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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 27 липня 2024

Оновлено: 28 липня 2024

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1

van der Putten, Frans-Paul. "Small Powers and Imperialism The Netherlands in China, 1886–1905." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021562.

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Анотація:

Ever since its publication in 1966, Tussen Neutraliteit en Imperialisme (‘Between Neutrality and Imperialism’) has been the standard work on Dutch policy towards China between 1863 and 1901. In this study the author, F. van Dongen, stresses the adherence to neutrality towards the strong European neighbour states as the fundamental guideline for Dutch foreign policy, not only within Europe but also in the Far East. This policy stemmed from the fact that the European balance-of-power system had been extended to China in the late nineteenth century, through the participation of most European states in imperialist policies concerning that country. According to Van Dongen this adherence to neutrality slowed down imperialist tendencies, as the Netherlands were anxious to avoid entering in conflicts between the great powers, but at the same time the Dutch were forced to ‘play a modest part in the common Western policy towards China’. Whenever the great powers took a united stand the Netherlands must follow suit. So as a result of its European policy the Netherlands joined the imperialist powers in China, although usually careful not to take the initiative. The Netherlands were, therefore, classified by Van Dongen as a reluctant and generally passive element of imperialism in China: ‘the Dutch were at worst accessories after the fact’. Finally he concluded that whenever Dutch actions concerning China ‘savoured of imperialism, this was not the result of a deliberate policy to exercise control over the empire or to obtain Chinese territory, but an almost accidental by-product of the general aim of promoting the Netherlands’ economic interest'.

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2

Plys, Kristin. "Theorizing Capitalist Imperialism for an Anti-Imperialist Praxis." Journal of World-Systems Research 27, no. 1 (March 21, 2021): 288–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2021.1022.

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Анотація:

How does one craft an explicitly left theory of anti-imperialism that would animate an anti-imperialist praxis? World-systems analysis has a long history of engagement with theories of anti-imperialism from an explicitly Leninist perspective. For the founding fathers of World-Systems Analysis—Immanuel Wallerstein, Giovanni Arrighi, Samir Amin, and Andre Gunder Frank—anti-imperialism was an early central concern. Each of the four founders of world-systems analysis reads Lenin’s theory of imperialism seriously, but each has slightly different interpretations. One significant commonality they share is that they adopt Lenin’s periodization of imperialism, seeing imperialism as emergent in the late 19th century as part of a particular stage within the historical development of capitalism. However, as I will argue in this essay, perhaps it would be preferable to temporally expand Lenin’s concept of imperialism. Walter Rodney’s concept of “capitalist imperialism,” as I shall show in this essay, similarly calls Lenin’s periodization into question. Thereby, putting Rodney in conversation with Amin, Arrighi, Frank, and Wallerstein, leads me to further historicize world-systems’ theories of global imperialism thereby refining existing theories and levying that to build stronger praxis.

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3

Knott, Janae. "Thought Leadership and Women’s Liberation Politics." Caribbean Quilt 6, no. 2 (February 4, 2022): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cq.v6i2.36953.

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Claudia Jones’ life and intellectual work have made impactful contributions in several spaces, including Marxist-Leninist ideology and anti-imperialism discourse. This review analyzes The Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones written by Carol Boyce Davies. Davies offers valuable insight into Jones’ anti-imperialist ideas, which are layered as she believed imperialism was the root cause of racism and fascism. Further- more, Davies draws upon a wide range of Jones’ journalistic pieces to highlight the impact she has had in areas like Communist ideology and women’s political liberation.

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4

Ford, Joseph Brandon, and Lewis Feuer. "Imperialism and the Anti-Imperialist Mind." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 3 (May 1988): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069608.

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5

Woods, Colleen. "Seditious Crimes and Rebellious Conspiracies: Anti-communism and US Empire in the Philippines." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416669423.

