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1

Liao, Sixin, and Li Pan. "Interpreter mediation at political press conferences." Interpreting. International Journal of Research and Practice in Interpreting 20, no. 2 (September 24, 2018): 188–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/intp.00009.lia.

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Abstract Political press conferences, while playing a significant role in international communication by heads of state and government, are still largely underexplored in interpreting studies. More scholarly attention is needed, particularly to examine the interpreter’s mediating role in these uniquely constrained communicative settings. Drawing on narrative theory and Wadensjö’s model of renditions, this paper investigates the interpreter’s mediating role at a 2011 joint press conference with the American and Chinese Presidents, at that time Barack Obama and Hu Jintao respectively. Specifically, the study examines how the interpretation comprises reduced, expanded and summarized renditions of the speakers’ narratives, and how the resulting mediation can affect not only their image, but also the outcome of the diplomatic communication between their respective countries. Here, the interpreter’s performance is subject not only to his language competence, but also to a number of other factors. On the one hand, his mediation can be facilitated rather than restricted by the constraints of the setting where the interpreting occurs, such as technical problems and time limitations. On the other hand, the mediation can also reflect the interpreter’s institutional role and the public narratives within the socio-cultural context.
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2

Demir, Yeliz. "Maneuvering strategically in a press conference to diminish political responsibility for a critical event." Journal of Argumentation in Context 5, no. 2 (October 14, 2016): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.5.2.07dem.

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It is an essential requirement of democracy that politicians provide account of their words and actions to the public. However, being able to account is especially important when a politician or the party he/she is representing is assumed responsible for a critical event that has undesirable consequences for the public. Under such a condition, political press conferences serve as an instrument for a politician to justify the position of the government by means of argumentation. By adopting the pragma-dialectical framework, this paper sets out to explain how a politician maneuvers strategically in a press conference for the purpose of diminishing political responsibility when his party which is in charge of the government is assumed responsible for a critical event. The paper draws its data from the political press conference held by Erdoğan, a former Prime Minister of Turkey, following the mine accident that took place in Soma, Turkey, in 2014.
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3

Hernández, Alfonso. "Journalists’ moves in political press conferences and their implications for accountability." Journal of Argumentation in Context 10, no. 3 (December 14, 2021): 281–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.20005.her.

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Abstract Political press conferences are important spaces for public accountability because they give journalists the opportunity to scrutinize politicians’ decisions. However, the structure of press conferences poses specific constraints to journalists because their role is limited to ask questions. This situation is not problematic if their goal is to ask informative or critical questions, but it becomes problematic if journalists want to advance standpoints, arguments, or criticisms. In the latter case, journalists have to perform their argumentative moves through façade questions in order to comply with the protocol of press conferences. For this reason, it is not easy to distinguish the argumentative function of journalists’ questions, and consequently, their value for accountability. This paper draws on the pragma-dialectical theory of argumentation to give an argumentative account of political press conferences. Furthermore, the implications of journalists’ questions for accountability purposes are discussed.
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4

Ekström, Mats. "Power and affiliation in presidential press conferences." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 3 (December 15, 2009): 386–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.3.03eks.

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Presidential press conference is an enduring form for public interrogations. Interaction in this context regulates and symbolizes relations of power, autonomy and affiliation between the President and the journalists. A general argument is that we have to study sequences of interaction in order to understand the roles and relations established in press conferences. The article investigates interruptions, and jokes and laughter. The study is based on Conversation Analysis and the data encompasses 19 press conferences held by George W Bush from 2005–2007. The analysis shows how the President uses interruptions in order to control the allocation of turns, disagree and reject criticism, demonstrate certainty and conviction, and makes joke with the journalists. Sequences of jokes and laughter strengthen the interactive power of the President, create affiliations, and questioning the expected neutrality of journalism.
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5

Moberg, Ulla, and Göran Eriksson. "Managing ideological differences in joint political press conferences." Journal of Language and Politics 12, no. 3 (September 27, 2013): 315–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.12.3.01mob.

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This study focuses on Swedish political press conferences and explores the discursive efforts of politicians to express unity despite diverging ideological views. It concerns the use of the first person pronoun ‘we’ (Swedish. we) and is influenced by both dialogue theory and linguistic theories, which highlight the meaning of pronouns in context. The data consist of transcribed web broadcasts of press conferences with the leaders of the four political parties that form the Swedish Government since 2006. Our analysis reveals that a clear-cut use of the personal pronoun ‘we’ can serve the same political purposes as a more ambiguous use, i.e. to show unity while there are differences. The four party leaders are involved in a communicative project of ‘doing unity’ to demonstrate that they are a very capable government.
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6

Eriksson, Göran, and Mats Eriksson. "Managing political crisis: an interactional approach to “image repair”." Journal of Communication Management 16, no. 3 (July 27, 2012): 264–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13632541211245776.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to extend the image repair theory by focusing on the largely ignored context of the face‐to‐face communication. The paper offers an exploratory study of how image repair work is carried out in interviews with politicians in the context of press conferences.Design/methodology/approachThe paper combines theoretical reflections with two qualitative case studies of press conferences of Swedish politicians. These press conferences were held to manage the challenge posed to the politicians’ public image by the media criticism. The analytical frame employed in this study is Conversation Analysis (CA).FindingsThe way journalists act during interviews and how they pose questions have noticeable consequences for the accused actor's image repair work. Image repair strategies like “apologizing” and “mortification” during the speech section of a press conference tend to be more effective as they give the accused greater opportunities to take control of the interaction.Research limitations/implicationsDue to the exploratory nature of this interactional approach and the fact that the analysis involves only two cases, the findings must be seen as provisional.Practical implicationsThe knowledge of how journalists construct a question is of high relevance for crisis communication and image repair work, and therefore of high value of public relations practitioners.Originality/valueThe interactional approach to image repair offers a new theoretical frame for the understanding of crisis management in interview situations. The approach especially highlights the importance of journalists’ questions in image repair work.
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7

Bhatia, Aditi. "Critical discourse analysis of political press conferences." Discourse & Society 17, no. 2 (March 2006): 173–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926506058057.

