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1
Мусієнко, Ірина Володимирівна. "Депортації членів сімей учасників і пособників ОУН з території Чернівецької області в 1944-1950 рр". Thesis, Книги XXI, 2006. http://repository.kpi.kharkov.ua/handle/KhPI-Press/20623.
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2
Lohuaru, Peter. "Estonia in the crucible of Soviet political reform." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42015.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Estonia's rise to prominence on the leading edge of the
Soviet reform process is a consequence of the republic's dual
position as an economic role model for other republics and a
Soviet exception in terms of lifestyle and cultural
orientation. While Estonia's open acceptance of perestroika
is clearly a boost for Soviet reformers, the Estonian vision
of reform is distinctly different from the direction intended
by Moscow. In its capacity as reform leader and radical
pioneer, Estonia is a microcosm of the Soviet political
economy and the elements that plague attempts to reform the
system. An examination of Estonia's role within the Soviet
reform movement provides a view of the potentially explosive
cultural processes that have now surfaced not only in the
Baltic but throughout the Soviet Union.
Chapter One presents a descriptive chronological overview
of the events that preceded Estonia's Declaration of
Sovereignty in November 1988. Chapter Two is analytical in
nature and provides a cultural context and background with
which to assess Estonian developments. The methodological
framework is adapted from Archie Brown's "Political Culture
and Communist Studies" and gives a qualitative description of
the intensity and psychological power of the cultural factor
in Estonian politics. Chapter Three presents Moscow's
reaction to Baltic initiatives and describes Gorbachev's
attempt to forge a new nationalities policy in the face of
deep-rooted conservative opposition.
Estonia is a prime example of the seemingly insoluble
nationality problems associated with Soviet political reform.
In terms of quantitative indicators, Estonia is the most
economically successful republic within the Soviet political
experiment, and yet it is also the most vociferous in voicing
rejection of fundamental Soviet political values.
Although the Soviet future remains unpredictable, there
are strong indicators that Estonia and the Baltic republics
will continue to expand the perimeters of reform at a pace and
in a manner that can now only be curtailed by armed force.
However, the potential consequences of Baltic initiatives will
not remain confined only to Soviet domestic politics. Whether
the Soviet Union becomes a benign Commonwealth or Confederacy,
or rapidly decays or disintegrates, or regresses into
authoritarianism and civil war, the result will have profound
consequences for Europe and the rest of the world. Therefore,
the importance of Estonia and the other Baltic republics in
the process of Soviet decline cannot be underestimated; the
Baltic States, although insignificant by global standards,
have set an example for other Soviet republics and national
groups to follow and will for the near term remain political
barometers of the Soviet future.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
3
Schull, Joseph. "Russian political culture and the revolutionary intelligentsia : the stateless ideal in the ideology of the populist movement." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65974.
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4
Deyermond, Ruth. "The interrelationship between sovereignty and security in the former Soviet Union." Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268736.
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5
Ch?ng, ?n-suk. "Grassroots associations, civil society and political change in the Soviet Union, 1985-1989 /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487694389392835.
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6
Mohamed, Aly Ahmed K. "Political education in Egypt with reference to England and the Soviet Union." Thesis, Durham University, 1986. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/7074/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The significance of political education is recognized by most countries in accomplishing the desired values in the society, but differs in form according to their ideologies. This research, is an attempt to study the different approaches to the teaching of political-education in Egypt, in comparison with England and the Soviet Union. The research report is divided into ten chapters. Chapters two and three are devoted to a study of the theoretical framework of political education, and political socialization. The development of political life and ideology in Egypt, is covered in chapters four and five. Chapter six deals with the different approaches to political education, in the light of official statements of the state. Chapters seven and eight focus on the study of the teaching of political education in the school curriculum, and the approaches to political education. Chapter nine is concerned with the work of political parties in political education. Chapters one and ten cover the introduction, conclusion, and recommendations. In this research, political education is mainly seen as the political learning which develops the ability of young people to participate in political life, and to influence the system and its values. However, attempts at political learning which aim to support the system and its values, are regarded as political socialization. It has been noted that whilst Egypt encourages a more open approach to political education than before, the approach to political socialization still exists. Improvements in political education in England are greater than in Egypt. Nevertheless, approaches to political socialization have always been emphasized in the Soviet Union. Some recommendations are suggested to improve political education in Egypt. They are mainly based on developing the political awareness of the young people, and their ability to participate in democratic life and to influence the system.
7
Campbell, Patrick E. Jr. "What Would Be the Harm?: Soviet Rule in Eastern Poland, 1939-1941." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1187300852.
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8
Bedford, Sofie. "Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan : Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Huddinge : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University ; Södertörns högskola, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-8429.
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9
Andy, Joshua Charles. "Politics and the Soviet Army : civil-military relations in Soviet Union the Khrushchev Era, 1953-1964." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/2929/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Structure, organisation, an idea of esprit de corps, and hierarchy characterised the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). Throughout the history of the Soviet Union only the Soviet Armed Forces had the potential to rival the CPSU in those qualities and were able to be an organised locus for potential opposition. A sense of professionalism was instilled in the Soviet Armed Forces, not only from those ‘Red Commanders’ of the Revolution and Civil War, but also from those junior, noncommissioned officers who were holdovers from the tsarist regime. The primary focus of this study is on the immediate post-Stalinist era while Nikita Khrushchev was First Secretary of the CPSU. Bridled by Stalin’s hold over strategic and armed forces policy, after his death, the Soviet Armed Forces became an institution that illustrated a strong sense of military professionalism, while at the same time serving the Soviet regime. With a focus on five case studies that occurred during the Khrushchev era 1953-1964, this thesis argues that the military attempted to remain apolitical throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Previous studies of Soviet civil-military relations have focused on the levels of cooperation or competition between the CPSU and the Soviet armed forces. This study argues however, that the ebb and flow of that relationship can be explained by the selection of personalities, or agents, by Khrushchev to posts of military command. Officers were promoted based on several factors. However, Khrushchev increasingly promoted officers to positions of command who he deemed were more personally loyal to him and were willing to put that loyalty above their duty to the Soviet armed forces. Khrushchev chose personal loyalty over an officer’s military professionalism and expertise when appointing them to posts at the Ministry of Defence, the Soviet General Staff, and to the command posts in the branches of the Soviet military and key military districts around the Soviet Union.