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This article details how US colonial policymakers and Filipino political elites, intent on fostering a non-revolutionary Philippine nationalism in the late 1920s and 1930s, produced an anti-communist politics aimed at eliminating or delegitimizing radical anti-imperialism. Communist-inspired, anti-imperial activists placed US imperialism in the Philippines within the framework of western imperialism in Asia, thereby challenging the anti-imperial ideology of the US empire. Americans and elite Filipinos met this challenge by repressing radical, anti-imperialist visions of Philippine independence through inter-colonial surveillance and cooperation, increased policing, mass imprisonment, and the outlawing of communist politics in the Philippines.

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6

Schefke, Brian. "The Hudson’s Bay Company as a Context for Science in the Columbia Department." Scientia Canadensis 31, no. 1-2 (January 23, 2009): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/019755ar.

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Abstract This article aims to elucidate and analyze the links between science, specifically natural history, and the imperialist project in what is now the northwestern United States and western Canada. Imperialism in this region found its expression through institutions such as the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC). I examine the activities of naturalists such as David Douglas and William Tolmie Fraser in the context of the fur trade in the Columbia Department. Here I show how natural history aided Britain in achieving its economic and political goals in the region. The key to this interpretation is to extend the role of the HBC as an imperial factor to encompass its role as a patron for natural history. This gives a better understanding of the ways in which imperialism—construed as mercantile, rather than military—delineated research priorities and activities of the naturalists who worked in the Columbia Department.

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7

Kuorikoski, Jaakko, and Aki Lehtinen. "Economics Imperialism and Solution Concepts in Political Science." Philosophy of the Social Sciences 40, no. 3 (July 28, 2009): 347–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0048393109341452.

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8

Nunan, Timothy. "“Doomed to Good Relations”." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 39–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01056.

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Abstract This article sheds new light on the end of the Cold War and the fate of anti-imperialism in the twentieth century by exploring how the Soviet Union and the Islamic Republic of Iran achieved a rapprochement in the late 1980s. Both the USSR and Iran had invested significant resources into presenting themselves as the leaders of the anti-imperialist movement and “the global movement of Islam,” and both the Soviet and Iranian governments sought to export their models of anti-imperialist postcolonial statehood to Afghanistan. However, by the mid-1980s both the Soviet Union and revolutionary Iran were forced to confront the limits to their anti-imperialist projects amid the increasing pull of globalization. Elites in both countries responded to these challenges by walking back their commitments from world revolution and agreeing to maintain the Najibullah regime in Afghanistan as a bulwark against Islamist forces hostile to Marxism-Leninism and Iran's brand of Islamic revolution. This joint pragmatic turn, however, contributed to a drought in anti-imperialist politics throughout the Middle East, leaving the more radical voices of transnational actors as one of the only consistent champions of anti-imperialism. Drawing on new sources from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, as well as sources from Iran, Afghanistan, and the “Afghan Arabs,” the article sheds empirical and analytical light on discussions of the fate of anti-imperialism in the twilight of the Cold War.

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9

Hall, Martin, and John M. Hobson. "Liberal International theory: Eurocentric but not always Imperialist?" International Theory 2, no. 2 (July 2010): 210–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971909990261.

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Анотація:

This article has two core objectives: first to challenge the conventional understanding of liberal international theory (which we do by focussing specifically on classical liberalism) and second, to develop much further postcolonialism’s conception of Eurocentrism. These twin objectives come together insofar as we argue that classical liberalism does not always stand for anti-imperialism/non-interventionism given that significant parts of it were Eurocentric and pro-imperialist. But we also argue that in those cases where liberals rejected imperialism they did so not out of a commitment to cultural pluralism, as we are conventionally told, but as a function of either a specific Eurocentric or a scientific racist stance. This, in turn, means that Eurocentrism can be reduced neither to scientific racism nor to imperialism. Thus while we draw on postcolonialism and its critique of liberalism as Eurocentric, we find its conception of Eurocentrism (and hence its vision of liberalism) to be overly reductive. Instead we differentiate four variants of ‘polymorphous Eurocentrism’ while revealing how two of these rejected imperialism and two supported it. And by revealing how classical liberalism was embedded within these variants of Eurocentrism so we recast the conventional interpretation. In doing so, we bring to light the ‘protean career of polymorphous liberalism’ as it crystallizes in either imperialist or anti-imperialist forms as a function of the different variants of Eurocentrism within which it is embedded. Finally, because two of these variants underpinmodernliberalism (as discussed in the Conclusions) so we challenge international relations scholars to rethink their conventional understanding of both classical- and modern-liberalism, as much as we challenge postcolonialists to rethink their conception of Eurocentrism.