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8

Eriksson, Göran. "Follow-up questions in political press conferences." Journal of Pragmatics 43, no. 14 (November 2011): 3331–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2011.07.004.

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9

Márquez Muñoz, Jorge Federico, and Pablo Armando González Ulloa Aguirre. "Morning Conferences: From Dialogue to the Sacrificial Rite and the Formation of Scapegoats." Journal of Foreign Languages and Cultures 5, no. 2 (December 28, 2021): 074–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.53397/hunnu.jflc.202102008.

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In order to achieve the objectives of transparency and accountability, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) has offered a press conference every morning since he took office. This situation seemed to be a transcendental change in the field of democratic dynamics and political communication in Mexico; however, not merely a means of communication, these conferences have instead become a method of government. Using postulates of Mimetic Theory, this essay analyzes AMLO’s conferences, showing how this daily practice has become propaganda for the regime.
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10

QI, HONG YU, and YANG PENG. "Construction of the Meaning of Chinese Government Press Conferences under Public Health Emergencies Based on the Theory of Political Communication." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 5, no. 1 (January 16, 2023): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2023.5.1.11.

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In the process of responding to public health emergencies, the government should promote effective communication with the public and further unblock the channels of communication between the government and the public. Government press conferences are an important channel for the government to communicate with the outside world and an important tool for the government to respond to public health emergencies. The government should make reasonable use of press conferences to actively respond to social concerns, promote the positive function of public opinion, and improve the ability to respond to sudden public health forgetfulness so as to promote the formation of a synergy of social governance. Based on the theory of political communication, this paper focuses on the practical principles and operational risks of government press conferences under public health events and puts forward governance ideas to standardize the release process, strengthen interaction and cooperation, and improve emergency response capacity, so as to achieve emergency management capabilities of government press conferences under public health emergencies.
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11

Meeks, Lindsey. "Questioning the president: Examining gender in the White House press corps." Journalism 19, no. 4 (September 20, 2016): 519–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884916669737.

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In 2014, President Barack Obama made history by only calling upon women journalists during a domestic news conference with the White House press corps. To capitalize on and examine this critical first in journalism, this study analyzed the potential influence of a journalist’s gender in White House press corps news conferences with President Obama a year before and a year after the all-female conference. The content analysis examined what political issues journalists emphasized in presidential news conferences and whether these issue emphases varied (a) by journalists’ gender and (b) before and after the all-female conference. Results revealed that, to some extent, men and women emphasized different issues. Furthermore, there were marked shifts after the all-female conference. First, women were called upon more often. Second, women emphasized several issues more than men. In particular, women became predominant on questions dealing with so-called ‘masculine’ or ‘hard news’ issues, for example, macroeconomics and foreign trade. This work suggests that gender, in all of its permutations – be it the journalist’s gender, the gendering of issues, or the gendering of occupational spaces – matters and may affect journalists’ lines of questioning.
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12

Denison, Jim, and Pirkko Markula. "The Press Conference as a Performance: Representing Haile Gebrselassie." Sociology of Sport Journal 22, no. 3 (September 2005): 310–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.22.3.310.

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Pre-event sports press conferences remain largely unexamined by sport sociologists. In this article we present a thick description (Geertz, 1973) of a recent press conference staged on behalf of the Ethiopian long-distance runner, Haile Gebrselassie. We first discuss the workings of whiteness in relation to the ways in which a black Ethiopian distance runner is imagined by Western sports journalists. Then, drawing on the work of a number of performance theorists, we conceptualize Gebrselassie’s press conference as a performance. Finally, we interpret the meaning of Gebrselassie’s press conference using the semiotics of Roland Barthes (1977).
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13

Balsom, Erika. "John Smith’s Covid Messages." Moving Image Review & Art Journal (MIRAJ) 9, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 222–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/miraj_00045_1.

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Since May 2020, John Smith has been at work on an episodic series called Covid Messages, made from repurposed footage of press conferences in which Prime Minister Boris Johnson briefs the public on the status of the pandemic. Through six darkly funny instalments, the artist plays with the press conference as a site of ‘coded messages’, assailing the vacancy of political speech and the grotesque manoeuvres of the Conservative government with his characteristic wit. The following conversation took place online on 17 December 2020.
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14

Tabish, Muhammad, Kishwar Munir, and Muhammad Faizan Asghar. "Taliban 2.0: An Analysis of Taliban’s use of Political Communication During the Kabul ‘Triumph’ and Ensuing Quest for Global Recognition." Global Foreign Policies Review V, no. II (June 30, 2022): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(v-ii).04.

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In an unprecedented turn of events witnessed in August 2021, a vast territory of Afghanistan fell under complete control of the Taliban on 15th August 2021. Despite 300'000 strong force, Afghan National Army (ANA) failed to put up any resistance against the Taliban blitzkrieg. What was more surprising was the apparent change in the political communication strategy of the Taliban during their conquest and after they took control of Kabul. The way Taliban spokespersons used social media, held press conferences, gave assurances to rival factions, and offered amnesties to the Afghan national army and other rivals played a significant role in the conception of 'Taliban 2.0'. This article sheds light on the use of communication by the group in the first public appearance of their spokesperson Zabiullah Mujahid in a maiden press conference held on 17th August 2021. This particular press conference defines the road map the Taliban has to walk in their quest for Global recognition.
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15

Du, Xujia, and Johanna Rendle-Short. "Journalist questions: comparing adversarialness in Chinese political press conferences." Discourse, Context & Media 12 (June 2016): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.dcm.2016.02.002.

