Статті в журналах: "Political science Greece History"

1

Eleftheriadis, Pavlos. "Political Romanticism in Modern Greece." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 17, no. 1 (1999): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1999.0012.

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2

Schindler, S. "Greece: A Jewish History." Mediterranean Quarterly 20, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2009-029.

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3

Yannitsiotis, Yannis. "Social History in Greece: New Perspectives." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102006.

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This article focuses on the evolution of Greek historiography since the 1970s, with an emphasis on issues of class and gender. It is argued that, in the last decades, Greek historiography has been liberated from traditional nationalistic narratives in favor of new intellectual perspectives dealing with social history and the history of “society.” During the 1970s and 1980s, the concept of class—a fundamental concern of social history in European historiography—did not find much room in Greek historiography. Debates about the socioeconomic and political system in modern Greece focused on the importance of immobile political and economic structures as main barriers to modernization and Europeanization. The 1990s were marked by the renewal of the study of the “social,” articulated around two main methodological and theoretical axes, signaling the shift from structures to agency. The first was the conceptualization of class as both a cultural and economic phenomenon. The second was the introduction of gender. The recent period is characterized by the proliferation of studies that conceptualize the “social” through the notion of culture, evoking the historical construction of human experience and talking about the unstable, malleable, and ever changing content of human identities. Cultural historians examine class, gender, ethnicity, and race in their interrelation and treat these layers of identity as processes in the making and not as coherent and consolidated systems of reference.

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4

Couloumbis, Theodore. "Modern Greece. A history since 1821." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 11, no. 2 (June 2011): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2011.587256.

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5

TAMPAKIS, KOSTAS. "Onwards facing backwards: the rhetoric of science in nineteenth-century Greece." British Journal for the History of Science 47, no. 2 (August 1, 2013): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000708741300040x.

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AbstractThe aim of this paper is to show how the Greek men of science negotiated a role for their enterprise within the Greek public sphere, from the institution of the modern Greek state in the early 1830s to the first decades of the twentieth century. By focusing on instances where they appeared in public in their official capacity as scientific experts, I describe the rhetorical schemata and the narrative strategies with which Greek science experts engaged the discourses prevalent in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Greece. In the end, my goal is to show how they were neither zealots of modernization nor neutral actors struggling in isolated wastelands. Rather, they appear as energetic agents who used scientific expertise, national ideals and their privileged cultural positions to construct a rhetoric that would further all three. They engaged eagerly and consistently with emerging political views, scientific subjects and cultural and political events, without presenting themselves, or being seen, as doing anything qualitatively different from their peers abroad. Greek scientists cross-contextualized the scientific enterprise, situating it in the space in which they were active.

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6

Avdela, Ephe. "The Teaching of History in Greece." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 18, no. 2 (2000): 239–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2000.0025.

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7

Pastourmatzi, Domna. "Researching and Teaching Science Fiction in Greece." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 119, no. 3 (May 2004): 530–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081204x20613.

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In the dreams our stuff is made of, Thomas M. Disch talks about the influence and pervasiveness of science Fiction in American culture and asserts the genre's power in “such diverse realms as industrial design and marketing, military strategy, sexual mores, foreign policy, and practical epistemology” (11-12). A few years earlier, Sharona Ben-Tov described science fiction as “a peculiarly American dream”—that is, “a dream upon which, as a nation, we act” (2). Recently, Kim Stanley Robinson has claimed that “rapid technological development on all fronts combined to turn our entire social reality into one giant science fiction novel, which we are all writing together in the great collaboration called history” (1-2). While such diagnostic statements may ring true to American ears, they cannot be taken at face value in the context of Hellenic culture. Despite the unprecedented speed with which the Greeks absorb and consume both the latest technologies (like satellite TV, video, CD and DVD players, electronic games, mobile and cordless phones, PCs, and the Internet) and Hollywood's science fiction blockbuster films, neither technology per se nor science fiction has yet saturated the Greek mind-set to a degree that makes daily life a science-fictional reality. Greek politicians do not consult science fiction writers for military strategy and foreign policy decisions or depend on imaginary scenarios to shape their country's future. Contemporary Hellenic culture does not acquire its national pride from mechanical devices or space conquest. Contrary to the American popular belief that technology is the driving force of history, “a virtually autonomous agent of change” (Marx and Smith xi), the Greek view is that a complex interplay of political, economic, cultural, and technoscientific agencies alters the circumstances of daily life. No hostages to technological determinism, modern Greeks increasingly interface with high-tech inventions, but without locating earthly paradise in their geographic territory and without writing their history or shaping their social reality as “one giant science fiction novel.”