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10

Phuyel, Shyam Prasad, and Tara Nath Ghimire. "Meta- analysis: Base of Major Social Science Theories." Patan Prospective Journal 3, no. 01 (October 9, 2023): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ppj.v3i01.59028.

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Анотація:

Meta-analytic techniques in social science analysis are becoming increasingly relevant today. In this article, we will present how a meta-analysis method can be a useful base for sociologists. Different methods for meta-analysis, unique "concept-driven" literature searches. However, this search strategy may limit the researcher's ability to fully exploit the substantial body of pertinent research in fields with high theoretical diversity, such as social science. We tend to adopt a "beat-driven" strategy, where repetitive searches and updated computerized search techniques are used to find more publications cross disciplinary. This measure-based search approach is typically illustrated by two meta-analyses that look at how various social factors affect the all-cause mortality rate. A trend like imperialism might be a jumble of different perspectives on what humanity means. Imperialism, both political and economic, is occasionally mentioned. Imperialism is not limited to historical methods, political or economic facets. Instead, imperialism may be a collection of various human endeavors. To reach a conclusion, systematic reviews and meta-analyses combine the findings of various studies. While meta-analyses of applied scientific discipline analysis may run into practical issues due to the nature of the analysis domain, they are particularly useful for combining evidence to inform policy. Data from secondary sources were used to write this article.

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11

Arisaka, Yoko. "Beyond “East and West” Nishida's Universalism and Postcolonial Critique." Review of Politics 59, no. 3 (1997): 541–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500027716.

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During the 1930s and 1940s, many Japanese intellectuals resisted Western cultural imperialism. This theoretical movement was unfortunately complicit with wartime nationalism. Kitaro Nishida, the founder of modern Japanese philosophy and the leading figure of the Kyoto School, has been the focus of a controversy as to whether his philosophy was inherently nationalist or not. Nishida's defenders claim that his philosophical “universalism” was incompatible with the particularistic nationalism of Japan's imperialist state. From the standpoint of postcolonial critique, it is argued that this defense is insufficient. Philosophical universalism is not in itself anti-imperialist, but can in fact contribute to imperialist ideology.

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12

Carchedi, Guglielmo, and Michael Roberts. "The Economics of Modern Imperialism." Historical Materialism 29, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 23–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341959.

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Abstract This work focuses exclusively on the modern economic aspects of imperialism. We define it as a persistent and long-term net appropriation of surplus value by the high-technology imperialist countries from the low-technology dominated countries. This process is placed within the secular tendential fall in profitability, not only in the imperialist countries but also in the dominated ones. We identify four channels through which surplus value flows to the imperialist countries: currency seigniorage; income flows from capital investments; unequal exchange through trade; and changes in exchange rates. We pay particular attention to the theorisation and quantification of international UE and of exchange-rate movements. Concerning UE, we extend Marx’s transformation procedure to the international setting. We use two variables in the analysis of UE: the organic composition of capital and the rate of exploitation, and we measure which of these two variables is more important in contributing to UE transfers. We research a time span longer than in any previous study. We also introduce the distinction between narrow and broad unequal exchange according to whether two countries are assumed to trade only with each other or also with the rest of the world. As for the analysis of the exchange rates as a channel for appropriation of international surplus value, we reject conventional approaches because they are rooted in equilibrium theory. We find very strong empirical evidence that exchange rates tend towards the point at which the productivities are equalised. This is only a tendency because this equalisation is inherently incompatible with the nature of imperialism. Finally, given its topicality, we apply our analysis to the relation between the US and China and find that China is not an imperialist country according to our definition and data.