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16

Pourshahian, Bahar, Shouket Ahmad Tilwani, and Azam Naserpour. "A Contrastive Corpus-Based Approach to the Expression of Adversarialness across English and Persian: A Case Study of Political Press Conferences." Education Research International 2022 (May 6, 2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/4674045.

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With the point of departure in discourse analysis (DA), this corpus comparative study concentrated on sequences with adversarial questions in political press conferences to investigate the differences in the use of adversarial questioning between two contexts, namely, English and Persian political press conferences, and particularly highlight the strategies which were used by journalists in such sequences of talk journalists and politicians so as to show the importance of improving linguistic proficiency in EFL context. For this reason, this study analyzed a corpus of data from some political press conferences with American and Iranian Government which is randomly selected from appropriate websites between 2007 and 2021. The study applied Clayman, Heritage, and McDonald (2006) for quantifying adversarial questions as exhibited by the press to the questions addressed the Presidents of Iran and the United States. Questions from selected conferences were coded according to adversarialness. Frequency and chi-square tests were used for analysis. The results showed significant difference across the 2 corpora in some journalists’ questions. In terms of question design, accountability questions in Iranian journalists’ questions as Persian corpus indicated higher frequency. In addition, in referencing frames, higher frequency was observed in declarative questions in Persian corpus. However, English corpus displayed higher frequency in other-referencing frames. Finally, in content adversarialness, global adversarialness indicated higher frequency in Persian corpus. Consequently, the results showed that adversarial questions were used in Persian corpus more significantly than English corpus. The results of the study not only will help the students gain linguistic competence, but it will also improve their overall language proficiency.
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17

Keel, Sara. "The interactive achievement and transformation of a “revolutionary category” – the “sans-papiers” – during public press conferences." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 1 (April 25, 2017): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.16.1.04kee.

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Abstract Launching a protest movement implies the establishment of a self-categorisation that sets forth the terms of its membership and its political aims from within. Claiming all members’ right to collective legalisation, immigrants without residence/working permits have constituted the “sans-papiers”/“undocumented” category to counter other-categorisations, such as “illegal immigrants” and “clandestine”, which associate the designated population with illegality, and to apply pressure for political change. This paper offers detailed analyses of the ways members of a protest movement (2001, Fribourg, Switzerland) established and used the “sans-papiers” category as official speakers during press conferences. It shows on the one hand speakers’ ingenious in situ deployment of resources offered by the press conference format for doing protest. On the other hand, it reveals speakers’ transforming categorial work that indexes inherent tensions that the setting-up of a “revolutionary category” might imply for its members when confronted to politico-institutional challenges engendered by their protest.
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18

AL-Jawadi, Areej M. A. "The Analysis of Translated Hedges in Trump’s Political Speeches and Interviews." International Journal of English Linguistics 12, no. 2 (February 13, 2022): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v12n2p47.

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This study tackles the analysis of translated hedges, in Trump’s political speeches and, interviews in the data, which have taken from three different political interviews of press conferences; that have conducted with U.S. President Donald Trump about coronavirus with their translations into Arabic. Therefore, the study has adopted Fraser’s classification of hedges and tries to apply it into the data. Moreover, the study has applied statistics to find out that illocutionary force hedges have widely used in Trump’s political speeches and interviews more than the propositional hedges according to Fraser’s classification of hedges. Thus, hedges can be considered as one of the most important linguistic phenomena because it can widely be used as a way of expressing points of view in political discourse. In addition to that, this linguistic phenomenon can be used by variety speakers of people in their daily life such as doctors, teachers, lawyers, but in particular politicians in their speeches, TV-interviews and press-conferences.
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19

Fukushima, Tatsuya. "True Colors of Japanese Prime Ministers." Journal of Language and Politics 4, no. 3 (December 31, 2005): 421–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.3.05fuk.

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Recent studies on the Japanese conjunction ga revealed its pragmatic and discourse functions in detailed forms and found their implications for discourse settings. In particular, two variation analyses of ga in public speeches of two prominent Japanese political figures suggested their attempts to project certain sociopolitical images. However, data from individuals in two unparallel setting types and misattribution of the addressers’ sociopolitical considerations prevented these studies from substantiating a connection between the observed ga variations to the addressers’ sociopolitical images. This study analyzes ga occurrences in domestic and international press conferences with three Japanese prime ministers to evaluate the relevance between ga occurrences and their sociopolitical implications. This study finds that ga frequencies in domestic press conferences suggest the prime ministers’ attempts in varying degrees to craft an image of a consensus builder, which would appeal to key members of their party. On the other hand, the study observes different patterns of ga frequencies in international press conferences, which suggest their attempts in varying degrees to present their true colors to the general public.
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20

Allgayer, Rochele, and Gizele De Souza. "The wonders of the Planetarium: intents and pitfalls for the implementation of a scientific facility in the midst of educational debates in Brazil in the 1930s." Rivista di Storia dell’Educazione 8, no. 1 (May 25, 2021): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rse-10023.