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8

Uçarlar, Nesrin. "Tormented by History — Nationalism in Greece and Turkey." Southeastern Europe 33, no. 1 (2009): 160–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633309x421274.

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9

Dedoussi, Amalia-Anna, Susan Gregory, Eugenia Georgoussi, and John Kyriopoulos. "Social Workers in Greece." International Social Work 47, no. 2 (April 2004): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872804041420.

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The history and background of the practice of social work in Greece are outlined from the .rst legislation in 1959 to the present. Demographic, academic and employment characteristics of social workers were explored by postal survey. Academic activity is minimal, employment settings are numerous and opportunities for central organization are lacking.

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10

Eremeev, Stanislav, Aleksandr Shirinyants, and Andrej Shutov. "THE PAGES OF MODERN HISTORY OF UNIVERSITY POLITICAL SCIENCE: THE SCIENTIFIC SCHOOL OF PROFESSOR VLADIMIR GUTOROV." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 1 (2021): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.102.

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The article is devoted to Vladimir Alexandrovich Gutorov, whose 70th birthday was celebrated on December 7, 2020. Vladimir Gutorov is a polyglot and polymath, a world-renowned scientist, a leading national specialist in the history of socio-political thought, political philosophy and modern political theories, one of the organizers of the first university departments of political science in Russia (1989) and its head (since 1994), founder of an authoritative pedagogical and scientific school of the history of socio-political thought, political theory and political education at St. Petersburg State University, Honorary Professor of the Faculty of Political Science, Moscow State University named after M. V. Lomonosov. He was one of the few in Soviet science who defended his doctoral dissertation in the form of a monograph. His monograph Ancient social utopia: questions of history and theory, published by the publishing house of Leningrad University in 1989, is recognized as one of the best Russian studies devoted to the problems of the genesis of social thought in Ancient Greece and various ancient projects of political reconstruction. Since the publication of the book on ancient utopia and the defense of his doctoral dissertation, Gutorov has become one of the most prominent representatives of the St. Petersburg school of modern Russian political science, an authoritative scientist recognized in Russia and the world.

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11

Oğuzlu, Tarık. "Tormented By History: Nationalism in Greece and Turkey." Turkish Studies 10, no. 3 (September 2009): 503–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683840903141855.

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12

Leontis, Artemis. "Ambivalent Greece." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 15, no. 1 (1997): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1997.0004.

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13

Bien, Peter. "Inventing Greece." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 23, no. 2 (2005): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2005.0015.

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14

Mylonas, Yiannis. "Liberal articulations of the ‘Enlightenment’ in the Greek public sphere." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 2 (April 7, 2017): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15022.myl.

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Abstract This study presents a scrutiny of ‘liberal’ discursive constructions of the ‘Enlightenment’ in the Greek public sphere. The study is based on the analysis of articles published in two news/lifestyle websites, ‘AthensVoice’ and ‘Protagon’, during the (ongoing), so-called, ‘Greek crisis’. Discourse theory, informed by critical discourse analysis, is deployed to analyze these discursive constructions. The analysis shows that Greece’s economic/social/political problems are constructed as symptoms that underline Greece’s fundamental deficit, which is the country’s alleged ‘lack of ‘Enlightenment’, as perceived by ‘liberal’ voices in Greece and elsewhere. The article concludes that such discourses are part of a biopolitical, disciplinary framework producing the object to be reformed by austerity: an ‘un-Enlightened’ ‘Greek character’, ‘guilty’ for ‘self-inflicting’ Greece’s crisis. This ‘reform of character’ envisioned by liberals in Greece and elsewhere, is supposed to emerge through the institutional advance of neoliberal restructuring processes that include austerity reforms, privatizations, and loss of labor and civic rights, conditions to foster the neoliberal, entrepreneurial, mobile and austere subject, to potentially meet the socio-political requirements of late capitalist growth.