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13

CHARBONNEAU, BRUNO. "The imperial legacy of international peacebuilding: the case of Francophone Africa." Review of International Studies 40, no. 3 (February 13, 2014): 607–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210513000491.

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AbstractComparisons of peacebuilding with historic practices of imperialism are common, but these comparisons have sustained a hegemonic antagonism between humanitarian and imperialist interpretations of international peace intervention. This article argues that this common framing externalises the problem of intervention, romanticises local resistance, and forecloses to investigation the articulation between militarised peace practices and transnational capitalist relations. To do so, the article analyses the case of Francophone Africa, thus providing a context that has been left unexplored in peacebuilding debates. By bringing back in the historicity of particular Franco-African imperial experiences into peacebuilding research, the article reveals the militarisation of politics, transnational elite networks, and the dominant intellectual predispositions that work to reproduce the legitimacy of hegemonic practices of ‘peace’ interventionism. In the last section, the article analyses the debates over the UN-French 2011 intervention in Côte d'Ivoire to reveal the connections between the ethics of humanitarian interventions and the political economy of imperialism. The article concludes that the imperial legacy of peacebuilding is found in old capabilities, new organising logics, and specific practices and power relations and that to focus on the humanitarian-imperialist antagonism caricatures the relationships between ‘local’ and ‘international’ actors.

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14

Pitts, Jennifer. "Political Theory of Empire and Imperialism." Annual Review of Political Science 13, no. 1 (May 2010): 211–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.051508.214538.

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15

CHIBBER, VIVEK. "THE RETURN OF IMPERIALISM TO SOCIAL SCIENCE." European Journal of Sociology 45, no. 3 (December 2004): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975604001547.

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ONE OF THE CURIOUS DEVELOPMENTS in intellectual circles over the past few years is that the subject of imperialism is no longer a bailiwick of the Left. To be sure, so long as colonial empires were in strength, there was no denying the reality of European and American imperial expansion. But over the course of the post-war era, as decolonization rippled through the Third World and the formal mechanisms of colonial control were thrown overboard, any insistence on the continuing salience of imperialism became identified with left-wing ideologies. If it did enter mainstream debates, it was inevitably Soviet or, more generically, Communist imperial ambitions that were subjected to scrutiny.

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16

Ferreira, Andrey Cordeiro. "Statism, colonialism, and imperialism: towards an autonomous theory of the multipolar world and territorialized/ethnicized/gendered reproduction of powers." Estudos Sociedade e Agricultura 32, no. 1 (June 27, 2024): e2432106. http://dx.doi.org/10.36920/esa32-1_06.

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This article attempts to conduct a critical theoretical review of the concepts of imperialism and colonialism (as well as related concepts such as internal colonialism, colonial situation, neocolonialism, coloniality, and post-colonialism) and proposes some insights for social science analysis. Although the concepts of colonialism and imperialism are widely cited in the political lexicon and social sciences, their use remains controversial; some authors still utilize the concept of imperialism while others refute its validity. We understand that these definitions are necessary, since the concepts of imperialism and colonialism are indispensable for thinking about the complex reality of the global system in the twenty-first century. Their validity, however, requires a critique of the economistic and Eurocentric aspects that guided many formulations on this topic. Varied and complex forms of colonialism and imperialism continue to shape world history, and we consequently need to be able to perceive their existence and analyze their dynamics. Here we lay the groundwork for a new theory of imperialism and colonialism as a global relationship of heteronomy and accumulation founded on structural discrimination based on ethnicity, gender, and territory that is capable of going beyond the limits of ethnocentric and developmentalist/modernist paradigms of historical knowledge.