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This study aims to highlight some articulations the intent of which was to set up Brazil’s first Planetarium in Rio de Janeiro during the organization of the 4th National Education Conference and pedagogy exposition in 1931. The Conferences, promoted by the Brazilian Education Association (ABE), were founded on strategies for disseminating educational practices and producing material for Brazilian schools. This mechanism was a tool not only to provide visibility but also to promote the debate on the material conditions needed for public education. ABE developed actions aimed at directing and political organizing of the school education system in Brazil. Its work was marked by the holding of debates, surveys, research, exhibitions, libraries, publications, conferences and courses that contributed to the entire education process. However, its national prominence occurred through its organization of the National Education Conferences with effect from 1927. The Conferences were not only a way of giving visibility to modern and up to data schooling but also for fuelling the debate on material conditions needed for public education. The ABE Conferences served as a link between the federal government, the state government and civil society, as well as being an important strategy for disseminating ideas. They gave rise to a variety of themes, actions and proposals capable of disseminating educational causes on a national level, addressed at the Conferences and publicized by the press of that time. Among them, this text highlights the debate and the attempt to acquire Brazil’s first Planetarium which could have been part of the activities of the 4th National Education Conference scheduled for 1931. In addition, the debate could put the subject of planetariums into circulation – as a modern mechanism, a powerful instrument used not only by the population but also by science and education in other countries. This article addresses aspects of material school culture by exploring sources derived from the archives of the Brazilian Education Association and from the Brazilian periodical press, proposing relationships and analyses of the use of narrative of the rhetoric of modernity in education. The theoretical references to assist with analysis are linked to the perspective of studies on material school culture and cultural history.
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21

Mueller, Carol, Carol Mueller, Salvatore J. Restifo, Carol Mueller, Salvatore J. Restifo, and Julie Fox Restifo. "Liberal States and Print Media Coverage of Global Advocacy Events: The Case of the UN Beijing Conference for Women." Comparative Sociology 11, no. 1 (2012): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913312x621659.

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Abstract UN conferences and summits have played a critical role in bringing local activists’ claims to international audiences. One might assume that UN conferences, like other fora of “information politics,” rely on the global media to convey advocates’ messages. Yet, extensive research on U.S. media portrayals of UN women’s conferences, 1975–1995, have not found this to be the case. To the contrary, U.S. press coverage of these conferences follows a seemingly universal pattern of negative representations of female political candidates and public officials in the media. However, since there are sharp national differences in social policies related to women, we question whether media in other liberal democracies follow the U.S. pattern for covering UN women’s conferences or reflect the more variable pattern of diverse national policies. Comparing elite media from the United States, Canada, and Britain, we find evidence suggesting variable coverage across countries.
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Mandell, Hinda. "Political wives and scandal: Reading agency in silence at press conferences." Catalan Journal of Communication & Cultural Studies 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjcs.4.2.203_1.

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Gabrielsen, Jonas, Heidi Jønch-Clausen, and Christina Pontoppidan. "Answering without answering: Shifting as an evasive rhetorical strategy." Journalism 21, no. 9 (October 27, 2017): 1355–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917738412.

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In the context of political press conferences, the authors explore a particular category of subtle evasions they term shifting. When shifting, the interviewee seemingly accepts to answer the journalist’s question. However, in providing the answer, the interviewee refocuses the question replacing its critical aspect with a more favorable one. Guided by classical rhetoric, the authors unfold the underlying logic of a shift. Analyzing 14 press conferences held by the Danish Prime Minister, Lars Løkke Rasmussen, they identify three subcategories of shifting: shift in time, shift of agent, and shift of level. Ideally, knowledge of the different shifting strategies can enable journalists to detect a shift and promptly react when interviewees shift the focus of a question.
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24

Schäffner, Christina. "Unknown agents in translated political discourse." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 24, no. 1 (September 7, 2012): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.24.1.07sch.

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This article investigates the role of translation and interpreting in political discourse. It illustrates discursive events in the domain of politics and the resulting discourse types, such as jointly produced texts, press conferences and speeches. It shows that methods of Critical Discourse Analysis can be used effectively to reveal translation and interpreting strategies as well as transformations that occur in recontextualisation processes across languages, cultures, and discourse domains, in particular recontextualisation in mass media. It argues that the complexity of translational activities in the field of politics has not yet seen sufficient attention within Translation Studies. The article concludes by outlining a research programme for investigating political discourse in translation.
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25

DalCortivo, Anna, and Alyssa Oursler. "“WE LEARNED VIOLENCE FROM YOU”: DISCURSIVE PACIFICATION AND FRAMING CONTESTS DURING THE MINNEAPOLIS UPRISING." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 457–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-4-457.

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Following the murder of George Floyd, Minneapolis became the epicenter of the largest movement in US history. Local Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests, dubbed the Minneapolis Uprising, were met by the largest civil police deployment in state history. In the week following George Floyd’s murder, state and local officials convened ten press conferences totaling over 400 minutes of discourse. We use these press conferences, in conjunction with an ethnography of protests, to analyze how state officials counterframed Black Lives Matter protests following the murder of George Floyd. Building on critical race theory, we consider how the state maneuvered to pacify Black Lives Matter protesters and maintain racial oppression and repression. Minneapolis state officials constructed their counterframe through the (re)ordering of disorder, boundary activation, co-optation, and erasure.
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Borshchevsky, Georgii. "THE AXIOLOGICAL FUNCTION OF THE PRESIDENT'S PRESS CONFERENCES IN THE PUBLIC POLICY OF RUSSIA." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2022): 122–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2022.03.06.

