfrontasi). It began in January 1963 and effectively ended with the establishment of military rule in Jakarta during late 1965. The focus of the thesis is to examine how the four western powers most involved in the crisis - Britain, the United States, Australia and New Zealand - responded to Confrontation and, as a consequence, how they intended to protect their respective strategic interests in Southeast Asia. In particular, the thesis seeks to place both the crisis, and the reactions of these allies, within the regional and international context of the period under review. Accordingly, issues such as Britain's continued military presence east of Suez, the escalation by the US of the war in Vietnam, the West's containment of an increasingly assertive communist China and the role of the Australasian dominions in British and American policies regarding Southeast Asia, are all examined in detail. Finally, the thesis is developed chronologically. It begins in 1961 when Britain finalised its plans for decolonisation in the region by establishing a greater Malaysia federation. It ends with the 'coup' in Jakarta and the latter months of 1965, when the Wilson government commenced preparations for a British withdrawal east of Suez. Extensive research was carried out in the archives of the four western powers. In Britain this mostly consisted of viewing recently declassified documents at the PRO. In the United States materials were gathered from the JFK and LBJ presidential libraries, the US national archives and the State Department's Foreign Relations of the United States series. In Australasia, research was primarily conducted at Australian Archives, Canberra and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Wellington.

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6

Cahill, Damien Connolly. "The radical neo-liberal movement as a hegemonic force in Australia 1976-1996 /." Access electronically, 2004. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20041217.152455/index.html.

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7

Slėnys, Andrius. "Australijos užsienio politika: raida ir ypatumai." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130606_103700-45322.

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Žvelgiant iš istorinės perspektyvos, svarbu pastebėti, kad Australijos užsienio politika, kaip savarankiška ir nepriklausoma nuo Didžiosios Britanijos, pradėjo formuotis gana vėlai. Tai įvyko tik Antrojo pasaulinio karo metais, kai silpstanti Didžioji Britanija nebesugebėjo išlaikyti kolonijinės valdžios daugelyje savo kolonijų bei užjūrio teritorijų. Australija, pasinaudojusi šia padėtimi, siekė glaudesnių ryšių su JAV. Nuo šalies užsienio politikos formavimosi pradžios Australijos užsienio politikai didžiulę įtaką daro JAV, dėl šios priežasties Australijai JAV nuo pat jos diplomatinės tradicijos formavimo pradžios tapo pagrindine partnere. Pabrėžiama, kad Australijos užsienio politika ne tik nesivaizduojama be JAV, bet ir šios šalies praradimas Australams reikštų pagrindinio strateginio partnerio bei pagrindinių gynybinių pajėgumų praradimą. Kita vertus, JAV aktyviai veikia, siekdama Australiją paversti savo satelitu. De facto šią šalį ir taip galima vadinti JAV pasiuntine pietryčių Azijoje ir Okeanijoje. Nors Australiją ir galima laikyti viena iš regiono lyderiu, visgi Australija yra šalis, pasižyminti nepilnavertiškumo kompleksu. Ši aplinkybė apsunkina jos įtakos regione sklaidą bei siekius tapti stipria vidutine galybe. Australijos svarbos šiame regione negalima paneigti, tačiau pastebima jos pajėgumų koncentracija į tuos pasaulio kraštus, kurie ne tik nedaro jokios įtakos šalies raidai, tačiau ir teikia abejotiną naudą pačios Australijos vykdomai politikai. Visgi... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia’s main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong “Medium Power”. Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively... [to full text]

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8

Day, David Andrew. "Australia, Britain and the onset of the Pacific War, 1939-42 : an imperial relationship under stress." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/250891.

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9

Xavier, John Anthony. "The modernisation of budgetary control and management : comparing reform processes in Malaysia and Australia, 1985-95." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338900.

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10

Orders, Paul. "Britain, Australia, New Zealand and the expansion of American power in south-west Pacific, 1941-46." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266244.

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11

Thorlakson, Lori Jean. "Federalism and party competition : a comparative analysis of Canada, Australia, Switzerland, Austria, Germany and the United States." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270489.

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12

Haysom, Georgina. "Legislating science and morality : statutory schemes for the regulation of reproductive technology in Australia, Canada and the United Kingdom." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27453.

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Reproductive and genetic technologies ("RGTs") raise many complex social, legal and ethical issues. Several jurisdictions have perceived a need for government intervention and regulation of the conduct of RGTs, and consequently have enacted legislation to this end. In three states in Australia (Western Australia, Victoria and South Australia) and in the United Kingdom, legislation has been introduced which imposes a regulatory scheme according to which RGTs must be practised in each jurisdiction. Legislation based on the recommendations of the Royal Commission on New Reproductive Technologies is currently before the Canadian parliament.
This thesis examines from a comparative perspective the proposed legislation in Canada and legislation enacted in the United Kingdom and the Australian states to govern the conduct of RGTs. Particular emphasis is given to the manner in which the legislation seeks to deal with the rapid pace of scientific development and with moral pluralism. The focus of the thesis is on the effectiveness of the legislation in these jurisdictions in light of the relationships between law and science and law and morality.

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13

Totoricaguena, Gloria Pilar. "Comparing the Basque diaspora : ethnonationalism, transnationalism and identity maintenance in Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Peru, the United States of America, and Uruguay." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1592/.