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17

Mueller, Justin. "Temporality, sovereignty, and imperialism: When is imperialism?" Politics 36, no. 4 (July 8, 2016): 428–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395716644941.

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18

Dossa, Shiraz. "Liberal Imperialism?" Political Theory 30, no. 5 (October 2002): 738–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591702030005007.

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19

Zajácz, Rita. "Fragmented imperialism." International Communication Gazette 74, no. 1 (January 19, 2012): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048511426996.

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20

Cowell, Frederick. "Inherent Imperialism." Journal of International Criminal Justice 15, no. 4 (September 1, 2017): 667–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqx041.

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21

Frey, Bruno S. "From economic imperialism to social science inspiration." Public Choice 77, no. 1 (September 1993): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01049223.

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22

Cotton, James. "Japan's new imperialism." International Affairs 67, no. 2 (April 1991): 394. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620951.

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23

Barber, Benjamin R. "Imperialism or Interdependence?" Security Dialogue 35, no. 2 (June 2004): 237–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010604044982.

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24

Rak, Joanna. "Book review: Digital platforms, imperialism and political culture." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 56, no. 5 (October 2015): 398–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715215625394.

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25

Skov, Christian Egander. "Radical Conservatism and Danish Imperialism." Contributions to the History of Concepts 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2013.080104.

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The article explores the concept of empire, or rige, in the context of a small nation-state with no immediate claim to imperial greatness and with a rooted self-understanding as anything but an empire. It does this by exploring the concept of empire in the far right movement Young Denmark on the basis of a close reading of their imperialist program in the pamphlet Danmark udslettes! from 1918. Rige had been a vague term for the larger Danish polity that originated in a pre-national conceptualization of the polity as a realm. The article suggests that rige-as-realm was translated by the radical right into a concept of empire. In the process it dramatically changed its emphasis, reorienting itself toward a "horizon of expectation". It became a politically loaded battle concept that then entailed a critique against the dominant liberal conceptualization of the polity and nation. Rige came to signify the ambition of being a great power, the spiritual elevation of the nation through the transcendence of the decaying liberal modernity. The program addressed the tension between a conservative political attitude and modernity and thus signified a kind of reactionary modernism that rejected liberal values while at the same time celebrating technology, industrialization, and the process of modernization.

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26

Canterbury, Dennis C. "European Bloc Imperialism." Critical Sociology 35, no. 6 (November 2009): 801–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920509343070.

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27

Ruccio, David. "Globalization and imperialism." Rethinking Marxism 15, no. 1 (January 2003): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0893569032000063592.

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28

Levitas, Ruth. "The New Imperialism." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 34, no. 3 (May 2005): 298–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610503400344.

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29

Tuncer, A. Murat. "Comforters And Pacifiers As Political Tactics Of American Imperialism For Greater Middle East Project." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Applied Science IX, no. III (2024): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.51584/ijrias.2024.90307.

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A pacifier is a smooth rubber or plastic object that is given to a baby to suck on to comfort it and make it stop crying. A comforter is someone or something who or something that helps you or the baby feel less worried, upset, or frightened (Britannica). This article draws attention to using a comforter or pacifier in political science, apart from these dictionary meanings or definitions. Countries use these tactics in both domestic and foreign policy tactics to control and calm the reactions of their voters or the people of other rival countries. As far as is known, these terms are described for the first time in the political science literature. This article examines pacifying or comforting tactics in light of the policies implemented by imperialists in Turkey. The issue is discussed with the example of pacifying and soothing policies pursued regionally within the framework of the American Greater Middle East Project and how Political Islam, strengthened and implemented in Turkey, is explained in these tactics. Preventing the immediate, total, and effective opposition of the world’s people to the Palestine Genocide committed by Israel in our century could only be softened by pacifying and comforting international policy tactics. This is precisely what American Imperialism is doing.

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30

Gartzke, Erik, and Dominic Rohner. "The Political Economy of Imperialism, Decolonization and Development." British Journal of Political Science 41, no. 3 (February 1, 2011): 525–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123410000232.