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The big press conferences of the President of Russia over the past two decades has become a tool for expressing the official position, public goal-setting, as well as a kind of «reconciliation» of the values of the political elite and Russian society. In this paper we purpose to identify value connotations in the discursive practices of participants of these press conferences in the 2001-2021. We want to complement existing empirical studies of public policy and adapt well-known theories of political axiology to Russian practice. We use such methods as cross-cultural research; content analysis; clustering and mapping; analysis of secondary sociological data; analysis of macroeconomic statistics; correlation analysis etc. We revealed the strengthening of the materialistic component of public discourse (by Ronald Inglehart) during periods of economic crisis. Generational gap is also influence on the structure of political values. Also we confirmed the Geert Hofstede’s thesis about the collectivist values dominance and high power distance in Russian society. Russian political discourse gravitates towards both egalitarian values (by Shalom Schwartz) and liberal values (by Milton Rokeach). We found a negative statistical relationships between the frequency of public mention of political values and their approval by the respondents, as well as between the frequency of using axiologemes with the dynamics of key macroeconomic indicators. The increase in the frequency of mentioning political values during periods of economic recession we interpret as attempts by the elite to rally around the flag in the face of economic difficulties. Persistent negative connotations between the public voicing of political values and their perception by respondents indicate the existence of a latent value conflict between the elite and society, which manifests itself in an increase in the demand for change.
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Zvijer, Nemanja. "Epidemic press conferences in Serbia: Between the structural and semantic." Sociologija 64, no. 2 (2022): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2202187z.

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The subject of the paper is the identification and analysis of meaningful constructions, which had some characteristics of the rhetorical figures, on the so-called epidemic press conferences in Serbia. The theoretical part starts from the sociological approach to the mass media, which is based on the interaction between the media and the context in which they are situated, which follows the consideration of the relationship between structure and meaning. Epidemic conferences were recognized as a media phenomenon that could serve to shed some light on this relationship, because on the one hand they represented a certain emanation of the political subsystem, while on the other hand their content had a strong symbolic character that included figures. The methodological part is dedicated to the definition of figures and the time framing of the analysis. The results of the analysis showed the presence of several figures that differed in their character and users, and whose common characteristic was that they significantly varied from the health and informational function of conferences. In a broader sense, the aim is to show the way in which certain cultural phenomena, such as the mass media, can generate different sets of meanings, which are the product of certain structural characteristics of society itself.
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Grass, Elena, Tatyana Schevchenko, Inna Ivanova, and Maria Mishatkina. "The influence of the communicative strategy on the degree of protectability of texts in the Modern Political Discourse." SHS Web of Conferences 69 (2019): 00047. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196900047.

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The article is devoted to the understanding of information in political discourse. The main types of the text security and their inter-relationship with the degree of the addressee intention are considered. The article reveals the analysis of the intentional component and the degree of its influence on the communication strategy between the addresser and the addressee on the basis of texts drawn from press-conferences and interviews. The key communication strategies that influence the nature of text security are identified.
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29

Af Petersens, Lovisa. ""Klokt tal af kloka kvinnor" - en kort presentation av Kvinnokonferensen i Stockholm 1897." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 22, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v22i2.4297.

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In September 1897, simultaneously with the Art and Industry Exhibition, the first women's conference ever held in Sweden took place in Stockholm. It was arranged by the National Council of Women of Sweden. Holding a public conference such as this was an important way for women to gain access into the public sphere; a sphere traditionally dominated by men. Conferences were also important means of making manifestos public. Information was spread to the press in advance, and during the conference there w a s daily coverage in the press. The conference assembled 276 delegates, mostly Swedish women, but also delegates from the other Nordic countries. The main theme of the conference was the women's work. The sixteen speeches that were given is dividable into two categories. One category, can be said to include speeches focused on traditional forms of female labour, on work which was looked upon as feminine or work where feminine hereditary characteristics were seen as advantageous. The other category dealt with women's tasks in a more structural way. Speeches were made urging changes in the social and political situation of women. However, the conference was not only important as place to present present different manifestos in public. It also of great significance that women took to the platform and delivered their messages in a professional way. By doing this women gained access to the public sphere. Finally, the conference was highly important both in creating a network between women and in emphasizing the unity of the delegates.
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30

Gu, Chonglong. "(Re)manufacturing consent in English." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 31, no. 3 (October 14, 2019): 465–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.18023.gu.

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Abstract Unlike the use of force or coercion, the articulation of ideological discourse constitutes a softer approach in the legitimation and hegemonic rule of dominant political actors, achieved through manufacturing consent (Gramsci 1971). As a major site of ideology, the televised premier’s press conferences in China represent such a discursive event, enabling the Chinese government to convey its discursive formations or “regime of truth” (Foucault 1984) and in doing so to manufacture consent. Benefitting from a corpus containing 20 years of China’s Premier-Meets-the-Press conference data (1998–2017), this corpus-based critical discourse analysis (CDA) study explores the government-affiliated interpreters’ mediation and (re)construction of China’s discourse on PEOPLE. The interpreters are found to reinforce China’s discourse on PEOPLE (e.g., increased mentions of PEOPLE-related items) and (re)construct a more positive image of Beijing being people-oriented and concerned with its people in English (e.g., the repeated employment of ‘our people’). An examination of the collocational patterns relating to the item ‘people’ (e.g., people’s, of/to/for/by*people) (re)presented in the English discourse sheds light on the government‒people ties in China. This article highlights the government interpreters’ vital agency role in image (re)construction and in contributing to the government’s political legitimation and hegemonic rule, particularly given the increasingly mediat(is)ed world we live in.
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31

Giménez Armentia, Pilar. "La IV Conferencia Mundial sobre las mujeres y sus protagonistas." Comunicación y Hombre, no. 6 (November 15, 2010): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32466/eufv-cyh.2010.6.120.217-233.