10
Duncan, Peter John Stuart. "Russian messianism : a historical and political analysis." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1989. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6873/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This is an analysis of the nature and political significance of Russian messianism: the idea that the Russian people or the Russian State is the `chosen people' or the `chosen instrument'. I outline the genesis of the theory of Moscow, the Third Rome and discuss the ideas and activities of the nineteenth-century Slavophils, the pan-Slavists, Dostoevsky and Vladimir Solovyov. I examine the influence of messianism on Russian Communism, considering Berdiaev's views. The main part of the work investigates the rebirth of interest in Russian messianism in the Brezhnev period. I try to investigate the links between this cultural movement and the Russian nationalist elements within the political éite. My main sources for this are samizdat journals and articles, in particular the journal Veche, cultural journals such as Novyi mir, Molodaia gvardiia and Nash sovremennik, Party documents and éigré/ journals. I find that Russian messianism has been especially important at times when the country is in crisis: Russia is in Golgotha, but where there is suffering there is also redemption, not only for Russia but for humanity. It has by no means been always dominant in intellectual thought. It has had little influence (under either tsars or Communists) on the fields of nationality policy, policy towards religion or foreign policy. Today, as in the nineteenth century, its adherents can be opponents or supporters of the existing State structure. The growth of non-Russian nationalism under Gorbachov, combined with glasnost', has fuelled Russian nationalism. This is unlikely to be co-opted into the official ideology, because it would increase the dissatisfaction of the non-Russians.
11
Fodor, Neil. "The Warsaw Treaty Organisation : a political and organisational analysis." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1987. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4359/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis describes the political-military alliance of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation (WTO) from its origins and founding in 1955 to its 30th Anniversary in 1985, and after. In showing how the WTO has developed and operated, its practical application in the fields of joint foreign policy and military affairs is described and discussed. In the light of this analysis, the WTO is placed in its context within the socialist community. The origins of the WTO are shown to be part of a general trend towards closer co-operation between the European socialist countries. The states were formally brought together as a public response to the London and Paris Agreements of 1954, which officially rearmed the Federal Republic of Germany and incorporated it into the Western military alliance system and NATO. The structural development is described and analysed, showing the practice of the official structure largely to be a response to existing ad hoc arrangements. The limitations placed on the Organisation's political and military roles are explained, detailing how the WTO is formally restrained from operating as an efficient or effective multilateral co-ordinating body. Where it does operate, the WTO is shown principally to be a political organisation. The documentary history of the WTO is analysed, to show how the structure works in practice. Particular stress is placed on the role of the WTO in carrying out its claimed purpose of co-ordinating the foreign policies of the members. The conclusion is suggested that the WTO at most co-ordinates the `basic principles' rather than the diplomatic practice of its members' foreign policies. The participating states are shown not to be significantly bound by the WTO in the practice of their national foreign policies, though they are bound by bilateral factors external to the structure of the Warsaw Treaty. The 30th Anniversary of the signing of the WTO, potentially a historic landmark, is shown to have passed with very little pomp or celebration. The treatment of the Anniversary in the Soviet Union and amongst its allies was low-key. The issues covered by the Anniversary speeches and articles are described, and are analysed both for what they said about the WTO, its origins, practice, ansd significance, and for what was not said or done. Changes are analysed that have taken place under the new Soviet leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev, whose accession occurred just before the signing of the Protocol extending the Treaty. The 30th Anniversary soon followed. Structural changes were hinted at but never took place, though the documents issued by the existing bodies have become much more open in their description of the discussions and disagreements that took place. These events, coinciding with other changes in Soviet internal and externalpolicies, were shown to be part of an apparent attempt by the Soviet authorities to consult and co-ordinate its actions with its allies, or at least to appear to be doing so. It is also shown where past practices, such as unilateral Soviet moves on foreign policy and arms control, have not changed. The conclusion is that the real significance of the WTO is ideological, serving to give the impression of unity. The Warsaw Treaty Organisation is just another means in the many forms of alliance indicating, and used to justify, the `socialist community'. Other forms of alliance, both political and military, take precedence over the WTO in all its functions. These are principally bilateral, rather than multilateral, forms, and in many cases they are party, rather than state, forms of alliance. Research into the WTO has not been fruitless, but has proved to be the study of issues other than the foreign or defence policies of a multilateral alliance.
12
MacIntyre, Jean. "Political socialization of youth in the Soviet Union : its theory, use, and results /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1993. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA272609.
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13
Ahmed, H. O. "The Soviet Union and the Gulf countries between 1968 and 1980 : The impact of Soviet economic aid, military assistance and political influence." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.378246.
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14
Karadeli, Sedat Cem. "Legitimacy and the post-communist Hungarian political change." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2004. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2077/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Legitimacy is a key but a-changing concept in political science. It has evolved in parallel with the changing political realities throughout history. In the current political environment, legitimacy of a political order depends on its approval by people at the domestic level. However, this domestic approval has to be sustained by an international approval, an attribute underlined especially during the Cold War era. Latin American crises of legitimacy and the more recent East European crises of legitimacy provide concrete examples for this. Hungary, as one of the East European countries which underwent the post-communist systemic transformation faces a renewed crisis of legitimacy. The grounds of legitimation have changed in comparison with the grounds of legitimation of the ancien regime, especially under the Kádárist rule. This thesis analyses the Kádárist attempts at legitimation, and then focuses on the post-communist system in Hungary to compare it with the ancien regime in search of the answer to the question what has changed during the transformation. This study focuses on legitimacy with its domestic and international dynamics, taking into consideration the systemic, institutional and social changes in the post-communist era. It concludes that a combination of political, economic and social improvements will ensure the new system’s legitimate status in both domestic and international arenas.
15
Lin, Yung-Fang. "The development of civil society in the former Soviet Union and Russia, 1985-1999." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369617.
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16
Sleptsova, Evghenia. "Exports from Ukraine to the European Union : macro-, micro- and political economy determinants." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1359/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis deals with the exporting performance of Ukraine. Focusing on the reorientation of merchandise exports, both in terms of geography – from East to West – and in terms of commodity composition, it explores the multi-level determinants of the observed picture. While until 2003-2004 reorientation from East to West appeared to be a steady trend, in 2005 this trend reversed and CIS re-emerged as a leading destination market for Ukraine’s exports. The commodity composition in trade with the EU has also hardly improved, and was more positive in trade with the CIS. Marginal improvements were observed on a more disaggregated level. These findings were confirmed in the macro-level analysis – Ukraine tends to under-trade with the external trade blocs – EU-15 and the then CEFTA, and over trade with the internal trade bloc of CIS. On a micro-level, the analysis has not revealed that trade with the EU has been associated with firm-level industrial upgrading, although FDI does increase the likelihood to export to the EU. Trade with the CIS has been associated with higher commodity diversification, which in turn is known to be associated with higher growth potential. On the level of policy lobbying, on the other hand, business elites have shown an increasing interest in the Western vector of integration.