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Nations have historically sought power and prosperity through control of physical space. In recent decades, however, this has largely ceased. Most states that could do so appear relucant, while the weak cannot expand. This article presents a theory of imperialism and decolonization that explains both historic cycles of expansion and decline and the collective demise of the urge to colonize. Technological shocks enable expansion, while rising labour costs and the dynamics of military technology gradually dilute imperial advantage. Simultaneously, economic development leads to a secular decline in payoffs for appropriating land, minerals and capital. Once conquest no longer pays great powers, the systemic imperative to integrate production vertically also becomes archaic.

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31

Headrick, Daniel R., Clarence B. Davis, Kenneth E. Wilburn, and Ronald E. Robinson. "Railway Imperialism." International Journal of African Historical Studies 25, no. 1 (1992): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220184.

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32

JAHN, BEATE. "Barbarian thoughts: imperialism in the philosophy of John Stuart Mill." Review of International Studies 31, no. 3 (June 13, 2005): 599–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006650.

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Mill's political and his international theory rest on a philosophy of history drawn in turn from the experience of nineteenth century imperialism. And yet, this philosophy of history remains unexamined in Political Theory and International Relations (IR) alike, largely because of the peculiar division of labour between the two disciplines. In this article I will argue that this omission results not just in a misconception of those aspects of Mill's thought with which Political Theory and IR directly engage; in addition, and more seriously, it has led in both disciplines to an unreflected perpetuation of Mill's justification of imperialism.

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33

Petras, James, and Henry Veltmeyer. "Globalisation or imperialism?" Cambridge Review of International Affairs 14, no. 1 (September 2000): 32–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557570008400327.

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34

Popov, Ye V., N. G. Popova, and D. M. Kochetkov. "On “Scientific Imperialism”." Russian Education & Society 61, no. 4 (April 3, 2019): 188–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10609393.2019.1773154.

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35

Dingwall, Robert. "Imperialism or encirclement?" Society 43, no. 6 (September 2006): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02698482.

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36

Callinicos, Alex. "The Actuality of Imperialism." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 31, no. 2 (March 2002): 319–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298020310020601.

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37

Raposa, Kenneth. "Down with Cultural Imperialism." Foreign Policy, no. 108 (1997): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149120.

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38

Robinson, William I. "Travesty of “Anti-Imperialism"." Journal of World-Systems Research 29, no. 2 (August 22, 2023): 587–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1221.

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39

Gribanova, Valentina. "Neocolonialism in the Sphere of Education and Mass Media in Africa: Transition from Cultural to Digital Imperialism." ISTORIYA 14, S23 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840025593-1.

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For the majority of African countries dismantling of the colonial system in the middle of the Twentieth century resulted mostly in political independence with weak economical foundations. This reality paved their way from colonial to neocolonial dependence. Colonialism, in the modern sense, is not only the conquest and exploration of new territories, it is a way of thinking and interacting, a system of discursive operation of power. Neocolonialism, while pursuing the same goals as the classical colonial regime, was in many ways more complicated and sophisticated, affecting the fields of ideology, culture, science, education and information. In the 1970s, the thesis was put forward that cultural expansion was a kind of imperialism i.e. cultural imperialism. Since the late 1980s the term “cultural imperialism” has disappeared from the social sciences, while the phenomenon of indirect control of former colonies has remained. The question of the independence of the cultural and information sphere in Africa has not been resolved to these days. The countries of the African continent throughout the twentieth century were not equal participants in information interactions, acting either as objects of consideration and study or as consumers of information. Although in the first decade of the twenty-first century Africa experienced a boom in mobile communication and social networking, and the widespread diffusion of information technology inspired optimism and hope for a fair exchange of information, at that time there was talk of imperialism again, but this time of informational or digital imperialism. Although the term is not yet universally accepted, it represents a form of neo-colonialism aimed at the continued exploitation of African peoples.