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The Conference of Beijing had a media cover without precedents, not only at worldwide level, but also in the Spanish scope. It was inquired more on this event than on the other three world analogous conferences altogether. But, how did the Spanish press inform about this event? , Who were the protagonists? It cannot be forgotten that although the topics to debate in the conference were mainly the lack of rights and the difficulties which women suffer in the world, the Spanish media focused on the disputes between the European Union – actually Spain, that exerted as spokesman of the European Union- and the Holy See, and the presence of Hillary Clinton in Beijing. Newspapers chose a “political approach” and they didn’t report about the subjects of interest for the women. In this article it will be determined the importance the media settled in their agendas to the main characters in the conference and how they were shown and valued by the media. By this way, through an analysis of the approach that the newspapers gave the protagonists of the information we will reach conclusions on the informative treatment of the Conference.
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32

Trofimenko, Henry. "Struggle for the Turf." World Politics 37, no. 3 (April 1985): 403–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010249.

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For anyone whose job is to study the United States, the memoirs of its statesmen provide more than merely entertaining reading. They not only give you a closer insight into the “kitchen” of statesmanship and political decision making; they also provide an opportunity to check the assumptions and paradigms that were constructed earlier to analyze the policy of any particular administration. The memoirs confirm that in spite of hundreds of books and thousands of articles in the U.S. press that discuss specific policies, as well as daily debates in Congress and its committees, press conferences, and official statements, the policy process is not as open as it might seem at first glance. Rather, American foreign policy is made within a very restricted circle of the “initiated”—official and unofficial presidential advisers, including selected members of the Cabinet.
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33

Proksch, Sven-Oliver, Christopher Wratil, and Jens Wäckerle. "Testing the Validity of Automatic Speech Recognition for Political Text Analysis." Political Analysis 27, no. 3 (February 19, 2019): 339–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2018.62.

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The analysis of political texts from parliamentary speeches, party manifestos, social media, or press releases forms the basis of major and growing fields in political science, not least since advances in “text-as-data” methods have rendered the analysis of large text corpora straightforward. However, a lot of sources of political speech are not regularly transcribed, and their on-demand transcription by humans is prohibitively expensive for research purposes. This class includes political speech in certain legislatures, during political party conferences as well as television interviews and talk shows. We showcase how scholars can use automatic speech recognition systems to analyze such speech with quantitative text analysis models of the “bag-of-words” variety. To probe results for robustness to transcription error, we present an original “word error rate simulation” (WERSIM) procedure implemented in$R$. We demonstrate the potential of automatic speech recognition to address open questions in political science with two substantive applications and discuss its limitations and practical challenges.
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34

Beasley, Maurine H. "Eleanor Roosevelt’s press conferences: case study in class, gender, and race." Social Science Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 517–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0362-3319(00)00093-8.

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35

Smekhov, Leonid V. "COMMUNICATIVE PRACTICES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION 2000-2008." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 1 (2022): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-1-99-108.

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The public communication practices of U.S. and Russian presidents are built on the basis of legal norms, political culture and established national traditions. The key genres of public communications of presidents in both the U.S. and Russia are: messages to parliaments, inaugural and crisis speeches, press conferences, and interviews. In the practice of the United States and Russia, the genres of messages and inaugural speeches practically coincide in this case. This is not coincidental, since the institution of the presidency in Russia is much younger and the key genres of public communications have been borrowed from Western practices. However, there are also certain specifics. In particular, the genre of crisis speeches is quite often used in the public communication practices of American presidents. In Russia, the practice of crisis speeches is used as a rhetorical tool of presidential communication much less frequently. The exceptions include presidential speeches about the most critical events; as a rule, they are broadcast on record. The know-how of presidential communication in Russia is the format of multihour direct lines with the president, which are broadcast by federal TV channels. The genre of press conferences is used by Russian presidents much more frequently. The rhetoric used by specific presidents adds to the peculiarity of their communication practices.
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36

KENNEDY-PIPE, CAROLINE, and NICHOLAS RENGGER. "BISA at thirty: reflections on three decades of British International Relations scholarship." Review of International Studies 32, no. 4 (October 2006): 665–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210506007212.

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Last December, in the university town of St Andrews, the British International Studies Association (BISA) celebrated its 30th anniversary conference. As it was a rather special occasion, BISA members took this opportunity to indulge in some reminiscences about its founding, some studies of the work that had been carried out since the founding of the Association and reflect upon the relationship of British scholarship in international studies to scholarship elsewhere. It has been customary for there to be, at the BISA conference, a plenary address given by a prominent British or overseas scholar or (on occasion) a practitioner. It has also long been a tradition that The Review of International Studies, the Journal of the Association produced in association with Cambridge University Press, publishes the plenary of the conferences. For the thirtieth anniversary, however, BISA commissioned three plenary lectures. In this edition of the Journal, therefore, we devote a section to the lectures that were given by Professors Chris Brown, Lawrence Freedman and Geoff Roberts. We will come on to the content of these lectures in a moment, but thought that, by way of introduction, it would be timely to reflect upon the circumstances in which BISA was born, and say something about the changes in the environment of British International Studies from the mid 1970s until today.
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37

HASSAN-YARI, HOUCHANG. "PIROUZ MOJTAHED-ZADEH, Security and Territoriality in the Persian Gulf. A Maritime Political Geography (Surrey: Curzon Press, 1999). Pp. 298. $75.00." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001): 156–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801421064.

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If the number of annual international conferences on a subject is an indicator of its importance for the academic and the political worlds, there is no doubt that security in the Persian Gulf region is one of the most debated topics. The area has always been coveted by non-indigenous adventurers. The Portuguese presence in the region was followed by a lasting British dominance, which, in turn, would be dislodged by a new American military, political, cultural, and economic leadership. This historical foreign intervention coupled with emerging political independent entities—that is, states—has created a confrontational dynamic in the region based on territorial lines of demarcation.
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38

D’Amico, Francine. "It’s Our Military, Too!: Women and the U.S. Military. Edited by Judith Hicks Stiehm. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996. 309p. $69.95 cloth, $22.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401462010.

