Статті в журналах: "Political make-Up"

1

Marshall, E. "USDA Holds Up Grants to Make a Political Point." Science 265, no. 5178 (September 9, 1994): 1518–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.265.5178.1518.

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2

Warntjen, Andreas, Simon Hix, and Christophe Crombez. "The party political make-up of EU legislative bodies1." Journal of European Public Policy 15, no. 8 (December 2008): 1243–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760802407813.

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3

Junxue, Lian. "The "Make-Up" Fever on Campus." Chinese Education & Society 26, no. 2 (March 1993): 71–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ced1061-1932260271.

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4

Norwood, Dael A. "What Counts?: Political Economy, or Ways to Make Early America Add Up." Journal of the Early Republic 36, no. 4 (2016): 753–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2016.0067.

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5

Strezhneva, M. V. "Make-up of fiscal integration in the European Union." Полис. Политические исследования, no. 2 (March 27, 2024): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2024.02.11.

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The present article aims to expose current trends in fiscal integration in the EU. Its milestones are brought forward, with particular attention being paid to the “NextGenerationEU” recovery plan, the latter constituting Brussels' key response to the socio-economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The article evaluates whether this program is going to remain a temporary phenomenon and to what extent it can define the “new normal” for the Economic and Monetary Union. Due to the Ukrainian crisis, the suggestions are spelled out more insistently to provide Brussels with “fiscal capacity” or permanent fiscal mechanisms that could repel emerging challenges and threats. The question that is considered here is whether we can expect such perpetual tools to become future elements of a full-scale fiscal union, bringing the euro area closer to the contours of an optimum currency area. The influence of European institutions as initiators of the integration process and the involvement of non-governmental players in it have received wider coverage in the specialized literature. Thus, in this case the role played in the process of fiscal integration by national governments is explored in more detail. For this purpose, the theory of multilevel governance and, in particular, its “dynamic” version are applied. It proves useful for identifying cases and ways in which governments can maintain control over decisions made within the integration system. The analysis confirmed that the Union has no plans to increase the issuance of the EU debt in order to replace national borrowing, or to transfer taxes from the national to the supranational level. It can be expected that in the future more active EU borrowing in financial markets will be accompanied by the measure of institutional flexibility which has now been achieved due to an intergovernmental compromise. At the same time temporary tools like NGEU and SURE are unlikely to lead to the fiscal union being completely federalized.

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6

Kadyrov, Anvar. "CHARACTERISTICS OF POLITICAL MENTALITY OF ETHNIC UZBEKS." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume06issue01-05.

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The article highlights the characteristics of the political mentality of the ethnic Uzbeks, who make up the majority of the population of the Central Asian region, in traditional and globalization conditions.

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7

Jafari, Aliakbar, and Pauline Maclaran. "Escaping into the World of Make-Up Routines in Iran." Sociological Review 62, no. 2 (May 2014): 359–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.12112.

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8

Klein, Nadav, and Ed O’Brien. "People use less information than they think to make up their minds." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115, no. 52 (December 10, 2018): 13222–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1805327115.

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A world where information is abundant promises unprecedented opportunities for information exchange. Seven studies suggest these opportunities work better in theory than in practice: People fail to anticipate how quickly minds change, believing that they and others will evaluate more evidence before making up their minds than they and others actually do. From evaluating peers, marriage prospects, and political candidates to evaluating novel foods, goods, and services, people consume far less information than expected before deeming things good or bad. Accordingly, people acquire and share too much information in impression-formation contexts: People overvalue long-term trials, overpay for decision aids, and overwork to impress others, neglecting the speed at which conclusions will form. In today’s information age, people may intuitively believe that exchanging ever-more information will foster better-informed opinions and perspectives—but much of this information may be lost on minds long made up.

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9

Korris, M. "Standing up for Scrutiny: How and Why Parliament Should Make Better Law." Parliamentary Affairs 64, no. 3 (June 3, 2011): 564–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsr016.

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10

Black, Antony. "Political Languages In Later Medieval Europe." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002027.

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Certain aspects of both major and minor political writings in later medieval Europe remain intrinsically puzzling. Michael Wilks, in his seminal work on the ‘Problem of Sovereignty’ in this period called the later medieval and early modern epochs an ‘age of confusion’. One problem may be summed up as (1) What difference did Aristotle make? Ullmann argued that Aristotle made it possible to construct a plausible case for ‘the ascending’ (that is, quasi-democratic) view of authority. In that case, as Wilks persistently enquires: Why did defenders of papal monarchy make such free, prolific use of Aristotle?

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11

Frisch, Scott A., and Sean Q. Kelly. "Don't Have the Data? Make Them Up! Congressional Archives as Untapped Data Sources." Political Science and Politics 36, no. 02 (April 2003): 221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096503002117.

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12

Petersen, Michael Bang, Joshua M. Tybur, and Patrick A. Stewart. "Disgust and political attitudes." Politics and the Life Sciences 39, no. 2 (2020): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2020.23.