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40

Forde, Steven. "Thucydides on the Causes of Athenian Imperialism." American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (June 1986): 433–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958267.

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Thucydides' investigation of Athenian imperialism is in part an investigation into whether imperialism as such is based on universal human compulsions, and hence cannot simply be condemned. It is generally recognized that for Thucydides, Athenian imperialism is connected to the Athenian national character, but it has not been widely appreciated that Thucydides provides a detailed account of the foundations of the Athenian character in human nature itself. That account revolves around what he calls “daring” and the human impulse of eros. The erotic and daring character of the Athenians is connected by Thucydides both to the unique democracy of the city and to its unique experience in the Persian Wars. The unique Athenian character stems from an unprecedented liberation of certain impulses of human nature. This produces Athenian imperialism and dynamism, but also destroys the city in time.

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41

Kotova, Anastasiya, and Ntina Tzouvala. "In Defense of Comparisons: Russia and the Transmutations of Imperialism in International Law." American Journal of International Law 116, no. 4 (October 2022): 710–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2022.48.

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AbstractWhile Western imperialism played a crucial role in the creation of modern international law, it is ever more important to analyze the engagements of non-Western imperialist powers with the field so as to comprehend the changing global patterns of legalized violence and expansionism. In this Essay, we analyze Russia's international legal arguments in support of its use of force against Ukraine through the lens of inter-imperial rivalry. In so doing, we call for strict scrutiny of the deployments of jus ad bellum equally by all imperial powers.

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42

Doyle, Michael W. "Liberalism and World Politics." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (December 1986): 1151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055400185041.

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Building on a growing literature in international political science, I reexamine the traditional liberal claim that governments founded on a respect for individual liberty exercise “restraint” and “peaceful intentions” in their foreign policy. I look at three distinct theoretical traditions of liberalism, attributable to three theorists: Schumpeter, a democratic capitalist whose explanation of liberal pacifism we often invoke; Machiavelli, a classical republican whose glory is an imperialism we often practice; and Kant, a liberal republican whose theory of internationalism best accounts for what we are. Despite the contradictions of liberal pacifism and liberal imperialism, I find, with Kant and other democratic republicans, that liberalism does leave a coherent legacy on foreign affairs. Liberal states are different. They are indeed peaceful. They are also prone to make war. Liberal states have created a separate peace, as Kant argued they would, and have also discovered liberal reasons for aggression, as he feared they might. I conclude by arguing that the differences among liberal pacifism, liberal imperialism, and Kant's internationalism are not arbitrary. They are rooted in differing conceptions of the citizen and the state.

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43

Attewell, Paul. "Imperialism within Complex Organizations." Sociological Theory 4, no. 2 (1986): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/201882.

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44

Simpser, Alberto, Dan Slater, and Jason Wittenberg. "Dead But Not Gone: Contemporary Legacies of Communism, Imperialism, and Authoritarianism." Annual Review of Political Science 21, no. 1 (May 11, 2018): 419–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-062615-020900.

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A profusion of recent research has focused on historical legacies as key to understanding contemporary outcomes. We review this body of research, analyzing both the comparative-historical analysis (CHA) and modern political economy (MPE) research traditions as applied to the study of communism, imperialism, and authoritarianism. We restrict our focus to the sizeable subset of arguments that meets a relatively strict definition of legacies, i.e., arguments that locate the roots of present-day outcomes in causal factors operative during an extinct political order. For all their differences, the CHA and MPE approaches both face the challenges of convincingly identifying the sources of historical persistence and of reckoning with alternative channels of causation. We find that mechanisms of persistence in legacy research generally belong to one of three main categories. While both traditions acknowledge the role of institutions in historical persistence, CHA research tends to emphasize the lasting power of coalitions, whereas work in MPE often argues for the persistence of cognitions. We argue that, at their best, CHA and MPE approaches yield complementary insights. Further progress in legacy research will benefit from greater cross-fertilization across research traditions and deeper recognition of commonalities across communist, imperialist, and authoritarian regimes.