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This anthology opens with several compelling first-person narratives of life inside the U.S. military institution, followed by analyses by both military and civilian researchers. The academic contributors approach their topics from different disciplines, including political science, history, sociology, and literature/film. The volume seeks to bridge the gap between those inside the institution and those on the outside (p. ix). The effort to build this bridge began with a series of specialized conferences and workshops on gender and mili- tary culture spanning the 1990s. I participated in several of these and heard some of the contributors to this collection present their research. Other volumes that developed from the conferences are Mary Fainsod Katzenstein's Faithful and Fearless (1998), Mary Fainsod Katzenstein and Judith Reppy, Beyond Zero Tolerance (1999), and Francine D'Amico and Laurie Weinstein, Gender Camouflage (1999).
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39

الزوکة, مروة. "Why Do Politicians Shift? A GenderBased Study of I and We in Joint Political Press Conferences." مجلة کلية الآداب . جامعة الإسکندرية 74, no. 74 (April 1, 2014): 1–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bfalex.2014.152108.

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40

Shah, Shanon. "Spontaneous humour and Malaysia’s democratic breakthrough in 2018." European Journal of Humour Research 9, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2021.9.3.526.

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The 2018 Malaysian general election was the first democratic change of government in the nation’s modern history. The victory of the Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope – PH) coalition surprised several observers within and outside the country, especially considering the intensified repression employed by the outgoing Barisan Nasional (National Front – BN) ruling coalition leading up to the polls, including media censorship, the silencing of political opponents, and the manipulation of Islamism and ethnic Malay nationalism. This article examines the role of spontaneous, conversational humour in constructing a viable political identity for the PH. It does this by considering humorous moments during press conferences and similar media events held by the PH coalition, led by its designated choice for prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad. This article aims to contribute to the scholarship on the role of humour in identity construction and political campaigning.
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41

Daniel, Claudia, Natalia Romero Marchesini, and Cecilia T. Lanata-Briones. "Statistics and political management during the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic in Argentina." Sociologias 24, no. 60 (August 2022): 62–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/18070337-121417en.

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Abstract The Covid-19 pandemic triggered the generation as well as the ample circulation of health statistics. This article examines the role that Covid-19 statistics acquired in the management of the Argentine health emergency. Argentina adopted lockdown measures early and initially had a strict social confinement with subsequent relaxations that became a coordination challenge in a society in crisis. This research followed a qualitative methodological strategy supported by systematic analysis of regulations, government reports, press articles, and presidential press conferences. On the one hand, the article explores the institutional structure behind the elaboration of Covid-19 statistics, focusing on statistical classifications, and underlines the tensions to which it was exposed. On the other hand, it shows how statistics were used to bestow legitimacy to the decisions of the political authority, staged in true rituals of quantification, as they were a means through which that authority was exercised. In addition to attributing meaning to a shared experience, statistical indicators became a device for coordinating action at a distance and from the center, restricting the margins of discretionary action of the subnational authorities and operating as an external and impersonal mechanism of regulation in a society disrupted by an exceptional situation.
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42

GHEORGHIU, CATALINA ILIESCU. "A TAXONOMIC ANALYSIS PROPOSAL FOR RESEARCH IN DIPLOMATIC INTERPRETING." Across Languages and Cultures 21, no. 1 (June 2020): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/084.2020.00002.

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AbstractThis paper focuses on Diplomatic Interpreting (DI), a speciality often included either in the conference or dialogue interpreting branch, depending on geographic and modal variables. Historically, diplomatic interpreters resorted to bilateral interpreting or mediation, but in the modern day, they oscillate between short and full consecutive, and on occasion simultaneous (presidential press conferences). This diffuse affiliation and the relatively small job market niche – hence its absence from degree syllabi – might be two of the motives why DI has not captured more attention from scholars. One interesting avenue for researchers might be the identification and classification of those aspects DI has in common with other types of interpreting, and what makes it different. In my discussion, I recapitulate DI specificities, encompassing requirements, expectations and devices, among which optimisation (as a strategy to overcome barriers and ensure full communication) is pivotal. As an illustration, I analyse an example of optimisation in the case of Romanian PM Viorica Dăncilă’s political blunder on her first visit to Montenegro. Finally, I advocate the recognition of the specificity of DI and I call for focussed research in this area.
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43

Areem Zghayyir Al-Saaidi, Awsan. "Ideological Attitudes in the US-China Diplomatic Spat over COVID-19: A Synergy of Socio-Cognitive Approach and Appraisal Theory." Journal of Education College Wasit University 48, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 465–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol48.iss1.2979.

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The outbreak of the Covid-19 has caused diplomatic discrepancies between the US and China. Therefore, this paper offers an exploration of how the appraisal theory by Martin and White (2005) might be operationalized critically and linguistically with the socio-cognitive approach (2011) inspired by van Dijk. These theories are interrelated to make the analysis of the ideological attitudes over Covid-19 outbreak among the high-ranking administration more explicit. The researcher thus qualitatively scrutinizes the statements used by US and Chinese officials in tweets and press conferences during March 2020 to identify the factors motivating the use of knowledge, attitudes, power and deep-rooted ideologies which underlie this war of words. The results of this research show that Donald Trump tactfully used language to accomplish his political objectives. The researcher thus concludes that Donald Trump has promoted racist ideologies that discriminate against Chinese individuals through the depiction of Covid-19 as ‘Chinese Virus’. This is evident in the ideological structures of his coronavirus-related press conferences and tweets. Although neither country (China or the USA) has yet been able to provide sufficient evidence to determine the origin of the virus, China has been largely accused of delaying the release of information. What’s more, it is found that the speeches made by official leaders have been significantly influenced by their sociocultural and sociopolitical backgrounds.
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44

Tong, James. "Planning for the 2008 Olympics (V): Press Conferences on Economic and Financial Management." Chinese Law & Government 42, no. 3 (May 2009): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/clg0009-4609420300.