17
Shaw, Louise Grace. "Attitudes of the British political elite towards the Soviet Union, May 1937 - August 1939." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2001. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/attitudes-of-the-british-political-elite-towards-the-soviet-union-may-1937-august-1939(3d8b5e19-3934-42d2-a2ff-8f2f3d7db1b7).html.
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18
Kim, Dae Soon. "A political biography of Hungary's first post-Communist President, Árpád Göncz." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2578/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Hungary's political transformation of 1989 has been generally regarded as a peaceful revolution negotiated between the ruling Communists and the opposition. During the National Roundtable Negotiations, the fundamental framework of governance - including the amendment of the Constitution - was decided by members of Hungary's political elite. Hungary's mode of transition to democracy was an elite-led transformation and this was distinct from Czechoslovakia and Poland where the interests of society had been represented - to a large degree - by the likes of Vaclav Havel and Lech Walesa. In view of this, some critics argued that compared to Poland and Czechoslovakia, Hungary had no equivalent high-profile figure who could break with the Communist past and claim the ideas of a new democracy. Hungary, however, had its own figure with democratic credentials. Árpád Göncz, who came to prominence during the inter-war period has been one time or another, a student resistance leader during Nazi occupation in Hungary, a steelworker, an agriculturalist, a literary translator and, he subsequently became the first post-Communist President of Hungary. He experienced the major events of Hungarian history first hand, including the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. During this pivotal time, Göncz undertook a significant role in the resistance that followed the suppression of the Revolution; he was sentenced to life imprisonment as a result. His democratic activities were widely acknowledged by political elites and the general public alike. This, in turn, contributed to his election to the Presidency. Significantly, however, much of the existing literature on Hungary's post-Soviet political development has not attached a high degree of importance to Göncz's role in Hungarian history or his political achievements. At present, there are no biographies of Göncz either in English or Hungarian. Thus this thesis, as the first English language scholarly biography, addresses a gap in the literature through the narration of the story of Göncz's life; an expansive account of Göncz's life is situated within a framework of the wider historical, political and social concerns of his generation. Specifically, the following questions are addressed: how were Göncz's political beliefs developed and how did these beliefs later inform his term as the first post-Communist President of Hungary? Narrative analysis and elite interviewing are employed as the main research methods in order to explore the development of Göncz's political beliefs and their significance for the understanding of Hungarian politics. It is argued that as a whole, Göncz made important contributions to the development of Hungarian democracy. Though not born into a political family and constrained by external forces beyond his control, Göncz attempted to address some of the key social and political problems of the age. It is also argued that the decade of Göncz's Presidency was crucial for the shaping of the basic institutional tenets of governance in post-Soviet Hungary. Despite his lack of experience of governance, Göncz created a template for the role of President and significantly affected the demarcation of powers between president and government in the ever-evolving context of the process of political transformation. While his interpretation of the presidential powers and responsibility was not, and could not be regarded as positive in all respects, Göncz's Presidency was imbuded by his liberal and democratic values.
19
Cable, John Harold. "The political and strategic dimensions of United States economic relations with the Soviet Union, 1969-1976." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305284.
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20
Sheeran, Paul. "Altered states in international relations : the role of counterculture in the disintegration of the Soviet Union." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302517.
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21
Smith, Austin. "The Red Scare and the BI's Quest for Power: The Soviet Ark as Political Theater." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6021.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Red Scare of 1919-1920 has been presented as a wave of anti-Radical hysteria that swept post WWI America; a hysteria to which the state reluctantly capitulated to by arresting Radicals and deporting those alien Radicals they deemed most threatening. This presentation, however, is ludicrous when the motivations of the state and its conservative allies are examined. The truth of the matter was that almost all of the people targeted by the Red Scare represented no significant threat to the institutions of the United States and were merely targeted for holding Leftwing ideas, or being connected to a group that did. This work examines how the Red Scare deportations were used as a performance to gain power and funding for the Bureau of Investigation and how the Bureau sought to use this performance to set itself up as the premier anti-Radical agency in the United States.
While the topic of the Red Scare of 1919-1920 has been thoroughly covered, most works on the subject attempt to cover the whole affair or even address it as part of a larger study of political repression in the United States. In these accounts these authors do not see the Red Scare as a performance, which culminated in the Soviet Ark deportations, put on by the BI in order to fulfill its goal of expanding its own importance. This work addresses the events leading up to climactic sailing of the Soviet Ark, as political theater put on by the BI and its allies in order to impress policy makers and other conservative interest groups.
Since the Soviet Ark deportations were the climax of the Red Scare performance, this work addresses the event as a theatrical production and follows a three act dramatic structure. It begins by exploring the cast of characters, both individuals and organizations, in the BI's performance. This is followed by an analysis of the rising action of the BI, and other reactionary groups in the evolution of their grand performance. Finally the deportations serve as the climax of the Red Scare in this performance that the BI and its allies would use to justify an expansion of their influence.
Through the use of government records, biographies, and first hand accounts, this work explores the Soviet Ark deportations as the high point of the first Red Scare, the point in which the BI and its allies took their quest for expanded power the furthest before having to change course. The grand performance that the Bureau of Investigation put on is looked at, not as a response to placate others – something the BI was merely swept up in – but as a performance that they designed to meet the specific needs of their campaign to grow their agency, a performance for which they were willing to draft those that represented no real threat despite the consequences to those individuals.M.A.
Masters
History
Arts and Humanities
History; Accelerated MA
22
Scarborough, Isaac McKean. "The extremes it takes to survive : Tajikistan and the collapse of the Soviet Union, 1985-1992." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3758/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation reevaluates the collapse of the USSR and the reform project of “perestroika” that preceded it from the perspective of Tajikistan. As one of the most peripheral republics in the Soviet Union, Tajikistan found its economy and society shaken to the core by the economic and political reforms passed between 1985 and 1991. Tracking the development of Soviet reform legislation in Moscow and its implementation in Tajikistan, this dissertation shows how perestroika was intimately linked to the breakdown of economic order and social ties that occurred during the final years of the USSR. Rejecting narratives focused on rising nationalism and long-suppressed regional frustrations, this dissertation outlines how Moscow-designed marketizing reforms were the main driver of strife in the Tajik SSR. As the economy disintegrated, so did the fabric of society: by February 1990 Tajikistan’s capital was subsumed by riot, and by May 1992 the entire country was aflame with civil war. By reorienting the history of the Soviet collapse to a peripheral republic that was engulfed by economic disorder and sectarian war, moreover, this dissertation problematizes the established historical discourse about the end of the USSR. Rather than the wave of democratization and free speech seen from the perspective of Moscow and Eastern Europe, for many millions of Soviet citizens the collapse of the USSR was a deeply frightening and violent event. Crime rates rose across the former USSR; local conflicts sprung up; wars flared in more than one republic. Much more than an outlier, Tajikistan was simply one extreme along this spectrum, and its experience of economic collapse leading to civil war complicates simple arguments about how glasnost led to the peaceful end of the USSR. This dissertation demonstrates that economics remained at the heart of the Soviet collapse and the violence that followed.