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15

Boukala, Salomi. "‘We need to talk about the hegemony of the left’." Journal of Language and Politics 20, no. 3 (February 16, 2021): 361–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19053.bou.

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Abstract This article seeks to explore the discursive rediscovery of the left menace and the ideological relevance between the far right and the right wing in Greece in times of political turmoil. Drawing on some historical aspects of modern Greece, first, I intend to explain the resurgence of Greece’s divided past. By emphasising references to Gramsci and the ‘hegemony of the left’, the article investigates the discursive construction of ingroups and outgroups on the basis of haunted memories of modern Greek history. By synthesising the Discourse Historical Approach and the concept of Aristotelian topos, I explicate how Gramsci has been re-utilised in an extreme right context by Greek far-right figures in order to stigmatise their ideological opponents. In a second step, my aim is to study the normalisation of political enmity by highlighting far-right discourses’ resemblance to New Democracy’s members’ rhetoric through references to Greek culture and economic imaginaries.

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16

Hansen, Mogens Herman. "A Note on Paulin Ismard’s Democracy’s Slaves: a Political History of Ancient Greece." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 36, no. 2 (June 28, 2019): 337–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340213.

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17

Konstantinakou, Despina-Georgia. "The Expulsion of the Italian Community of Greece and the Politics of Resettlement, 1944–52." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (December 13, 2018): 316–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418815329.

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At the beginning of the twentieth century, there was a rapid development of Italian communities in Greece, with their members being regarded as integral parts of local societies, especially in the Ionian Islands and the Peloponnese. This changed after the fascist Italian attack against Greece in October 1940 and the subsequent Italian occupation. Members of the Italian community were deemed as de facto enemies, with the Greek authorities deciding to immediately expel them after Greece's liberation. The removal policy, however, would also be extended to the Italians of the Dodecanese after the islands were ceded in 1947. This article will document the Italians' expulsion from Greece after the end of the Second World War by examining the different ways in which mainly the Greek state, but also the authorities in Italy and the Great Allies, handled the Italian community's fate in the unfolding Cold War. At the same time, it will also explore the policy followed and the incentives that led Athens to accept the resettlement of a number of expelled Italians in Greece in 1949.

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18

Baltas, Andreas. "Football Clubs, Social Changes, and Political Disputes in Interwar Greece." International Journal of the History of Sport 37, no. 11 (July 23, 2020): 992–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2020.1844186.

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19

Wiley, Norbert. "History of the Self: From Primates to Present." Sociological Perspectives 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 527–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389278.

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The article begins with a semiotic theory of how human selves emerged from the primates. It then follows the history of the self from classical Greece, throught the Christian Middle Ages, to early industrialization (as seen by Durkheim) and later industrialization (as seen by Weber). The story is largely an implicit struggle between self and society for what might be called the steering power, or “cybernetic control,” of life.

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20

Clogg, Richard. "The ‘Black Hole’ Revisited." Index on Censorship 16, no. 5 (May 1987): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642208701600507.

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21

Basheska, Elena, and Dimitry Kochenov. "Thanking the Greeks: The Crisis of the Rule of Law in eu Enlargement Regulation." Southeastern Europe 39, no. 3 (December 16, 2015): 392–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03903006.

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This paper showcases the weaknesses of eu enlargement law and demonstrates how one Member State – namely, Greece – is notable for abusing this weakness, for harming the candidate countries, the eu, and the institutions alike, for stripping the eu position of its predictability, and for undermining the eu Commission’s efforts. Accordingly, Greece has severely incapacitated the key procedural rule of law component of the eu’s enlargement regulation, turning it into a randomised political game and ignoring any long-term goals of stability, prosperity, and peace that the process is to stand for. Following a walk through Greece’s engagement throughout a number of enlargement rounds, the paper concludes that the duty of loyalty – which is presumably able to discipline Member States that undermine the common effort – should find a new meaning in the context of eu enlargement.