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Through a comparison of Basque diaspora populations in six countries, this thesis describes and analyzes ethnicity maintenance, transnational consciousness, and ethnonational tendencies of self-defining Basques. I argue that despite geographical and generational differences, the core elements of Basque identity are defined in a constant manner, and ethnic institutions have developed according to similar patterns. I categorize these populations as 'diaspora' utilizing Cohen's definition, and give examples of their (1) traumatic dispersal from an original homeland; (2) expansion from the homeland in pursuit of colonial ambitions, trade, or work; (3) shared myth and collective memory of their homeland; (4) idealization of their homeland; (5) return movement; (6) sustained strong ethnic group consciousness; (7) sense of solidarity with co-ethnic members in other countries; and (8) distinctive and enriched lives in tolerant host countries. I suggest chain migration and consistent interaction with the homeland have strengthened transnational ties and diasporic consciousness. Contemporary relations between Basque diaspora communities and the Basque Government have fomented and reinvigorated ethnicity maintenance for many from the thirty-eight Basque associations represented. Tajfel's 'positive social identity' theory aids in partially explaining ethnic identity preservation in Uruguay, Argentina and some areas of the United States, though respondents in Australia, Peru, and Belgium tend to employ primordialist vocabulary to interpret their persistent ethnonationalism. While homeland definitions of "Basqueness" have progressed to a more civic and inclusive nationalism, diaspora definitions tend to follow the traditional conservativism of Sabino Arana and ancestry, language, and religion. A multimethod approach creates original quantitative and qualitative data from 832 written anonymous questionnaires and 348 personal interviews. SPSS empirical data analysis facilitated cross-tabulations and comparisons.

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14

Ivan, Timbs. "The Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement : An analysis of the class divide within Australian society appertaining to globalization." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-7970.

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Global interest in using free trade agreements to expand trade, investment, integration and other linkages has expanded dramatically in the last twenty years. Australia is not alone in this development and has concluded Free Trade Agreements (FTA), with a number of countries, with little division or debate, within Australian society, about their merits. However, the announcement by the Australian Government in December 2000 of its intention to pursue an FTA with the United States ignited significant controversy in the Australian community and exposed deep concerns about the phenomenon of globalization and the future of Australian society. The ensuing debate revealed deep-seated divisions within Australian society.

Utlilizing a combination of Weber’s class-based theory and liberal ideologies (economic, welfare and radical), this research intends to analyze public submissions made to the Australian Parliament Senate Select Committee on the Free Trade Agreement between Australia and the United States (US) in an attempt to identify the reasons for the divisions within Australian society concerning the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA). It is expected the results will illuminate the challenges facing both governments and societies alike in a globalizing world and provide fruitful insights for policy makers in future trade negotiations.

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15

Saleam, Jim. "The other radicalism an inquiry into contemporary Australian extreme right ideology, politics and organization, 1975-1995 /." Connect to full text, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/807.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2001.
Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 22, 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Government and Public Administration, Faculty of Economics & Business. Degree awarded 2001; thesis submitted 1999. Includes bibliography. Also available in print form.

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16

Zhang, Yandong Straussman Jeffrey D. "Reorganizing China: a study of China's restructurings of government since 1978 (Deng Xiaopeng)." Related Electronic Resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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17

Jones, Sharon L. "The economic trend in immigration policy: a comparative analysis of the entrepreneur/investor program in Canada, United States and Australia." Related Electronic Resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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18

Luo, Yinan. "Ideas in Practice: the Political Economy of Chinese State Intervention During the New Policies Period (1068-1085)." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226107.

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I take the New Policies period (1068-1085) to be a critical juncture in Chinese history during which, for the first time, the Chinese state initiated systematic intervention into the market. This period witnessed the failure of plans to shape the collective action of bureaucrats and coordinate market actors through a host of organizing mechanisms. I explain why the policy makers in this historical process failed to incorporate and organize the ideas and interests of social actors, political elites and relevant bureaucracies into the state’s authoritative action. I argue that this failure was an outcome of the interaction between the political philosophy of the drafters of the New Policies and their historical context. In particular, it was a result of the incapacity of the drafters’ worldview to correctly explain and resolve unexpected problems in the policy environment, including the influence of political philosophies that were in fundamental conflict with the ideas of Wang Anshi, as well as the reaction of political elites to the New Policies, the rationales and behavioral modes of bureaucrats in financial markets and state monopolies, and unpredictable changes in the marketplace that bedeviled bureaucrats.

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19

Ng, Pak Sheung 1958. "The continuity of Chinese cultural heritage in the T'ang-Sung era: The sociopolitical significance and cultural impact of the civil administration of the Southern T'ang (937-975)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/288707.

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The migration towards the center uprooted the great clans from their local areas and encouraged the rise of local ruffians to power during the late T'ang. This historical background shaped the social and political climate of the Wu regime in South China, which had been characterized by its military flavor. By enhancing the civil administration and adopting various ways of recruiting the literati and encouraging the cultural growth, Hsu Chih-kao and his successors were able to achieve complete bureaucratization of the regime, which in turn diminished the military influence and revitalized the neglected cultural tradition of their domain. South China thus became a haven of culture, and its role was particularly important as the cultural development in North China was subsequently devastated by civil wars and foreign invasions during the Five Dynasties. After the collapse of the Southern T'ang, the preservation of culture in South China allowed it to become a major source in shaping the cultural features of the Sung. Compared with other states, the Southern T'ang enjoyed considerable peace and stability, and scholar-officials had a peaceful and comfortable environment in which to develop a special style of living. Some tastes and habits had a great impact on the daily life of the Sung scholar-officials. However, cultural polices adopted by the Southern T'ang caused the decline of national strength, for many military clans who underwent the process of civil transformation were eventually deprived of the military vitality necessary to defend the country. Also, because of the cultural inferiority, some of the Sung rulers and scholar-officials were eager to seek revenge by humiliating and oppressing the "subsidiary" officials from the south. Although the Sung adopted repressive and discriminatory measures when appointing "subsidiary" officials, some were in fact employed by the new dynasty due to the heavy demand for qualified officials. Eventually, the "subsidiary" officials could improve their prospects for promotion and favorable treatment by taking the civil service examinations. Their literary ability and knowledge of rituals also enabled them to gain imperial favor, which was vital to strengthening their position in the Sung bureaucracy.