23
Crowder, Ashby B. "Legacies of 1968: Autonomy and Repression in Ceausescu’s Romania, 1965-1989." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1186838492.
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24
Cox, Angela Marie. "Policy and Practice: Russian and Soviet Education during Times of Social and Political Change." Thesis, Boston College, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1964.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis advisor: Gerald EasterThis is a study of education policy and practice in Russia and the Soviet Union during periods of revolutionary social and political change. It begins with the late tsarist era and moves through the Soviet era into the modern Russia state, a period of time spanning from the late 19th century through to the present period of educational reform. The modern educational system of Russia is still adapting to the post-Soviet world in many ways. Modern Russia inherited a confusing and contradictory educational tradition marked by high standards of learning and achievement along with ineffective traditions of student uniformity and standardization. The attempt at democratization, decentralization, and individualization seen in the immediate post-Soviet period was derailed by an absence of regional or local administrative infrastructure and a deep and scarring economic crisis
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2011
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: College Honors Program
Discipline: Political Science
25
Gibbs, Joseph Thomas. "Mass communication and political change in the closed society: a qualitative assessment of glasnostʹ during the first phase of perestroika, 1985-1988". Thesis, Boston University, 1994. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/35433.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: No public access is forecasted for this work. To request access, please click on the locked Download file link and fill out the appropriate web form.
2031-01-01
26
Elsuwege, Peter van. "From Soviet republics to EU member states : a legal and political assessment of the Baltic states' accession to the EU /." Leiden : M. Nijhoff, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9789004169456.
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27
Lipschitz, Andrea. "The politics of property reform in the Soviet Union, 1985-1991 with special reference to the Perm region." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296111.
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28
Bain, Mervyn J. "Soviet/Cuban relations 1985-1991." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5387/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In March 1985 Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). By 1985 relations between the Soviet Union and Cuba had been in existence for over 25 years and were extremely close in both ideological and trade terms. Soon after coming to power, Gorbachev implemented the policies of perestroika and glasnost while Fidel Castro introduced the campaign for rectification of errors in Cuba. There were great differences in these campaigns since the Cuban one was much more ideologically driven than its Soviet counterparts. This study is an examination of the period from March 1985 to the end of 1991. This is done in three broad areas: official Soviet policy towards Cuba; the unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba (an examination of academics and social/political commentators work on Cuba) and the Cuban perception and reaction to the events in the Soviet Union. This study also attempts to establish whether a rethinking, with the benefit of hindsight, has taken place in the years since 1991. In 1985 official and unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba were identical but as the Gorbachev period continued this began to change. Official policy began to become contradictory in style since Moscow started "veiled" attacks against aspects of its relationship with Cuba while at the same time still defended the island in the face of continuing US hostility. Moscow also stated that the differences in Soviet and Cuban policies were because each campaign was designed for conditions specific to each country but that both had the same goal: the improvement of socialism. Although official policy became more outspoken, at no point during the Gorbachev era did it call for the termination of relations with Cuba. Unofficial Soviet policy started to change as the effects of glasnost permeated Soviet society. This became noticeable from 1987 onwards and reached the point that an open debate on the relationship was taking place. By 1991 unofficial policy was vastly different from the official Soviet line towards Cuba. The Cuban government also stated that the programmes were for situations specific to each country but that both had the same goal, that being the improvement of socialism. The unofficial Cuban line mirrored the official one but by 1990 this started to change as it started to criticise Soviet policies. In 1991 the Cuban government also started to do this. Due to the difficult situation in the socialist world the Cuban government from 1989 had been trying to increase its hard currency markets. A general re-thinking with the benefit of hindsight has not taken place on either side but an examination of participants' memoirs is still a valuable study to conduct. Although it offers very little new evidence for this period it does, however, give more credence to the events that took place between March 1985 and December 1991.
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Davis, Richard Gary. "The Prospects for Economic Reform in the Soviet Union: What Can be Learned from Hungary and China?" W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625682.
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30
Hoffmann, Katharina. "Varieties of regionalism : regional organisations in the post-Soviet space." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5504/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis addresses the question of how and why the function of regional organisations varies in different areas of the world. It contributes with insights from the post-Soviet space. A theoretically informed empirical study examines how two former Soviet republics conceptualise the function of two regional organisations: the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Organisation for Democracy and Economic Development – GUAM (GUAM). The literature agrees that the two like other organisations in the post-Soviet space do not produce integration or other forms of regional governance. Nevertheless, the member states continue to actively participate in these organisations. The thesis inquires to which end the states continue their membership. The analytical perspective examines how the member states’ conceptualisations of an organisation’s function depend on the domestic political regimes. The thesis considers two members of the CIS and GUAM. One, Azerbaijan, has a hybrid regime with an authoritarian shape. The other, Ukraine, has a hybrid regime with stronger affinity towards democracy. It is argued that policy-makers conceptualise the function of a regional organisation according to the patterns of rule in their domestic political regimes. The ruling elite’s conceptualisation may diverge from the stated function of the organisation, if the stated function is not compatible with the domestic political regime.
31
Stedman, Alison. "The imaginary country: The Soviet Union in British public discourse, 1929-1943." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Humanities, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/5507.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For historians of twentieth-century British affairs, the decade of the 1930s is very significant. It was marked not only by a devastating economic crisis at the outset, but also by the rise of fascism in Europe and the onset of the Second World War at its close. These issues were problematic in themselves, but Britain’s response to them was complicated still further by the deep divisions between the Left and the Right over socialism and over the Soviet Union. The presence of the USSR in the East and its influence in Britain loomed over the internal debates that took place, affecting British responses to difficult situations in drastic and far-reaching ways. People of both anti-Soviet and pro-Soviet persuasions were forced to account for events that did not tally with their most strongly held beliefs, hopes or fears.