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22

Cartledge, Paul. "The Slave in Greece and Rome." Slavery & Abolition 34, no. 1 (March 2013): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2012.759673.

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23

Takovski, Aleksandar, and Nenad Markovikj. "Macedonia outside “Macedonia”." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 5 (May 16, 2017): 731–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15006.tak.

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Abstract The name dispute between Republic of Macedonia and Greece manifests itself in Greece’s objections to the use of the noun “Macedonia” or the adjective “Macedonian” to refer to any other ethnicity, culture, tradition and history except Greek. In order to promote itself as a sole claimant to the name, Greece has constructed a discourse which legitimizes its exclusive right to it, while at the same time it delegitimizes such right to Macedonia. However, this discourse does not only deny Macedonia the right to the name but it also denies Macedonia the right to discuss identity issues, while at the same time it obliterates Macedonian presence in the discourse in any relation to the disputed term. In this respect, this study seeks to analyze the specific linguistic strategies underlying these discursive effects.

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24

Gultekin, Ph.D., Osman. "The Phases of International Education and Internationalization throughout History." World Journal of Education and Humanities 3, no. 2 (June 18, 2021): p96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjeh.v3n2p96.

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International education and internationalization have gone through distinct phases throughout world history and have become increasingly more complex and professional at each stage. Since Ancient Greece times, in different periods of history, international education included diverse student mobility patterns concentrating in particular regions of the world; and various stakeholders were involved in the international education processes with diversifying motivations. Currently, international education has become a very multi-faceted subject that falls into the fields of study of many disciplines such as educational sciences, economics, sociology, business administration, political science, public administration and international relations.In this paper, firstly, conceptual background for international education and internationalization has been provided. Secondly, for the main purpose of the paper, the changes and the progress that international education has witnessed throughout history have been studied with a brief literature review. Findings and distinctive phases of international education are summarized within an informative and descriptive table. Remarks about the characteristics of the current situation and the prospects about the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on international education and internationalization have been added to the previous studies.

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25

Liddel, Peter. "Liberty and obligations in George Grote’s Athens." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 23, no. 1 (2006): 139–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000090.

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In this article it is suggested that George Grote’s History of Greece (1846–56) employed a narrative history of Greece in an attempt to resolve the philosophical problem of the compatibility of individual liberty with considerable obligations to society. His philosophical achievement has been largely ignored by modern classical scholarship, even those who follow his lead in treating fifth-century Athens as the epitome of Greek civilization. The present reading of Grote’s History is informed by John Stuart Mill’s use of Athenian examples. Outlining the evidential, moral and spatial parameters of Grote’s fifth-century Athens, it is argued that Grote understood fifth-century Athens to be amodel intellectual and liberal society, in which the performance of obligations by citizens coexisted with individual and political liberty. Grote explained the decline of Athenian power in the fourth century BC by reference to the neglect of obligations, and in doing so, married historical explanation to political theory.

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26

MOLES, IAN N. "Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece." Australian Journal of Politics & History 15, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1969.tb00937.x.

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27

Stergiou, Andreas. "Greece during the Cold War." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 8, no. 1 (March 2008): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850802012180.

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28

Veremis, Thanos. "The making of modern Greece." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2010.486956.

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29

Mihas, D. E. M. "New Political Formations in Greece: A Challege To Its Party System?" Journal of Modern Greek Studies 16, no. 1 (1998): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1998.0021.

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30

Karydaki, Danae. "Freud under the Acropolis: The challenging journey of psychoanalysis in 20th-century Greece (1915–1995)." History of the Human Sciences 31, no. 4 (October 2018): 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118791719.