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45

Pan, Feng, and Binhua Wang. "Is interpreting of China’s political discourse becoming more target-oriented?" Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 67, no. 2 (June 9, 2021): 222–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.00215.pan.

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Abstract Interpreting is an activity embedded in a particular socio-cultural context that underpins norms of interpreting. Adopting the descriptive translation studies approach, this study aims to find out whether the interpretation for the Chinese government by institutional interpreters is becoming more target-oriented in the decade of the 2010s in comparison with the 1990s. Through both quantitative and qualitative analyses of the Corpus of Interpreted Chinese Government Press Conferences in the 1990s and that of the 2010s, the study reveals that there is a significant increase in the total number of target-oriented shifts in the 2010s, manifested predominantly in “inserting hedges before propositional statements” and “modality shifts to attenuate ST’s categorical force.” Only minimal differences are found for the number of shifts in “explicitation of emphatic meanings,” “specification of Chinese source deictic lexis,” and “explicitation of implicit logic relations” between the two periods. The results thus indicate a general trend of becoming more target-oriented in interpreting, particularly a tendency to mitigate ST’s illocutionary force to a greater extent in the 2010s. Such changes in China’s institutional interpreting are correlated with the evolving socio-political context and the norms of institutional interpreting.
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46

Villegas, Celso M. "Performing rituals of affliction: how a Governor’s Press conferences provided mediatized sanctuary in Ohio." American Journal of Cultural Sociology 8, no. 3 (October 7, 2020): 352–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41290-020-00116-9.

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47

Huerta, José Luis Hernández, and Alba María Gómez Sánchez. "DEBATING EDUCATION AND POLITICAL REFORM: THE FREINET MOVEMENT AND DEMOCRATISATION IN SPAIN (1975-1982)." História da Educação 20, no. 49 (August 2016): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2236-3459/61932.

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Abstract In the mid-1960s, the Freinet movement took on new life - first with the name Association for Correspondence and the School Printing Press - Acies -, and later as the Popular School Cooperative Movement - MCEP. In a short space of time, the organisation grew to contain over a hundred members and supporters, who, along with the process of the Transition to democracy, laid the foundations for many of Acies/MCEP's projects - both pedagogical and political projects. Of greatest importance amongst these were conferences, teacher-training seminars and the bulletin Colaboración (1976-1985), which was the organ of expression and communication for Spanish teachers following Freinet's principles. During the period of political transition to democracy, Acies/MCEP was one of the most active and dynamic Educational Renewal Movements in Spain. The present article explores the contributions of the Freinet movement to the democratisation of education in Spain - in particular, the political-pedagogical discussion on the principles and purposes of public education, how to understand it, the problems posed by the existence of privately-subsidised education, and the role of the school as a tool for community development and an arena for civic participation. For these reasons, as a documentary source to be explored in depth, the bulletin Colaboración has been chosen; it offers an example of the pedagogical press for teachers in the Spain of 1970s and 1980s, as it helped shape the educational mindset in place during this period and in the following years.
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48

Marmor, Theodore. "Public Health Policies and Social Inequality By Charles F. Andrain. New York: New York University Press, 1998. 292p. $50.00. The Politics of Health in Europe. By Richard Freeman. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2000. 164p. $69.95. Governing the Health Care State: A Comparative Study of the United Kingdom, the United States, and Germany By Michael Moran. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999. 196p. $69.95 cloth, $24.95 paper. Accidental Logics: The Dynamics of Change in the Health Care Arena in the United States, Britain, and Canada By Carolyn Hughes Tuohy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. 312p. $45.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 224–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402224338.

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International meetings about health-care issues—conferences, symposia, cyber-gatherings—have become something of an epidemic in the past decade. There is a brisk trade in the latest panaceas offered for the various real and imagined ills of modern medical care systems. When policy fixes fail in their country of origin, they are regularly offered to unsuspecting audiences elsewhere. Moreover, what travels as comparative analysis is often simply a collection of parallel descriptions of national health arrangements. So when there is a flurry of systematic comparative studies of health care by political scientists, a development illustrated by the four books under review, one ought to pay attention.
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49

Conley, Ross F. "‘I Too Am a Human’: The Political Psychology of Pakistan’s Former President General Pervez Musharraf." South Asian Survey 26, no. 2 (August 25, 2019): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523119858556.

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This study explores the political psychology of General Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan’s most recent military dictator. It categorises his ‘operational code’—a collection of general political beliefs assessed from spoken and/or written statements—over four periods of his nine years of power. By analysing word choices in 55 interviews and press conferences, the findings suggest that Musharraf maintained stable beliefs of a friendly political universe and a preference for cooperative strategies to achieve his goals. The largest changes in his beliefs came immediately after 9/11. Before, Musharraf expressed his strongest beliefs of a friendly political universe and favour for cooperation. After 9/11, these beliefs decreased, but they remained overall friendly and cooperative. Additionally, 9/11 appears to have had the largest influence on Musharraf’s beliefs on how he should operate to meet his goals (instrumental beliefs), not on his beliefs of others in the political environment (philosophical beliefs). Applied today, this can be useful when engaging Pakistan’s leaders. With Musharraf as an example, the long-held, philosophical beliefs of Pakistan’s leaders may not easily change. Foreign officials may find more success accepting these beliefs and focusing on shared goals that align with Pakistan’s political worldview.
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50

Mandell, Hinda, and Kelly Norris Martin. "Honor in the face of shame: the semiotics of the American flag at political-sex-scandal press conferences." Journal of Visual Literacy 35, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1051144x.2016.1270631.

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