This dissertation explores the ways in which British people of a variety of political leanings publicly processed and coped with the role of the Soviet Union in these debates. Using a range of sources including contemporary newspapers, books and pamphlets, I will trace the evolution of attitudes to the Soviet Union from 1929, the first year of the economic crisis, up until 1943, the high point of the Anglo-Soviet wartime alliance. My analysis will show how people with fundamentally different belief systems mirrored each other in their responses to intellectual challenges, and how interactions between different groups sustained or exaggerated each group’s response to the Soviet Union. I will also critique the analyses of some historians who have limited the parameters of their studies to take in only single groups or single events, and in so doing have become unfairly critical of individuals who struggled to process a large number of difficult and confusing events.
32
Knight, John Marcus. "Our Nation’s Future? Chinese Imaginations of the Soviet Union, 1917-1956." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu149406768131314.
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33
Efremov, Steven M. "The Role of Inflation in Soviet History: Prices, Living Standards, and Political Change." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1474.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis discusses the interaction between inflation, living standards, and political change in Soviet/Russian history. It traces the establishment and evolution of the Soviet monetary system, inflationary episodes, and their consequences. The goal of this study is to show how inflation affects the lives of ordinary people and how it has contributed to larger changes in Soviet history. Sources include economic statistics and analysis from articles and monographs, as well as first-hand accounts from interviews and newspapers. The results show that inflation was a factor in both the rise and the fall of the Soviet Union. Russia's first hyperinflation (1917-1923) nearly destroyed the economy, and the Bolsheviks were forced to stabilize prices. The Soviet system of price controls prevented inflation, but it also created persistent shortages of food and consumer goods. Mikhail Gorbachev tried to alleviate these problems, but his efforts resulted instead in Russia's second hyperinflation (1992-1993).
34
Swain, Alison. "The development of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 1993 - 2008." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1839/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis considers the development of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), from its foundation in 1993 to the Presidential election of 2008. The study begins with a discussion of the context of change for the CPRF in the post-Soviet world from the perspective of political transitions of other communist parties and their development in the post-Soviet world. The final years of the party’s predecessor, and that predecessor’s collapse contribute a sense of perspective to the party’s development and this is followed by a consideration of the need for ideological change in order to transform the party, the electorate’s support for the CPRF in recent parliamentary elections and the political views of members of a branch of the party with particular emphasis on the opinions of younger members: those who may be guiding the party’s development in the future. How does the transformation of the CPRF compare with that of other communist parties in the region? Organisational change, including the inheritance of political control and resources by former communist parties in some countries where they were in power, has greatly aided some parties in their return to government while the lack of such advantages has hindered others. The ban on the party in Russia adversely affected the unification of communists in Russia from 1991 to 1993 while the CPRF’s counterparts in other countries faced no such difficulties. The electoral successes of other communist and former-communist parties serve to highlight the increased problems the CPRF faces after the splits the party has undergone in recent years. Ideological change across the post-communist world has been very varied in terms of moves towards social democracy, towards nationalism or the retention of a more orthodox communism depending on the local circumstances in individual countries. How has the legacy of the CPSU influenced the formation and development of the successor party? The origins of the CPRF can be seen in the divisions that formed in the CPSU in its final years. The scale of ideological change in the final years of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union can be seen in the radical differences between the 1986 Party Programme and 1991 draft Programme. Documents from the era reveal a failure to understand the depth of the reaction against communism in Eastern Europe and what it could mean for the Soviet Union as well as concern about the effects of glasnost’ on support for the regime and the thinking behind attempts to use electoral change to increase the party’s legitimacy. These changes did not have the anticipated effect for the CPSU and resulted in the loss of party control over those elected and over electors with the formation of platforms in the CPSU and parties outside the CPSU leading the way to the demise of the party. When the ideology a party represents appears to have been comprehensively rejected, how does that party reposition itself in the political landscape in order to survive? With the election of a new leader prepared to lead the party in a new direction, the CPRF has recast itself as a nationalist party that sees communism as a Russian tradition. Zyuganov’s repositioning of the party has been characterised by the acceptance of democracy, which has arguably kept the CPRF in the public eye as the party has been represented in every Duma since 1993, and the search for means of uniting various political groups under a broad ‘patriotic’ banner in order to return the party to power at the head of a coalition. Zyuganov’s reworking of communist theory includes a heavy reliance on geopolitics to argue for the re-establishment of the Soviet Union and support for the Russian Orthodox Church and Russian culture as cornerstones of the patriotic cause. Which members of the Russian electorate now define themselves as communist? The party’s relationship with the electorate is examined through the results of public opinion surveys conducted just after the 1999 and 2003 Duma elections to see what views communist voters hold in common and whether it is possible to determine what political opinions can be said to predict a vote for the CPRF. A CPRF supporter could be predicted to be older and with more strongly held political views than the average Russian citizen. As many previous studies have found, age is clearly one of the most significant factors in predicting support for the CPRF but this factor is outweighed in these surveys by party identification and ideological conviction. If a voter identified with a political party and an ideology, there was a greater probability that that voter supported the CPRF than any other political party. Are members of the party able and willing to defend the change in direction of the party leadership? Interviews with members of the St Petersburg branch of the CPRF indicated that members were willing to accept the nationalist stance of the party as a temporary necessity to extend electoral support for the party. In view of the fact that party membership has fallen drastically in recent years, members were asked what was drawing them to join the CPRF or remain in the party when others had left. With an ageing and falling membership, the Komsomol is playing an important role by recruiting young people to the party. Members were asked for their views on the possibility of the party changing course and their attitudes to Zyuganov’s leadership. However, with support for the party from the electorate in decline, party members were divided about what they felt needed to change. This thesis concludes that the party remains popular with a minority of voters who were impoverished by the transition and that the current strategies of democratic participation and a nationalist stance have been accepted by the membership as the achievement of communism is seen as a very distant prospect. The party, however, still believes that communism is inevitable.