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Psychoanalysis was introduced to Greece in 1915 by the progressive educator Manolis Triantafyllidis and was further elaborated by Marie Bonaparte, Freud’s friend and member of the Greek royal family, and her psychoanalytic group in the aftermath of the Second World War. However, the accumulated traumas of the Nazi occupation (1941–1944), the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), the post-Civil-War tension between the Left and the Right, the military junta (1967–1974) and the social and political conditions of post-war Greece led this project and all attempts to establish psychoanalysis in Greece, to failure and dissolution. The restoration of democracy in 1974 and the rapid social changes it brought was a turning point in the history of Greek psychoanalysis: numerous psychoanalysts, who had trained abroad and returned after the fall of the dictatorship, were hired in the newly established Greek National Health Service (NHS), and contributed to the reform of Greek psychiatry by offering the option of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the non-privileged. This article draws on a range of unexplored primary sources and oral history interview material, in order to provide the first systematic historical account in the English language of the complex relationship between psychoanalysis and Greek society, and the contribution of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the creation of the Greek welfare state. In so doing, it not only attempts to fill a lacuna in the history of contemporary Greece, but also contributes to the broader historiography of psychotherapy and of Europe.

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31

Freedman, Lawrence D., and John A. Lynn. "Battle: A History of Combat and Culture from Ancient Greece to Modern America." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 6 (2003): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033776.

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32

Fekete, Liz. "Lessons from the fight against Golden Dawn." Race & Class 61, no. 4 (March 6, 2020): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396820906074.

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The ongoing trial of sixty-eight members of Golden Dawn, a violent neo-Nazi political party in Greece, has been called ‘one of the most important trials in contemporary Greek history’. Based on direct observation and insights from a trip to Athens in September 2019 to observe the trial, which coincided with the sixth anniversary of the murder of the anti-fascist rapper Pavlos Fyssas, this article documents the role that activists, lawyers and the families of victims of racist violence have played in bringing members of Golden Dawn to justice. The author examines the trajectory of authoritarian violence inherent in recent Greece history and the culture of police impunity and collusion in racial violence that continues today.

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33

Ahn, Doohwan. "From Greece to Babylon:The political thought of Andrew Michael Ramsay (1686–1743)." History of European Ideas 37, no. 4 (December 2011): 421–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.histeuroideas.2010.12.005.

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34

Siapera, Eugenia, and Michael Theodosiadis. "(Digital) Activism at the Interstices: Anarchist and Self-Organizing Movements in Greece." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, no. 2 (May 29, 2017): 505–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i2.768.

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The paper traces the history and evolution of the anarchist and self-organising movements in Greece, paying attention to their communicative practices and their implications for political praxis. After years of repression, and following the hegemony of the social democratic Pasok, and subsequently Syriza, the movements are currently coming to their own. Beginning with a brief history of the movements and more broadly of the left in Greece, the paper focuses on the current moment, determined by three events: the revolt of 2008, the movement of the squares in 2011, and the rise and u-turn of Syriza in 2015. Examining the critiques, discourses and communicative practices of the antagonistic movement as a whole, the paper argues that these constitute an alternative path to organizing beyond populist hegemony. Equally, the antagonistc movement tries to eschew the problems associated with the so-called folk politics, by paying attention to the growth of the movement through combining affect and experience, new learning and action, and through ultimately contributing to fundamental shifts in political subjectivities.

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35

Marantzidis, Nikos, and Rori Lamprini. "Sinistra e destra in Grecia dal XX al XXI secolo." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041005.

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Left and Right in Greece from the 20th into the 21st century The article explores the evolution of left/right division in Greece, drawing upon macro sociological theories regarding social and political cleavages. It analyses the major historical divisions that have given meaning to the left/right dichotomy and have structured Greek party system over a century. Among a series of wars, civil quarrels, economical and political crises, which have taken place throughout the Twentieth century, two civil conflicts have marked political rivalries and configured political identities: the National Schism (1915-1917) and the Civil War (1943-1949). They have established a three-camp party system, which had endured until the 1967-1974 military dictatorship. The democratization of the country and the liberalization of political institutions in the post-junta era gave birth to new coalitions and political formations, which established a two-party system on the basis of right/anti-right dichotomy. The outbreak of economic crisis in 2010 and the austerity measures that came as a consequence have divided society and politics in two camps: the advocates and opponents of the Memorandum. The political stances regarding the management of the crisis has magnified the significance of pro/anti-memorandum cleavage and, thus, weakened the importance of the left/right division.