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AbstractWe introduce the Politics and the Life Sciences Special Issue on Disgust and Political Attitudes discussing the importance of understanding state and trait disgust, the innovative and transparent process by which registered reports and preregistered studies were chosen and funded, and the manuscripts that make up this special issue. This essay concludes by discussing future research directions in disgust and political attitudes, as well as the benefits of a transparent review process that avoids the “file drawer problem” of unpublished null findings.

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13

Raimond, Verlita Evelyn, and Poppy Ruliana. "Social Interaction and Political Communication of Female Politician." Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 7, no. 1 (June 5, 2022): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v7i1.662.

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The public’s views about the position of women that have not contributed a lot to and have not been much engaged in politics, among others, pose a challenge to women to interact in the social environment as well as to communicate their ideas in politics. While men make up a majority of politicians in Indonesia, only a few women are politicians. The social interaction and political communication of female politicians become a topic that is worth studying. This research focuses on a female politician, Indah Kurnia, who sits in the House Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). The conceptual and theoretical method used in this study is a theory in the communication science, particularly social interaction and political communication. This research uses qualitative method, particularly in conducting interviews with one primary informant and two additional informants. The result and discussion of this research show that the woman raised in this research is an individual that has a variety of social interactions in the diverse social environment. In addition, she also has typical characteristics of strategy for political communication media covering personal campaign, moderate, comprehensive and more-than--expected appearance, exemplary leadership and concrete work, and music.

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14

TODD, PETER M. "The Ecological Rationality of Mechanisms Evolved to make up Minds." American Behavioral Scientist 43, no. 6 (March 2000): 940–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027640021955685.

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15

GRABOWSKI, RICHARD. "The formation of growth coalitions: the role of the rural sector." Journal of Institutional Economics 9, no. 3 (May 7, 2013): 329–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137413000155.

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AbstractThe political elite require resources in order to survive politically. Given the conditions existing in most developing nations, this implies following an inward-oriented development strategy promoting a large-scale, capital-intensive industrial sector. This strategy impoverishes agriculture and implies that the leaders of the industrial sector will make up a critical component of the coalition providing political support to the political elite. Reform allowing for outward-oriented growth will be extremely difficult. Dramatically increasing agricultural productivity provides a means to provide political legitimacy for the ruling elite as well as the political leverage to bring about reform.

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16

Boone, Christophe, Woody van Olffen, and Arjen van Witteloostuijn. "Psychological team make-up as a determinant of economic firm performance." Journal of Economic Psychology 19, no. 1 (February 1998): 43–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0167-4870(97)00036-6.

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17

Moshe, Mira. "Dissonant political discourse." Journal of Language and Politics 9, no. 2 (July 15, 2010): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.2.01mos.

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This study develops and illustrates the notion of dissonant political discourse. The discourse of dissonance is to be found wherever there is public debate on controversial topics or on topics requiring a decision, notably in the political arena. Discourse of this kind is characterized by arguments demonstrating both how hard and how necessary it is to face up to any decision that will put the decision maker in an inconsistent position. Findings confirm that voices heard in the arena of political discourse make use of dissonant argument when experiencing difficulties in justifying decisions. Ironically, it is precisely the evidence of difficulties encountered by the speakers that shows how continuation of the joint debate is ensured

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18

Dudash, Andrew M., and John E. Russell. "Collecting Pennsylvania Political Twitter Data." Pennsylvania Libraries: Research & Practice 9, no. 1 (June 29, 2021): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/palrap.2021.249.

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During the two most recent elections we have seen the importance of social media, and Twitter in particular, for political discourse. This paper describes the effort of an academic library to collect election-related Twitter data from Pennsylvania-specific organizational accounts and hashtags for 2018 and 2020 in the run-up and aftermath of both election cycles. Because of its importance to understanding contemporary politics and its historic value, libraries need to consider the opportunity to collect and make this data accessible to Pennsylvanians.

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19

Sharma, Palka, Sunita Sinha, and Vinod Kumar Saini. "A Study at the political leaders and their personal ambitions & his works." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 8, no. 7 (July 15, 2023): 121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2023.v08.n07.016.

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In this Research Paper we have highlighted about the political leadership working and their personal ambitions for the welfare human mankind. We have to consider various effect on the society by the political leader given them motivations and actions of political leaders should be in the welfare of society for this we are exploring how their decisions and policies impact for the well-being of people. By examining their personal ambitions, we gain insight into their priorities, values, and goals, and how these influence their approach to governance. This analysis sheds light on the complex interplay between political leadership and the welfare of human mankind, providing a nuanced understanding of the factors that shape political decision-making and its impact on society. Leadership in politics has both a political and a technical side. It is very important to have robust and organized political backing, with ministers establishing the broad course of the Strategy, assuming personal accountability, coordinating related policies and budgets, and providing the necessary resources and manpower status needed to make decisions. This level should make sure that the overall political direction is clear, as well as give strategic guidance on themes and make action choices. A rotating president will be set up to make sure that everyone gets an equal amount of power. With the Commission's approval, it can be given to all involved States and Regions. As seen in other macro-regional strategies, it is a good idea to hold regular meetings of ministers and/or presidents of the Regions for each policy area, depending on how each State and Region is politically and institutionally set up. It would help keep the Strategy's political momentum going in the area and send clear political messages about what to do and what needs to be done first. Each country should show its commitment by making sure that the key partners in putting the Strategy into action, such as the coordinators and implementers at the level of objectives and actions, get the respect and legitimacy they need to do their jobs. They should get a clear job description, enough money and time, and the chance to work in good conditions and with the right national/regional administrative offices and policymaking and implementing bodies.