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45

King, J. E. "Sixteen Questions for Fine and Milonakis." Historical Materialism 20, no. 3 (2012): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341254.

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AbstractWhile I am in broad agreement with the main thrust of Fine’s and Milonakis’s argument, I pose sixteen questions for them. The first ten questions relate to the history of economic thought (Ricardo, Marxian economics after Marx, institutionalism in Britain); substantive issues of economic theory (their neglect of macroeconomics); methodological and philosophical matters (induction and deduction, positivism, internal and external sources of paradigm change); and the other social sciences (political science, the origins of sociology). I conclude by asking six questions about the ‘old’ and ‘new’ economics imperialism, the prospects for mainstream economics, and the precise nature of the political-economy alternative that Fine and Milonakis propose. Is it simply Marxian political economy in disguise?

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46

Pyenson, Lewis. "Why Science May Serve Political Ends: Cultural Imperialism and the Mission to Civilize." Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte 13, no. 2 (1990): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/bewi.19900130203.

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47

Pradella, Lucia. "Marx and the Global South: Connecting History and Value Theory." Sociology 51, no. 1 (February 2017): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516661267.

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This article interrogates Marx’s critique of political economy in the context of the global South and southern epistemologies. It first traces the contradictory roots of a non-Eurocentric conception of history within Adam Smith. Recovering Marx’s silenced sociologies of colonialism in his writings and notebooks, it then shows that Marx incorporated colonialism and imperialism into his analysis of accumulation. The antagonism between wage-labour and capital needs to be understood as a global tendency, encompassing a hierarchy of forms of exploitation and oppression. Marx’s support for the Taiping revolution (1850–1864) played a crucial, albeit often ignored, role in his theorisation. It allowed him to recognise the living potential for anti-colonial struggles and international solidarities, thus breaking with Eurocentric accounts of history. The article concludes that it is crucial to sociology’s global futures that it reconnects with the critique of political economy, and actively learns from the anti-imperialist South.

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48

Jutel, Olivier. "Blockchain imperialism in the Pacific." Big Data & Society 8, no. 1 (January 2021): 205395172098524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053951720985249.

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The rise of blockchain as a techno-solution in the development sector underscores the critical imbalances of data power under ‘computational capitalism’ ( Beller, 2018 ). This article will consider the political economy of techno-solutionist and blockchain discourses in the developing world, using as its object of study blockchain projects in Pacific Island nations. Backed by US State Department soft power initiatives such as Tech Camp, these projects inculcate tech-driven notions of economic and political development, or ICT4D, while opening up new terrains for data accumulation and platform control. Blockchain developers in search of proof of concept have found the development sector a fecund space for tech experimentation as they leverage a desire for tech-development and exploit regulatory weakness. The material implications of blockchain projects and discourse have been to create governance solutions which bypass the developing world state as a largely corrupting intermediary. In the Pacific, this has meant blockchain supply-chain management systems, proprietary financial innovation in humanitarian relief and an Asian Development Bank project to manage indigenous Fijian lands exclusively on the blockchain. In all these instances, discourses of solutionism, innovation and data empowerment have been deployed in aid of blockchain cartographies of control.

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49

Bush, Ray, Giuliano Martiniello, and Claire Mercer. "Humanitarian imperialism." Review of African Political Economy 38, no. 129 (September 2011): 357–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2011.602539.

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50

Belmonte, Carmen, and Laura Moure Cecchini. "Introduction: Critical issues in the study of visual and material culture of Italian colonialism." Modern Italy 27, no. 4 (November 2022): 327–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.38.

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In this special issue of Modern Italy, four early-career scholars examine how the study of objects and images rooted in Fascist imperialist history enables a sustained interrogation of Italy's colonial imaginary. Their articles explore the diverse possibilities offered by the study of visual and material culture for scholars of imperialism, as it is precisely this realm of visual and material culture that emerges as a site of negotiation in which different individuals and constituencies contended with the regime's ideology.

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