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36

Ploumidis, Spyridon. "British Propaganda towards Greece (1940–1944)." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 6, no. 4 (December 2006): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850601016275.

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37

Tsoukalas, Constantine. "On National Anniversaries: Greece, 1821-2021." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 23, no. 2 (January 7, 2021): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2021.1872014.

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38

Bryant, Rebecca. "Modern Greece: a cultural poetics." Mediterranean Historical Review 24, no. 1 (June 2009): 62–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518960903036698.

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39

Kakavoulia, Maria. "Greece: A Traveler's Literary Companion." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 17, no. 1 (1999): 200–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1999.0007.

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40

Mouzelis, Nicos. "On the Rise of Postwar Military Dictatorships: Argentina, Chile, Greece." Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, no. 1 (January 1986): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500011841.

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Despite marked geographical and sociocultural differences, Greece and the two major southern-cone Latin American countries share a significant number of characteristics which distinguish them from most other peripheral and semiperipheral societies. Although they began industralisation late and failed to industrialise fully in the last century, all three countries managed to develop an important infrastructure (roads, railways) during the second half of the nineteenth century, and they achieved a notable degree of industrialisation in the years following each of the two world wars. Moreover, until the beginning of the nineteenth century, all three countries were subjugated parts of huge patrimonial empires (the Ottoman and the Iberian) and thus had never experienced the absolutist past of western and southern European societies. Finally, all three acquired their political independence in the early nineteenth century and very soon adopted parliamentary forms of political rule; and despite the constant malfunctioning of their representative institutions, relatively early urbanisation and the creation of a large urban middle class provided a framework within which bourgeois parliamentarism took strong roots and showed remarkable resilience. It persisted, albeit intermittently, from the second half of the nineteenth century until the rise of military bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes in the 1960s and 1970s and, as the Greek and Argentinian cases suggest, such regimes do not necessarily entail the irreversible decline of parliamentary democracy.

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41

Binder, Sarah. "A Discussion of Mark Blyth's Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 2 (June 2017): 555–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000433.

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The ongoing Eurozone crisis has brought to the fore the discourse of “austerity.” A number of countries, most dramatically Greece, have been called upon to institute policies of fiscal austerity as a condition of further support from the international financial community. The situation has generated some serious disagreements among economists, policymakers, and indeed important financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank. Mark Blyth’s Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea speaks directly to these ongoing current debates. We have invited a range of political scientists working on related issues to comment on the book’s arguments and their relevance to the work that they do.

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42

Morgan, Glyn. "A Discussion of Mark Blyth's Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 2 (June 2017): 557–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000445.

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Анотація:

The ongoing Eurozone crisis has brought to the fore the discourse of “austerity.” A number of countries, most dramatically Greece, have been called upon to institute policies of fiscal austerity as a condition of further support from the international financial community. The situation has generated some serious disagreements among economists, policymakers, and indeed important financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank. Mark Blyth’s Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea speaks directly to these ongoing current debates. We have invited a range of political scientists working on related issues to comment on the book’s arguments and their relevance to the work that they do.

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43

Oatley, Thomas. "A Discussion of Mark Blyth's Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 2 (June 2017): 559–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000457.

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Анотація:

The ongoing Eurozone crisis has brought to the fore the discourse of “austerity.” A number of countries, most dramatically Greece, have been called upon to institute policies of fiscal austerity as a condition of further support from the international financial community. The situation has generated some serious disagreements among economists, policymakers, and indeed important financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank. Mark Blyth’s Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea speaks directly to these ongoing current debates. We have invited a range of political scientists working on related issues to comment on the book’s arguments and their relevance to the work that they do.

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44

Kostopoulos, Christos. "Framing The Greek Memoranda (2010-2015): A Polarised yet Hollow Debate." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (April 21, 2020): 460–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1135.