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20

Millard, Jeffrey Paul 1967. "Chinese involvement in Cambodia, 1978-1991." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291845.

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The years 1978 and 1979 were critical in shaping mainland China's foreign policy towards Cambodia during the 1980s up until the international peace treaty of 1991. For China, this involved utilizing Cambodian forces to halt the spread of Vietnamese hegemony in Southeast Asia while countering an increased Soviet presence on its southern periphery. Unfortunately, China's policy of supporting both Prince Sihanouk politically and the Khmer Rouge militarily was instrumental in reestablishing the Khmer Rouge as the most powerful faction in Cambodia's uncertain future. Therefore, the Khmer Rouge became something of a Chinese enigma, nurtured by Beijing to fight the Vietnamese but completely free from PRC control or responsibility.

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21

Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Full-text, 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1961/1/bozinovski.pdf.

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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.

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22

Spash, Clive L. "The Politics of Researching Carbon Trading in Australia." WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2014. http://epub.wu.ac.at/4277/1/sre%2Ddisc%2D2014_03.pdf.

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This paper explores the conflicts of interest present in science policy and how claims being made for evidence based science can be used to suppress critical social science research. The specific case presented concerns the attempts to ban and censor my work criticising the economics of carbon emissions trading while I was working for the Commonwealth Scientific Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) in Australia. The role of management and the Science Minister are documented through their own public statements. The case raises general issues about the role of epistemic communities in the production of knowledge, the potential for manipulation of information under the guise of quality control and the problems created by claiming a fact-value dichotomy in the science-policy interface. The implications go well beyond just climate change research and challenge how public policy is being formulated in modern industrial societies where scientific knowledge and corporate interests are closely intertwined. (author's abstract)
Series: SRE - Discussion Papers

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23

Thelin, Julia. "Environmental migration in the South Pacific : A frame analysis of policies in Australia and New Zealand." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-416190.

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24

Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950 /." View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030924.134813/index.html.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002.
"A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, December 2002, School of Humanities, University of Western Sydney" Bibliography : p. [419]-451.

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25

Benvenuti, Andrea. "The end of the affair : Britain's turn to Europe as a problem in Anglo-Australian relations (1961-72)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4cdd0762-669b-4370-9ceb-b93dfe4336b1.

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This thesis is an historical account based on primary sources in Australia and Britain. It seeks to explain why Anglo-Australian relations underwent radical change during the 1960s and why the ties of empire which had once bound Australia and Britain, became, for all practical purposes, inconsequential by the early 1970s. It is the main contention of the thesis that this radical change can be broadly attributed to what has been described as Britain's turn to Europe. In the 1960s Britain's foreign, defence and trade policies underwent a profound revision as Britain endeavoured to redefine its emerging post-imperial role. British policy-makers gradually turned away from an imperial and global focus and their orientation became increasingly more European. This process of reorientation can be seen principally in the series of policies implemented by successive British governments during the 1960s and early 1970s: the three applications for EEC membership between 1961 and 1972 and the decision taken in 1967-68 to withdraw from east of Suez. Both the EEC applications and the withdrawal from east of Suez brought about an irreconcilable conflict of interest between the two countries. The relationship suffered under the strains imposed by Britain's reassessment of its imperial policy-making. This thesis explains how Australia perceived these challenges, the manner of its response to them and the policies successive Australian governments implemented to minimise their impact. The thesis argues that, anxious not to antagonise Britain for fear it would drift further away, Australian policy-makers avoided too confrontational a stance. They gradually accepted the developing new realities and sought to diversify their country's trading options away from its traditional markets in Britain towards the Asia-Pacific region, while also cautiously redefining its strategic priorities in Asia.

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26

Pal, Deep. "India-China Relationship Since 1988 -- Ensuring Economics trumps Politics." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586663.

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The Sino-Indian relationship marked by mutual mistrust for the last six decades has seen definitive changes since the late 1980s. Though considerable issues remain unresolved, the two have begun establishing mechanisms to establish a certain level of trust that began with the visit of Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi to Beijing in 1988. The paper analyzes recent literature on this relationship and finds them predicting two outcomes primarily - either one where India admits Chinese supremacy and kowtows to it, or one that foresees increased clashes between the two. Neither outcome takes into account the complex association that the two nations are building guided by a series of frameworks, mechanisms and agreements. This paper posits that in the evolutionary arc of interstate relations, Sino-Indian relations have not reached a point where only one of the two options - cooperation and competition, will be chosen. This paper argues that economic interests of the two rising powers is behind the present behavior where the two are courting each other but at the same time, preparing for the other's rise. Both countries consider their economic identity to be primary and do not want to be distracted from the key national goal of economic development. They are particularly careful that their disagreements with each other do not come in the way of this goal. The paper analyzes the various frameworks and suggests that they are created with this end in consideration. Both India and China aim to continue collaboration in economic matters bilaterally or in international issues of mutual interest even when they don't see eye to eye on disputes left over from history. It is likely that competition will at times get the better of cooperation, driven by factors like strategic influence in the neighborhood, finding newer providers of energy as well as markets for their goods and services. But periodic flare-ups notwithstanding, in the absence of serious provocations, the two countries will avoid clashes that can escalate. The paper also analyzes certain black-swan events that might disturb the balancing act. Incidents like the death of the Dalai Lama creating a vacuum within the Tibetan leadership is one such scenario; a terrorist attack on India planned and executed form Pakistan like the one in Mumbai in 2008 is another. However, the presence of multiple bilateral platforms will continue to automatically insulate alternate channels of communication even in these situations. In conclusion, the paper suggests that as they grow, India and China will continue to engage each other at several levels, competing and cooperation, deterring and reassuring each other at once.