35
Hutcheson, Derek S. "The development of party activism in Russia : a local perspective." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3933/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
One of the great opportunities afforded to the political scientist since the fall of the Soviet Union has been that of examining politics ‘on the ground’ in non-metropolitan areas. The current study addresses the development of regional and local political party organisations in post-communist Russia. Focusing on the six movements which won representation in the 1999 election to the State Duma, it uses three case study regions in the middle Volga - the Republic of Tatarstan and the provinces of Samara and Ul’yanovsk - to examine party activity at the regional and district levels. Based on extensive fieldwork in Russia, the investigation utilises a broad range of local sources and interviews in its analysis. However, in order to avoid the danger of simply providing an observational study of local politics, wide use is also made of national opinion survey and focus group data. The study begins by examining the context of party activity in Russia, giving a brief history of the party system and its institutional framework. Thereafter, examination is made of the role of parties in regional and local politics, based mainly on official electoral statistics from 1995-2001. This analysis begins by looking at the Russian Federation’s eighty-nine regions in a comparative context, before narrowing the focus to the three case study regions. Parties’ activities, and their interactions with the respective political systems in each region, are examined in detail. Thereafter, the functioning of parties at three levels - federal, regional and district - is examined, using both theoretical and empirical methods. The study goes on to examine the role played by members in Russia’s political parties, most specifically at a regional and local level, utilising survey and focus group material (undertaken specifically for this study) to case new light on the entry patterns, bases of activism, and attitudes of party members in the middle Volga. Furthermore, parties are examined in the context of the 1999-2001 electoral cycle. This analysis concludes that, in the federal elections, particularly that to the State Duma in December 1999, regional nuances dominated over the national campaign; but that party participation was limited in region-specific elections.
36
Leitch, Duncan. "International assistance and the reform of public administration in Ukraine : fiscal decentralisation and regional policy 2000-2012." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6382/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The thesis examines the influence of external advice on domestic reform in a post-communist state following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. As an example of this, the research analyses the role of international assistance in the reform of public administration in Ukraine in the period 2000 to 2012, with particular reference to the relationship between the national and sub-national tiers of government. Two empirical case studies, on fiscal decentralisation and regional policy, are employed to provide an in-depth analysis of reform programmes introduced by the Government of Ukraine and an examination of the contribution of external advice to each. The thesis draws on concepts from Institutional Theory, Comparative Politics and Development Studies to explain the interaction between external donors and the domestic recipients of their advice. It is argued that international assistance to public administrative reform in Ukraine is a form of normative institutional isomorphism involving the deliberate transfer of models of state institutions from donor countries where they are regarded as good practice. The findings of the case studies indicate the narrow circumstances in which this transaction may lead to short-term progress with reform, through the establishment of a policy transfer network linking domestic and external actors. However the case studies also demonstrate that in the longer term both these attempts at reform, and the international advice which contributed to them, failed to achieve a sustained outcome. Employing the political economy analysis of development aid the thesis argues that the international community bears a large share of the responsibility for this owing to the technocratic nature of assistance programmes and their limited engagement with the political realities of reform processes.
37
Roberts, Sean. "Dominant-power politics and ‘virtual’ party hegemony : the role of United Russia in the Putin period." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/952/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This case study examines the role of the political party United Russia in the rise of ‘dominant-power politics’, also termed ‘electoral authoritarianism’, that characterises the Putin period (2000-2008). Comparative literature identifies parties as important independent or explanatory variables in a range of regime outcomes, including the successful consolidation of democracy, but also in the establishment and consolidation of authoritarian rule. The impressive rise of United Russia in the Russian political system from late 2001 onwards, together with its co-occurrence with the growing strength of the Putin regime, suggests that the party was a factor in the outcome of the latter. This research first develops a theoretical framework to understand the role of parties in modern political systems and then applies this framework to explore the Russian case. Although a component of power in the Putin period, this research argues that the origins of United Russia in the ‘party of power’ phenomenon limit its value as an explanatory variable. Rather than a principal power in the emerging post-Yeltsin political order, United Russia is an agent of a powerful civilian executive, which remains beyond the control of any party. In this sense, the rise of United Russia in the Putin period is misleading. United Russia is an example of ‘virtual’ party hegemony; a reflection of the intentions and ability of non-party power-holders to project their power onto party-agents. This research contributes to existing literature on party politics in the post-Soviet space and Russian politics in the Putin period. In comparative terms, this study contributes to existing notions of party dominance and emerging literature on divergent regime trajectories in the post-Cold War period.
38
SPREAFICO, MARTA. "Institutions and Growth: The Experience of the Former Soviet Union Economies." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1113.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Organizzata in tre saggi, questa tesi si pone l’obiettivo di consentire una migliore comprensione del legame tra crescita e istituzioni, e dei meccanismi attraverso cui gli assetti istituzionali possono condizionare i sentieri economici.
Riconoscendo, sulla base di considerazioni storiche, il potere esemplificativo delle ex Repubbliche Socialiste Sovietiche e della loro comune esperienza passata, questo lavoro fornisce, da un lato, una struttura empirica di riferimento per esaminare l’impatto sulla performance economica di un insieme di istituzioni, concretamente legate al funzionamento dell’attività economica; dall’altro, approfondisce lo studio degli effetti e delle determinanti delle azioni di policy.
Il primo saggio offre una disamina della letteratura riguardante il legame crescita e istituzioni, fornendo un quadro esaustivo degli sviluppi teorici ed empirici, e illustra diversi aspetti che possono essere concepiti come obiettivi per la ricerca futura; il secondo, attraverso la costruzione di un modello statico e di un modello dinamico, quantifica l’impatto delle istituzioni economiche sui sentieri di crescita di questi paesi, impiegando e analizzando numerose tecniche di stima; il terzo saggio formula diverse specificazioni e affronta il tema rilevante del ruolo degli interventi di policy sullo sviluppo economico e dell’effetto delle istituzioni politiche su comportamenti e decisioni del governo.Organized in three essays, this thesis aims at achieving a better understanding of the link between growth and institutions, and of the mechanisms through which the institutional arrangements affect the economic paths. Exploiting the past common experience of the Former Soviet Union economies, this work provides an empirical framework to examine the impact on the economic performance of a set of institutions concretely related to the “functioning” of the economic activity and offers a first attempt to include in this research program the study of the consequences of the government actions. The first essay offers a thorough review of the literature researching on the link between economic growth and institutions, and elucidates several issues that deserve further attention; the second develops a static and a dynamic approach to assess, using multiple estimation techniques, the impact of a set of economic institutions on the growth paths of these countries; the third essay, through several formal specifications, deals with the relevant issue of the role of policy measures and of the effect of the political institutions on the governments behaviour.
39
Olson, Peter Millard. "An analysis of US/Soviet arms control : adding a subsystem perspective." PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4300.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Analyses of US/Soviet arms control have usually focused on domestic variables to explain US/Soviet arms control behavior. Partly because the number of negotiating parties is only two, there is a propensity to focus on the bilateral relationship of the United States and the Soviet Union and their respective domestic political situations. Only superficial attention has usually been given to international systems variables that may well influence the domestic political situation and arms control policy.