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This study examines the contribution of media frames to democratic debate. Focusing on Greece, the article investigates how the press frames the Greek memoranda (2010-2015) and the contribution of these frames to the construction of democratic debate. Relying on an in-depth qualitative framing analysis of the coverage of the three memoranda and combining insights from framing theory and political economy, the major frames that shaped debates on the issue and the boundaries of discourse that they set are identified. The findings illustrate that, while the application of frames might differ across outlets, a rather uniform debate around the memoranda is promoted through the press. These results raise doubts about the performance of the media in the coverage of the most significant political issue in Greece’s recent history, and reveal the silencing of alternative voices that could have challenged the dominant frames of the debate.

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45

Wolpert, Andrew. "The genealogy of diplomacy in classical Greece." Diplomacy & Statecraft 12, no. 1 (March 2001): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290108406189.

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46

Miller, Char Roone. "Blood Money." Political Theory 45, no. 2 (September 27, 2016): 216–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591716664770.

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Contemporary responses to Plato’s Republic rarely examine its complex relationship to festivals and sacrifice. Recovering the importance of the festival to Plato’s concerns, this article reveals Plato’s displacement of the sacrificial violence of ancient Greek festivals with the language and possibilities (including notions of responsibility) of money. The first section introduces, through the opening scenes of the Republic, the significance of money in Ancient Greece, particularly its affiliation with the ritual dynamics of the festival. The second section focuses on animal sacrifice, developing the central claim that much of the Republic imagines replacing the power of sacrifice to hold a conflicted polis together with the logic of money to organize and maintain the city. To explore the ramifications of this shift, the third section of the essay turns to the problems of visibility and sacrifice, arguing that the shift from festival to monetary political practice obscures the violence of political and monetary life; an obscurity reproduced in Giorgio Agamben’s neglect of ancient Greece in his account of the relationship between sacrifice and political status. This reading provokes an engagement with the contemporary acceptance of monetary violence leading to the conclusion that the violence and death resulting from monetary practice should be considered political violence, not sacrifice.

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47

RUSSO, JOHN PAUL. "GREECE AND ROME IN AMERICA." Modern Intellectual History 10, no. 1 (April 2013): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000406.

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The classics appear conspicuously in the pamphlet wars of the American Revolution, though in the opinion of Bernard Bailyn (written many years ago), their presence is “window-dressing” and their influence “superficial.” They are “everywhere illustrative, not determinative, of thought” (my italics). Up the scale in influence comes Enlightenment rationalism, also “superficial” but only “at times”—that removes the foreigners, ancient and modern. Then, further up the scale are English common-law writers, “powerfully influential” though still insufficiently “determinative”; above them, a “major source,” New England Puritan thought and culture; and finally, at the top, seventeenth-century British “heroes of liberty” and the “early eighteenth-century transmitters of this tradition,” e.g. Commonwealth men, Bishop Hoadly. Who would have thought that the bishop of Winchester weighed in the balance more heavily than Plato and Aristotle? Only once in passing does Bailyn even mention Machiavelli, to whom J. G. A. Pocock, Quentin Skinner, and Harvey C. Mansfield would grant large prominence in the development of Revolutionary thought.

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48

Koliopoulos, John S. "Greece and the Balkans: A historical perspective." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 2, no. 3 (September 2002): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850208454702.

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49

Featherstone, Kevin. "The Politics of Elite Transformation: The Consolidation of Greek Democracy in Theoretical Perspective. By Neovi M. Karakatsanis. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001. 224p. $59.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 664–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402770366.

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This is an ambitious and innovative study of the processes of democratization evident in Greece after 1974. It has two major distinctions. Firstly, it is based on an extensive range of personal interviews with some of the protagonists involved, as well as on archival searches. Secondly, the empirical analysis is placed within relevant theoretical frames, and these are used to draw out relevant comparisons with other European states. The book serves, therefore, as both a general introduction to the turbulent history of the period and a useful source for comparative analysis of democratization processes. The book is highly accessible and readable. With these qualities, it is likely to become the definitive account of the transition to democracy in Greece. Many scholars and students will benefit from it.

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50

Todd, Stephen. "Writing the law in early Greece?" Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 11, no. 1 (1992): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000400.

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