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Xiaodi, Wu. "Back to the heartland? transformation of Chinese geopolitics and the 'renewed' importance of Central Asia /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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28

Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Thesis, Full-text, 2008. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1961/.

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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.

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29

Kolpakova, Vera. "The political implications of regional cooperation in Northeast Asia: Russia's changing role in the region, and the potentials of the Tumen River Project." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278350.

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This paper discusses the political implications of creating a Northeast Asian system of regional cooperation, as the current global political changes now make it possible, and the security and economic measures that have to be taken to implement these new developmental projects. The Tumen River Project is one of the developmental projects designed to bring together former political and ideological adversaries, such as China, Japan, Mongolia, North Korea, Russia and South Korea. Due to the economic regionalism in the world, and to the subsequent need to create some sort of regional structure in the Asia-Pacific, these countries are striving to promote regional cooperation and overcome such serious problems as the reunification of the two Koreas, the security issues on the Korean Peninsula, the Russo-Japanese territorial dispute, and others.

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30

McCarthy, Sharon. "Beyond the polarising constructions of terrorism : Challenging the discourses that silence public debate in Western Australia." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1011.

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Since the events of the 11 September that saw the downing of the United States World Trade Centre towers and the partial destruction of the Pentagon in 2001, a significant focus politically, academically, and publically has been given to the issue of terrorism. During this past decade a number of labels, assumptions, and narratives have become dominant in an effort to explain what many continue to describe as a contested and complex phenomenon. The evidence indicates that the privileging of the ‘new terrorism’ narrative has functioned to contribute to many of the controversial counter-terrorism policies and practices both in Australia and globally, as well as the demonisation and marginalisation of Muslim communities in much of the Western world. While many studies in the past decade have focused on examining the discourses on terrorism, including but not limited to the War on Terror, Islamic terrorism, and the media constructions of Muslims, few researchers have explored how people work with these typical constructions of terrorism to effect their own social positioning and identity development. Within a Critical Discursive Psychological framework (see Wetherell, 1998), terrorism is understood as an ontologically unstable and discursively constructed social category. As such the current study explored the various discursive constructions of terrorism at three specific levels. Firstly, an extensive examination of the academic literature was undertaken as a means of situating the often neglected knowledge about terrorism within its historical, cultural and political context. Secondly, a review was conducted of the primary West Australian newspaper reports from 2001 until 2005 to explore how the dominant labels, narratives and assumptions about terrorism have been represented, (re)produced and resisted at an institutional level. Finally, using interviews from 21 local West Australian residents, I examined the identity that individuals constructed for themselves and others in drawing on many of these narratives and assumptions within their responses. Four interpretative repertoires of terrorism were identified and these repertoires set up a David and Goliath battle ground of binary opposites that functioned to position terrorism, and those seen to engage in terrorist activities, as either morally understandable if not defensible versus culturally dysfunctional and oppressive. These highly polarised repertoires were used by participants to navigate this emotive, troubled and exclusionary phenomenon. However, while the more positive and morally acceptable repertoires initially helped to support individual identity construction and positions of the self, they also functioned to challenge other aspects of the participant’s lives where participants became positioned as responsible for the exclusionary or oppressive practices towards others. As a consequence, in trying to make sense of terrorism, the participants were confronted with a morally unmanageable situation where full adherence to any one understanding meant being negatively positioned with an unwanted identity. In their attempts to mitigate the shame associated with being stigmatised and socially excluded as a result, the participants utilised a number of moderating practices that functioned to self silence and subjugate their own voices. Ultimately, this meant that while the four repertoires were often deployed together, the need to continuously resist all four positions to varying degrees, ideologically functioned to silence and exclude the participants from the terrorism conversation. It was therefore argued that within the Western understanding, the discourses on terrorism have become discourses of shame. These findings suggest that the discourses on terrorism are much more complex for the average person than has been considered previously and have implications that go well beyond those of the Muslim communities.

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31

Kwon, J. Jihae. "Drastic choices and extreme consequences| Concerning Korea 1945-1953." Thesis, Corcoran College of Art + Design, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1556120.

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Decisions have both short and long-term consequences. Sometimes we cannot see the consequences and do not know the outcomes, but we take a step and make a choice. Some after-effects are irrevocable, and some are fixable. Some decisions affect us immediately and exclusively while others have consequences that are global. When we make decisions, we sometimes doubt our decisions and ask ourselves what might have happened if another choice was made. We make choices daily, small or great, for good or bad. After World War II, South Korean president Rhee Syngman put many alleged Communists in a rehabilitation program known as the National Guidance League. Many of them were executed between 1945 and 1953 to prevent them from joining the Communist north. Rhee's decision affected many families including my own. What we choose to do has intentional and unintentional consequences. Extreme choices produce dire consequences that can subsequently influence future generations and, on a larger scale, an entire nation for decades.

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32

Tsang, Shui-lung 1960. "War and peace in northern Sung China: Violence and strategy in flux, 960-1104 A.D." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282422.