This thesis broadens the explanatory scope of US/Soviet arms control by showing how the political environment of a trilateral relationship (a subsystem that includes the West European members of NATO as a single actor as well as the United States and the Soviet Union) is a primary motivator of US/Soviet arms control behavior.
40
Kay, Alex J. "Exploitation, resettlement, mass murder : political and economic planning for German occupation policy in the Soviet Union, 1940-1941 /." New York : Berghahn books, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40227679v.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Texte remanié de: Thesis Ph. D.--Philosophical Faculty I--Berlin--Humboldt-Universität, 2005. Titre de soutenance : Neuordnung and Hungerpolitik : the development and compatibility of political and economic planning within the Nazi hierarchy for the occupation of the Soviet Union, July 1940-July 1941.Bibliogr. p. 222-234.
41
Ozkan, Remzi Oner. "The Soviet Territirial Demands From Turkey: 1939-1946." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12611617/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis seeks to explore the Soviet territorial claims on Turkey during the period between 1939-1946. The main argument of this thesis is that the Soviet demands from Turkey during the World War II were expansionist in nature, as opposed to the view that they were defensive. The Soviet leadership formulated these demands before the German invasion of the Soviet territories when the Soviet Union did not have significant security concerns and maintained superiority during the war.
This thesis is composed of six chapters. The first chapter is the introduction and the second chapter looks at the historical context of Turkish-Soviet relations. Chapter Three examines the Soviet demands for military bases and territorial concessions from Turkey immediately after the Second World War. The fourth chapter discusses planning of settling Armenians in Turkish territories. This chapter also examines the initial US response to the Soviet demands. Chapter Five analyzes the United States'adoption of a hard-line attitude towards the Soviet Union with respect to these demands and also how the US reaction led to the Soviet withdrawal of demands. The last chapter is the conclusion.
42
Fischer, Karl. "Verhandlungen oder militärische Option? : Chancen und Risiken für Afghanistan." Universität Potsdam, 2010. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4898/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Nach wie vor ist es der internationalen Gemeinschaft nicht gelungen, eine Lösung für die afghanische Krise zu präsentieren. Dabei macht die gegenwärtige Situation eine Beendigung des Kriegszustands sowie die Aufnahme von konstruktiven Verhandlungen unerlässlich. Die Genfer Verhandlungen der 1980er Jahre über den Abzug der Sowjetarmee aus Afghanistan könnten hierbei als Vorbild dienen.
43
Burke, David. "Theodore Rothstein and the Russian political emigre influence on the British labour movement 1884-1920." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1997. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/6122/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the influence of Russian political emigrés on the British labour movement, 1884-1920, with particular reference to the career of Theodore Rothstein. It takes as its starting point Sergius Stepniak's comments on the impact of a small group of socialists on a Liberal- Radical demonstration in Hyde Park in 1884, and closes with the formation of the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1920 and the refusal to allow Th. Rothstein re-entry into Britain in August 1920. It takes issue with those historians who have argued that the Russian political emigré influence was essentially harmful, serving only to undermine natural developments already in evidence on the British Left and imposing new perspectives, which later made the CPGB subservient to the needs of Soviet foreign policy. This thesis, on the contrary, argues that the Russian political emigré community in Britain, predominantly Jewish, had become an integral part of the Left-wing of the British labour movement by the time of the formation of the CPGB, and as such formed part of the British socialist tradition that favoured Marxism. It looks specifically at the history of the Social-Democratic Federation, (SDF) which between 1884 and 1920 adopted the titles Social-Democratic Party and British Socialist Party before it merged itself with the CPGB in 1920. The SDF appealed particularly to the Russian political emigrés, as opposed to other groupings, because it saw itself as a Social-Democratic body and part of an international movement, to which the Russian Social- Democratic Labour Party was affiliated. The emigrés, therefore, felt that their activity within the British socialist movement was not something imposed upon a reluctant nativist body; but an integral part of that movement's development.
44
Oskanian, Kevork. "Weaving webs of insecurity : fear, weakness and power in the post-Soviet South Caucasus." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/367/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis' central aim is the application of a Wendtian-constructivist expansion of Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) on a specific case study: the South Caucasus. To that effect, three concepts of RSCT – amity/enmity, state incoherence, and great power penetration – are expanded and developed within the broader above-mentioned ontological-epistemological framework. Amity-enmity is elaborated into an integrated spectrum founded on varying ideational patterns of securitisation alongside objective characteristics, and encompassing conflict formations, security regimes and security communities. States are conceptualised as ideational-institutional-material "providers of security"; their incoherence is characterised over three tiers and two dimensions, leading to a distinction between vertical and horizontal inherent weakness, ostensible instability and failure. Great power penetration is dissected into its objective, subjective and intersubjective elements, resulting in a 1+3+1 typology of its recurring patterns: unipolar, multipolar-cooperative and multipolar-competitive, bounded by hegemony and disengagement. After the specification of a methodology incorporating both objective macro- and interpretive micro-perspectives, two working hypotheses are specified. Firstly, that state incoherence engenders high levels of regional enmity, and, secondly, that patterns of great power penetration primarily affect transitions of regional amity/enmity between conflict formations and security regimes. The framework is subsequently used to triangulate these hypotheses through an application of the theoretical framework on the post-Soviet Southern Caucasus. An initial macro-overview is subsequently provided of the Southern Caucasus as a regional security complex; the three expanded concepts are consequently investigated, in turn, from the discursive micro-perspective. The South Caucasus is categorised into a "revisionist conflict formation", the nature of its states' incoherence is characterised, and existing patterns of great power penetration are identified as competitive-multipolar. In the final chapter, the hypotheses are largely confirmed, and various scenarios as to the possible emergence of a regional security regime are investigated.
45
Crols, Dirk. "From Tsarist empire to League of Nations and from USSR to EU : two eras in the construction of Baltic state sovereignty." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2006. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2453/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines how the three Baltic countries constructed their internal and external sovereign statehood in the interwar period and the post Cold War era. Twice in one century, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were confronted with strongly divided multiethnic societies, requiring a bold and wide-ranging ethnics policy. In 1918 all three Baltic countries promised their minorities cultural autonomy. Whereas Estonian and Latvian politicians were deeply influenced by the theories of Karl Renner and Otto Bauer, the Lithuanians fell back on the historic Jewish self-government in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Many politicians were convinced that the principle of equality of nationalities was one of the cornerstones of the new international order, embodied by the League of Nations. The minority protection system of the League was, however, not established to serve humanitarian aims. It only sought to ensure international peace. This lack of a general minority protection system was one of many discussion points in the negotiations of the Estonian and Latvian minority declarations. Although Lithuania signed a much more detailed minority declaration, its internal political situation rapidly deteriorated. Estonia, on the other hand, established full cultural autonomy with corporations of public law. Although a wide-ranging school autonomy was already established in 1919, Latvia never established cultural self-government. The Second World War and the subsequent Soviet occupation led to the replacement of the small historically rooted minority groups by large groups of Russian-speaking settlers. The restoration in 1991 of the pre 1940 political community meant that these groups were deprived of political rights. In trying to cope with this situation, Estonia and Latvia focused much more on linguistic integration than on collective rights. Early attempts to pursue a decolonisation policy, as proposed by some leading Estonian and Latvian policymakers, were blocked by the ‘official Europe’ which followed a policy analogous to the League of Nations.