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This dissertation focuses on a critical factor in historical transformation of medieval China-the dilemma between war and peace. Not only does this dissertation provide a brief and comprehensive account on conflicts, battles, and treaties, but it observes the attitude toward violence and the track of searching peace during Tenth and Eleventh Century China as well. Borrowing the concept of peace by modern scholars studying grand strategy, strategic culture, and pacifism, I regard peace as realistic strategic option, institutionalized establishment, consent behavior mode, and multi-oriented culture. My discussion begins with the exhausting campaigns of the T'ang in Central Asia and the ensuing civil war during the Ninth and Tenth centuries, arguing the Sung non-active posture in external adventure as a conscious avoidance of excessive violence. The relative success of the Sung policy saw in the peace annexation of the Wu-Yueh Kingdom and the conclusion of the Peace of 1005 between the Sung and Liao with modest cost. In addition, the early Sung rulers firmly controlled the military machinery and prevented war-making by internal and institutional causes. Nevertheless, the existing institutionalized peace between the Sung and Liao did not create a norm of behavior and prevent violence proliferation. Unable to contain the Tangut expansionism, the Sung was compelled to reinstate aggressive grand strategy, relieving constrain on its war machinery. Strategic imperative stimulated career military service of the Sung civil officials and gave room to the voice of pragmatic expansionism. Sung military achievement culminated in the success of rearmament during the reform of Wang An-shih. However, the ensuing war eventually ravaged the Sung empire, its opportunity for a great leap toward a pre-modern world missed.

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33

Claus, Laurence. "Understanding of federalism in Unnited States and Australian constitutional adjudication, with particular reference to the inferring of limitations upon government powers." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389402.

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34

Oliver, Clive P. "Analysis and determinants of sustainability policy choice of local councils in Australia : a test of stakeholder theory." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/700.

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Since the early 1990’s, issues of sustainability involving community, government and industry have gained momentum, and the environment has become the focus of numerous studies, such as those undertaken by Young and Hayes (2002); Yuan (2001); Staley (2006); Mellahi and Wood (2004); Hezri and Hasan (2006); Dowse 2006; Wilmhurst and Frost (2000); and Qian, Burritt and Monroe (2010). Cotter and Hannan (1999, p.11) also discussed the impetus of a United Nations summit in 1992, known as the Earth Summit, which resulted in Local Agenda 21, a blueprint for action to achieve sustainable development. Global sustainability is currently a major focus for policies in both the public and private sectors. Local government in Australia is currently undergoing historic changes as a result of a major thrust to restructure through amalgamation, in order to improve efficiencies and effectiveness in local government. Amalgamations are considered necessary for the financial survival of local government, as there is growing evidence to suggest that too many small councils will not be financially viable in the future. Moreover, local government worldwide is now more accountable than ever before for sustainable policy choices and the impact of those policy choices on their communities. Sustainable policy choices of local councils worldwide will have an enormous economic and environmental impact on the planet. Previous studies into the effects of sustainability issues and their relationship to local councils have been carried out by Kloot and Martin (2001); O’Brien (2002); Reid (1999); Bulkeley (2000); and Tebbatt (2006). This empirical quantitative study examines the sustainability policy choices of local government Australia-wide, and looks specifically at the determinants of such choices in local government. It also investigates the influence of stakeholders on the sustainability policy choices of each local government, the results of which have the potential to affect society’s quality of life. Identifying stakeholders who influence sustainability policy choices is therefore of great importance for the future. All five hundred and fifty eight local Australian government entities listed by the Australian Local Government Association (ALGA) were invited to participate in this study. Data were gathered through the use of a structured questionnaire, and an analysis was undertaken to identify those stakeholders who influence the sustainability policies of Australian local government. This is the first research to examine all Australian local government entities to find out why they make the sustainability choices they do. To date, most studies relating to local government have been in areas of disclosure, such as those carried out by Royston (2001); Priest, Ng and Dolley (1999); and Piaseka (2006). The findings of this study support the assertion of Mitchell, Agle and Wood (1997), that stakeholder salience is positively related to the cumulative number of the three variable attributes of power, legitimacy and urgency. In addition, this study ranked stakeholders from one to eight according to the perceptions of local government CEOs. It is interesting to note that, of the listed stakeholders, government did not rank as number one. The results indicated that stakeholder influence on local government sustainability policy choices varied depending on local government size, location, and whether they were urban or rural according to their government classification. The researcher was surprised to learn that many councils did not know their own government classification. The study also revealed that local government took sustainability seriously in all its forms and applications. As in previous research, the CEO of each council was selected as the respondent for the questionnaire. It was discovered that many of the larger councils had specialist positions dealing with these issues. This study is significant because it contributes original research in the area of stakeholder influence on sustainability policy choices of local government in Australia. It is important for future sustainability studies to have an understanding of which stakeholders influence local government in making their sustainability policy choices. This study also clarifies the perceived salience of local government stakeholders from the perspective of Australian local government CEOs. Moreover, the study proves quite clearly that local government is not homogenous, and the potential exists for future studies to investigate the importance and consequence of heterogeneous local government in Australia and around the world.

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35

Wise, Rod. "Deepening Australian democracy : what can schools do? /." Connect to thesis, 2000. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000695.

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36

Verney, Eric. "Indonesie, terre d'avenir." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27468.

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The history, culture and ethnic diversity of the Republic of the Indonesia make it a highly complex country. With an area as vast as the whole Europe, at the crossroads of the Indian and Pacific oceans, having abundant natural resources, a dynamic population which is the fourth in the world, Indonesia also benefits from a very resistant economy.
Economic take off is supported by a strong political regime that has been led by President Suharto for thirty years now. Foreign investors are attracted by this new, very magnetic and promising market. Faced with a high demand for investments approvals, the government is liberalizing regulations dealing with direct and portfolio investments.
In 1995, Indonesia was the first host country for foreign investments, before the Chinese People's Republic, which amounted to 39.9 billions of dollars.

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37

Wei, Wei. "China’s Interests and Preferences in Free Trade Agreements (FTAs)--A Critical Analysis of Official Discourses on the China-ASEAN FTA and the China-Australia FTA (2001-2015)." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1505207018096073.

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38

Dedman, Stephen. "Techronomicon (novel) ; and The weapon shop : the relationship between American science fiction and the US military (dissertation)." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0093.

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Techronomicon Techronomicon is a science fiction novel that examines far-future military actions from several different perspectives. Human beings have colonized several planets with help from the enigmatic and more technologically advanced Zhir, who gave spaceships and habitable worlds to those they deemed suitable and their descendants. The Joint Expeditionary Force is the military arm of the Universal Faith, called in when conflicts arise that the Faith decides are beyond the local government and militia and require their intervention. Leneveldt and Roader are JEF officers assigned to Operation Techronomicon, investigating what seems to be a Zhir-built defence shield around the planet Lassana. Another JEF company sent to Kalaabhavan after the murder of the planets Confessor-General loses its CO to a land-mine, and Lieutenant Hellerman reluctantly accepts command. Chevalier, a civilian pilot, takes refugees fleeing military-run detention camps on Ararat to a biological research station on otherwise uninhabited Lila. The biologists on Lila discover a symbiote that enables humans to photosynthesize, which comes to the attention of Operation Techronomicon and the JEF's Weapons Research Division. Leneveldt and Roeder, frustrated by the lack of progress on Lassana, are sent to Lila to detain the biologists, who flee into the swamps. Hellerman's efforts to restore peace on Kalaabhavan are frustrated by the Confessors, and his company finds itself besieged by insurgents. The novel explores individuals' motives for choosing or rejecting violence and/or military service; the lessons they learn about themselves and their enemies; and the possible results of attempts to forcibly suppress ideas.

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39

Wang, Xueliang 1956. "Taiwan and the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, January 1989-December 1992." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278339.

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This thesis divides Taiwan's impact on the Bush administration's Mainland China policy into three stages. The first period was from January 1989, when George Bush entered the White House, to June 3, when the Tiananmen Massacre took place in Beijing. The second period was from June 1989 to July 1991. The third period was from July 1991 to the end of 1992. Through examining the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, this thesis argues that Taiwan's impact on the administration's China policy evolved a tract from unimportant to important in the years between 1989 and 1992. It further argues that Taiwan has become an independent factor, whose China policy was not under the control of the United States. Sometimes it undermined American Mainland China policy.

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40

au, Zsuzsanna Millei@newcastle edu, and Zsuzsa Millei. "A genealogical study of the child as the subject of pre-compulsory education in Western Australia." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20081002.80627.

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The study produces a genealogy of the child as the shifting subject constituted by the confluence of discourses that are utilized by, and surround, Western Australian precompulsory education. The analysis is approached as a genealogy of governmentality building on the work of Foucault and Rose, which enables the consideration of the research question that guides this study: How has the child come to be constituted as a subject of regimes of practices of pre-compulsory education in Western Australia? This study does not explore how the historical discourses changed in relation to the child as a universal subject of early education, but it examines the multiple ways the child was constituted by these discourses as the subject at which government is to be aimed, and whose characteristics government must harness and instrumentalize. Besides addressing the research question, the study also develops a set of intertwining arguments. In these the author contends that the child is invented through historically contingent ideas about the individual and that the way in which the child is constituted in pre-compulsory education shifts in concert with the changing problematizations about the government of the population and individuals. Further, the study demonstrates the necessity to understand the provision of pre-compulsory education as a political practice. Looking at pre-compulsory education as a political practice de-stabilizes the takenfor-granted constitutions of the child embedded in present theories, practices and research with children in the field of early childhood education. It also enables the de- and reconstruction of the notions of childrens participation, empowerment and citizenship. The continuous de- and reconstruction of these notions and the destabilization of the constitutions of the child creates a framework in which improvement is possible, rather than a utopian, wholesale and, thus revolutionary, transformation in early education (Branson & Miller, 1991, p. 187). This study also contributes to the critiques of classroom discipline approaches by reconceptualizing them as technologies of government in order to reveal the power relations they silently wield.

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41

Garnier, Adèle. "Die Logik der Selektion : Einwanderungs- und Flüchtlingspolitik in Europa und Australien." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6354/.

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42

Derichs, Claudia. "„Wir kamen als Arbeiter, blieben als Bürger“* : Türkische Einwanderung in Australien." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6356/.

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43

Hallam, Adrienne Louise, and n/a. "Globalisation, Human Genomic Research and the Shaping of Health: An Australian Perspective." Griffith University. School of Science, 2003. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040812.114745.