46
Salitan, Laurie P. "An analysis of Soviet Jewish emigration in the 1970s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f984e4b9-f578-4ee9-89d5-b26a65cca29b.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Domestic, not foreign affairs drove Soviet policy on Jewish emigration during the period of 1968-1989. This study challenges the prevailing view that fluctuating levels of exit from the USSR were correlated to the climate of relations between the USA and the USSR. The analysis also considers Soviet-German emigration for comparative perspective. Extensive historical background, with special emphasis on Soviet nationality policy is provided.
47
Peterson, Christian Philip. "Wielding the Human Rights Weapon: The United States, Soviet Union, and Private Citizens, 1975-1989." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1242234040.
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48
Kawecki, Mathew. "The Ladle and the Knife: Power Projection and Force Deployment under Reagan." Chapman University Digital Commons, 2019. https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses/9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the nature and impact of the Reagan administration’s self-described projection of “peace through strength.” It argues that Reagan’s defense spending surge, “Star Wars” (SDI) missile shield policy, and 1983 invasion of Grenada gave the president confidence and political cover that allowed him to withdraw U.S. Marines from Beirut in early 1984. Analysts and commentators focus on his muscular power projection like defense spending, SDI, and the invasion of Grenada, but in practice Reagan exercised a high level of restraint in troop deployment. These projections of power and the avoidance of protracted war in Lebanon gave Reagan further confidence and cover to pursue arms control negotiations with the Soviet Union, against the protestations of anti-Soviet hardliners.
Although Reagan supporters have credited the administration with either frightening or bankrupting the Soviets into disarmament, these policies—particularly his military restraint in Lebanon—did more to bring Reagan himself to the negotiation table. These power projection measures contributed to a “peace through strength” narrative embraced by much of Reagan’s domestic audience, allowing him to fend off accusations of Munich-style appeasement. While the defense spending surge helped give Reagan the confidence to ink an arms control agreement, the buildup created nonlinear consequences that will outlive arms control treaties.
49
Main, Steven John. "Creation, organisation and work of the Red Army's political apparatus during the Civil War (1918-1920)." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8314.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The main aim of this dissertation has been to examine the creation, organisation and work of the Red Army's Civil War political apparatus and assess its overall contribution to the Bolshevik war effort. To this end the dissertation itself consists of 4 main chapters and a number of appendices, detailing not only the work of the main political organs of the Red Army, but also the main personalities involved. The first chapter is an introductory chapter, examining the organ, which many Soviet historians have for a long time considered to be the Bolsheviks' first attempt at the creation of a centralised political organ for the Red Army, namely the Organisation-agitation department of the All-Russian Collegiate for the Formation and Organisation of the Red Army. The work carried out for the first chapter then leads to a discussion of the work of arguably the first real attempt by the Bolsheviks to create a properly functioning political organ specifically for the Red Army, namely the All-Russian Bureau of Military Commissars (VBVK). The chapter has been sub-divided into a number of sections, in order to allow a greater detailed examination of the work, personalities and difficulties that the central political apparatus faced in its attempts to exert some sort of control over the various constituent parts of the front political apparatus-the military commissars, the Party cells and the ever-increasing important political departments in the period 1918-1919. That VBVK was not to be a crowning success is revealed by the necessity that the Bolsheviks felt towards the beginning of 1919 to abolish VBVK and create arguably the centralised political organ of the Red Army during the Civil War period-the Political Administration of the Revolutionary Military Soviet of the Republic (PUR). Created in May 1919, PUR was to face many of the same problems that had beset VBVK a year or so earlier but, on the whole, coped with them better and political and cultural-educational work in the Red Army proceeded apace. The final, conclusive chapter brings all the threads together and assesses the claims made for the political work carried out in the front-line Red Army units during 1918-1920 and, whilst admitting that the Bolsheviks did spend much time on promoting the apparatus in a number of ways, the assertions made by generations of Soviet historians concerning the overall value of the political and cultural-educational work carried out in the Red Army are still too grandiose and that there is a lack of concrete evidence available, proving the worth of the political work carried out and its positive military consequences.
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Narbutaité, Aflaki Inga. "From the Soviet to the European Union : A Policy Study of SME Assistance Organising in Lithuania." Doctoral thesis, Karlstads universitet, Avdelningen för politiska och historiska studier, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-4830.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Establishment of a policy linkage between particular outspoken societal needs and their realisation via the body political is critical for recently democratised polities. In Lithuania, a former Soviet bloc country undergoing a complex transition, an urge from various societal groups for successful and adequate policies exemplify the importance of this linkage. The study inquires into its establishment during the transition from the Soviet to the EU by exploring collective action to assist Lithuanian SMEs -a new group of economic actors -with their transition period needs. Policy linkage is operationalised in terms of successful and adequate policies. Methodologically, the study examines the usefulness of bottom-up approach to policy organising for revealing policy process in the transition context. Theoretically, the study tests the explanatory power of the major bottom-up assumptions regarding the preconditions for policy linkage in the Lithuanian transition. Especially the role of the government and formal politicaladministrative institutions is explored. The study findings indicate very limited government, EU and mandated actors’ success in organising adequate SME assistance policies. Ad hoc collective actions with mixed types of actors and alternative structurations were found to frequently supplement for the policy linkage. Useful explanations to this were provided by the employed context, structural and behavioural factors. Active selforganising of policy receivers was a precondition significantly increasing the adequacy of the collective assistance action. Also adherence to the rule of law principles in policy process should not be undermined to increase chances of policy adequacy. Especially a combination of behavioural factors characteristic of social capital in the localities studied was found important to consider further. Policy learning is yet underestimated as a factor structuring policy action and enabling policy linkage. Lack of policy structures has implications for policy learning. The study also proposes policy adequacy as a complimentary indicator of transition success.