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This thesis examines one of the premier "big science" projects of the contemporary era - the globalised genetic mapping and sequencing initiative known as the Human Genome Project (HGP), and how Australia has responded to it. The study focuses on the relationship between the HGP, the biomedical model of health, and globalisation. It seeks to examine the ways in which the HGP shapes ways of thinking about health; the influence globalisation has on this process; and the implications of this for smaller nations such as Australia. Adopting a critical perspective grounded in political economy, the study provides a largely structuralist analysis of the emergent health context of the HGP. This perspective, which embraces an insightful nexus drawn from the literature on biomedicine, globalisation and the HGP, offers much utility by which to explore the basis of biomedical dominance, in particular, whether it is biomedicine's links to the capitalist infrastructure, or its inherent efficacy and efficiency, that sustains the biomedical paradigm over "other" or non-biomedical health approaches. Additionally, the perspective allows for an assessment of whether there should be some broadening of the way health is conceptualised and delivered to better account for social, economic, and environmental factors that affect living standards and health outcomes, and also the capacity of globalisation to promote such change. These issues are at the core of the study and provide the theoretical frame to examine the processes by which Australian policy makers have given an increasing level of support to human genomic research over the past decade and also the implications of those discrete policy choices. Overall, the study found that globalisation is renewing and extending the dominance of the biomedical model, which will further marginalise other models of health while potentially consuming greater resources for fewer real health outcomes. While the emerging genomic revolution in health care may lead to some wondrous innovations in the coming decades, it is also highly likely to exacerbate the problems of escalating costs and diminishing returns that characterise health care systems in industrialised countries, and to lead to greater health inequities both within and between societies. The Australian Government has chosen to underwrite human genomic research and development. However, Australia's response to the HGP has involved both convergences and variations from the experiences of more powerful industrial nations. The most significant divergence has been in industry and science policy, where until the mid-1990s, the Australian Government displayed no significant interest in providing dedicated research funding, facilities, or enabling agencies to the emerging field. Driven by the threat of economic marginalisation and cultural irrelevance, however, a transformation occurred. Beginning with the Major National Research Facilities Program of the Department of Industry, Science and Technology, and then the landmark Health and Medical Research Strategic Review, support for human genomic research grew strongly. Comprehensive policy settings have recently been established to promote the innovation, commercialisation, promotion and uptake of the products of medical biotechnology and genomics. As such, local advocates of a broader model of health will be forced to compete on the political and economic stage with yet another powerful new area of biomedicine, and thus struggle to secure resources for perhaps more viable and sustainable approaches to health care in the 21st century.

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44

Jensen, Andrew. "Bridling the Black Dragon: Chinese Soft Power in the Russian Far East." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:26519856.

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This paper considers the efforts of the Russian government to counter the growth of China’s soft power in the Russian Far East in the context of the dramatic rise in trade between the two nations in the 15 years of the “Putin Era,” from 2000 to 2015. The Amur (or “Black Dragon”) River watershed forms the core of the Russian Far East, Russia’s last territorial acquisition from the former Chinese empire and the key to Moscow’s efforts to connect with the burgeoning Asia-Pacific economies. This study investigates which federal- and provincial-level policies the Russian government has implemented to counter the growth of Beijing’s influence in the Russian Far East, and analyzes the effectiveness of these policies in the area’s three most populous sub-regions: Amur Oblast, Khabarovsk Krai, and Primorsky Krai. Though initially hypothesizing that the Russian government had no coordinated strategy to counter China’s soft power in the region, this study concluded that policymakers in both the Kremlin and the Russian Far East have successfully discouraged a large-scale Chinese demographic or economic footprint along the Russian side of the Amur. However, Moscow’s failure to both encourage sufficient ethnic Russian immigration to the Far East and to effectively stimulate local economies in need of Chinese labor and investment has paradoxically strengthened Beijing’s regional soft power. Russia’s citizens in the Far East increasingly look south across the Black Dragon River towards China for a brighter future.

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45

Hellman, David. "Integration genom utbildning : En jämförande studie av Sverige och Australien." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324412.

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Utbildning skapar de grundläggande förutsättningarna för invandrare att integreras ekonomiskt och socialt i ett samhälle. Denna uppsats undersöker vilken roll integrationspolitisk inriktning har i integrationsprocessen inom utbildning genom att jämföra två länder där frågan om integration ständigt är aktuell, Sverige och Australien. Studien följer en mest-lika design som bygger på att Sverige och Australien antas vara mycket lika vad gäller integrationspolitiken inom utbildning men trots detta påvisar olika integrationsutfall. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka eventuella skillnader i ländernas integrationspolitiska inriktning som kan tänkas förklara de olika integrationsutfallen. Som metod för att fullgöra syftet används både kvalitativ textanalys och intervjuer. Uppsatsen når slutsatsen att Australien i en högre grad en Sverige tycks fokusera på integrationspolitik avseende interkulturellt lärande och att detta i sin tur utgör en möjlig förklaring till att Australien påvisar bättre integrationsutfall än Sverige.

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46

Edmundson, Anna Margaret. "For science, salvage & state - official collecting in colonial New Guinea." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155795.

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The Papuan Official Collection is a unique colonial collection assembled between 1907 and 1938 by government officers of the Australian administration of the Territory of Papua. It represents the first instance in the world where a colonial government made ethnographic collecting a requisite duty of its field officers. This unusual turn of events came at the insistence of Papua's first and longest serving Lieutenant-Governor, J.H.P. Murray, who administered the colony for over three decades. The story of how Murray came to establish an official government collection, and its subsequent formation, interpretation, and display over several decades, provides a case study par excellence for examining the complex relationship between colonialism, collecting and anthropology, which emerged over the course of the twentieth century. This study explores the genesis and history of the Papuan Official Collection, and situates it within the wider rubric of Australian colonialism. It establishes Murray as one of the earliest colonial governors in the world to implement, and publically advocate for, anthropology as a tool for colonial administration. It charts the rise of colonial discourses that linked loss of culture to physical demise in Pacific populations, and documents its influence on Australian colonial policy. Its findings suggest that the protection, preservation and management of Indigenous cultural heritage should not be considered a sideline of Australian colonial policy in Papua, but rather one of its most defining features. Over the course of its lifespan the Papuan Official Collection has been displayed in four different museums providing an opportunity to examine how a fixed body of objects (the collection) moved across time and space, to be re-interpreted into different conceptual frameworks: as curios and antiquities; ethnographic artefacts; scientific specimens; artworks; and, finally, as historic objects. My institutional history of the POC cautions against the assumption that colonial collections were always used as uncontested propaganda, which metropolitan museums were content to display on behalf of the imperial mission. While the Murray administration in Papua was able to provide goods and information to the various museums which housed the Collection, each institution had its own competing agendas and the relationship was not always a smooth one.

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47

Sewell, Bon. ""Australia full : Asians out! White supremacists in!" : a study of the dynamics of the Australian National Action Movement in Australia." Thesis, 1995. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32990/.

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My rationale for tackling this particular issue for my thesis work stems from the immense fascination in the rhetoric, appearance and rationale of extremist right-wing and ultra-nationalist pohtical organizations I have personally experienced. I desired to determine whether an Australian national racist organization, namely Australian National Action (NA), could in the future be a force to be reckoned with, or whether they will forever remain as an insignificant and languishing fringe group. To explore this possibiUty, I had hoped to delve into the dynamics of this organization via the utilisation and answering of several probing and pivotal questions.

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48

Rampulla, Alicia Marie. "The *state, the noncitizen, and the challenge of bilateral legitimacy in the United States, *Canada, and Australia." 2005. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI3193935.

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The dissertation sets out a theory to explain the ways in which three liberal-democratic, immigrant-accepting nations maintained state authority in the face of increasing cultural diversity. The challenge of bilateral legitimacy involves state attempts to engender support for itself, as well as assessments regarding which noncitizens have legitimate claims to join the polity. Those deemed unable (certain people of color, especially those lacking financial and educational resources) or unwilling (those refusing to relinquish allegiance to their ancestral homelands) to embrace state legitimacy are considered illegitimate or unwelcome guests in the polity. In order to reinforce the unity of the members of each community, and, consequently, the authority of the state that governs them, a shared sense of culture, of social mores and traditions, is encouraged. In the American, Australian, and Canadian cases, the shared identity that is the crux of national unity is Anglo-Saxonism. Major domestic and international events in the 1960s through the 1980s led to an influx of non-Anglo immigrants and refugees to these nations. Since overtly racist policies were no longer feasible (due to social movements within their borders and throughout the globe), the states utilized metaphoric models and designed immigration and refugee policies to mitigate threats allegedly posed by increases in cultural diversity. Though the three nations erased much of the overt discrimination in the texts of their national policies by the mid-1960s/early 1970s, implicit bias allowed for inegalitarian implementation. The states perceived themselves, and their national futures, to be at risk if Anglo-Saxon values and traditions were diluted. Anglo-Saxon dominance was tied directly to the vitality of the nation.

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49

Anwyl, Ben. "John Howard’s Australia and September 11." Thesis, 2016. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/33187/.

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The literature on the performance of Australia’s centre-right government led by John Howard (1996-2007) has tended to underplay the role of September 11 in his electoral success. To win four terms of continuous government in the contemporary political scene is, however, no mean feat, ensuring Howard a place in the pantheon of celebrated conservative leaders in the English-speaking world. Our framework is the celebrated gestalt developed by Fred I. Greenstein to analyse the strengths and weaknesses of each American President. Based on a series of interviews with Howard, the inner sanctum around him, other players in the political scene, and expert commentators, this thesis interrogates the leadership of John Howard in Greenstein’s terms. Each of the six skills and attributes in the Greenstein typology is viewed in specific ways from the standpoint of the two dozen interviewees. In areas where Howard was in some sense or other deficient or lacking, his experience in government, notably September 11, had a positive effect on his capacity for leadership. This analysis serves to help us approach the central question of this thesis, namely, what is the role of leader in the formation of a nation’s foreign policy? This question has been debated in the International Relations (IR) field for several generations of scholarship, and is most closely associated with the name of James N. Rosenau. The case of John Howard in the reformulation of Australian foreign policy in the aftermath of September 11 is an example on the ‘yes’ side of the ledger in that important debate. Where the Greenstein framework is important is to help us to see that these epochal events in IR can shape leaders as well as be shaped by them.

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50

Ray, Krittibas. "The political economy of Pax Nipponica: Pacific Asia, Japanese economic expansion and elite perception." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/16872.

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This thesis addresses the issue of Japan's economic expansion in East and Southeast Asia and its regional political implications. Both quantitative and qualitative approaches are employed to capture the significance of Japan's economic role in the world's most dynamic and productive region. This thesis tests the relationship between elite perception of dependence on Japan and the statistical reality and evidence of Japanese economic linkages in the region. More importantly from the methodological point of view, this thesis incorporates the phenomenon of Japan's economic expansion in Asia into the political economy paradigms of development. Advanced statistical analyses are used to capture the impact of Japanese investment and trade on three standard development indicators--the economic growth rate, employment generation and human capital development in Pacific Asia. This quantitative treatment of the topic is then supplemented by 98 in-depth elite interviews taken between September 1992 and January 1993 in Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia. Going beyond the questions related to dependency and Southeast Asian elites' concern about Japanese ventures in the region, the survey attempted to understand whether the elites regarded Japan as a potential political and military leader in Asia. Thesis findings provide access to the opinions of a powerful core group of current Asian leaders. The results from statistical analyses generally support the neo-classical model in the context of regional development experience and economic linkages with Japan. The interview analyses reveal a perception among Malaysian and Thai elites of dependence on Japan. The Asian elites are concerned about technology transfer and opening up of management in Japanese corporations. A substantial percentage of the elites perceive a Japanese economic empire in Asia. A significant finding of this research is the divergence between statistical evidence of a lack of dependent development and the Southeast Asian elites' perception of economic dependence on Japan. Another important finding is that while an overwhelming number of the elites considered Japan to be the economic leader and a potential political leader of Pacific Asia, a slight majority of the interviewed elites disagreed with the general statement that Japan could emerge as a military leader of the region.

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Дисертації з теми "Political science in Australia"

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