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20

Mullins, Christopher W., and Sou Lee. "“Like Make Up on a Man”: The Gendered Nature of Gun Norms." Deviant Behavior 41, no. 3 (January 18, 2019): 294–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2019.1565515.

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21

Vinden, Penelope G. "Gathering Up the Fragments after Positivism: Can Ratner Make Us Whole Again?" Culture & Psychology 5, no. 2 (June 1999): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354067x9952009.

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22

Neundorf, Anja, Richard G. Niemi, and Kaat Smets. "The Compensation Effect of Civic Education on Political Engagement: How Civics Classes Make Up for Missing Parental Socialization." Political Behavior 38, no. 4 (April 13, 2016): 921–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-016-9341-0.

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23

Congosto Martín, Yolanda. "Political vs. linguistic borders." Prosodic Issues in Language Contact Situations 16, no. 3 (December 31, 2019): 390–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.00044.con.

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Abstract This paper analyses and studies the melodic behavior of five female informants of Mexican origin or descent, three of them residents in the city of Los Angeles in the United States, and two in Mexico, one in Mexico City and the other in Puebla. There are two main objectives: firstly, to contribute to the prosodic description of Mexican Spanish on both sides of the political border between both countries (declarative statements and neutral absolute interrogatives), and secondly, to verify the continuity between the Mexican-American intonation of LA and that of MX Mexican. We followed the methodology developed by the research groups that make up Amper-Mexico and Amper-California Los Angeles, within the framework of the international AMPER project.

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24

Ramsøy, Thomas Z., and Martin Skov. "How genes make up your mind: Individual biological differences and value-based decisions." Journal of Economic Psychology 31, no. 5 (October 2010): 818–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.joep.2010.03.003.

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25

Oboler, Suzanne. "It's Time to Brush up and to Make History: A Response to Mary Mitchell." Latino Studies 4, no. 4 (December 2006): 353–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.lst.8600227.

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26

London, S. "Reinfections Make Up A Large Share of Gonorrhea Cases Diagnosed at Clinics." Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health 35, no. 5 (January 23, 2007): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1931-2393.2003.tb00165.x.

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27

Johnston, Richard. "Political Generations and Electoral Change in Canada." British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (January 1992): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000363.

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This article lays out the elementary logic of age structures in party preference data and proposes a simple estimation model with demographic and historical elements. As voters age their preferences intensify. But they do not intensify much and generational differences in the direction of party preferences are correspondingly weak. The Canadian electorate does not seem all that strongly anchored by the accumulated experience of the individuals that make it up. The major source of long-term electoral change, therefore, is conversion in the existing electorate. Consideration is given to how distinctive the Canadian pattern is.

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28

Fleetwood, Steve. "‘From Political Economy to Economics’ and Beyond." Historical Materialism 20, no. 3 (2012): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341258.

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AbstractBen Fine and Dimitris Milonakis have done political economy a great service by drawing attention to the insights lost in the twists, turns and reductions in the transition from political economy to economics. These two volumes constitute a solid foundation upon which a new generation can build a political economy for the future. This review presses some of their meta-theoretical arguments a little further than they actually do in an attempt to ‘toughen-up’ the new political economy and make it more able to carry the fight to economics.

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29

Goldberg, Andreas C., and Pascal Sciarini. "Who Gets Lost, and What Difference Does It Make? Mixed Modes, Nonresponse Follow-up Surveys and the Estimation of Turnout." Journal of Survey Statistics and Methodology 7, no. 4 (January 9, 2019): 520–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jssam/smy025.

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Abstract This article assesses whether—and to what extent—turnout bias in postelection surveys is reduced by adding a short nonresponse follow-up (NRFU) survey to a mixed-mode survey. Specifically, we examine how the NRFU survey influences response propensities across demographic groups and political factors and whether this affects data quality. We use a rich dataset on validated voter turnout data, collected across two different ballots. In addition to the main survey that comprises computer-assisted telephone interviews (CATI) and web respondents, both studies include a short follow-up mail survey for nonrespondents. The results demonstrate that collecting extra information from additional respondents on so-called “central” questions is worth the effort. In both studies, the NRFU survey substantially increases representativeness with respect to sociodemographic and participation variables. In particular, voters and politically active citizens are more accurately represented in the NRFU survey. This tends to result in better estimates of turnout determinants in the final (combined) sample than is seen from CATI/web respondents only. Moreover, the increase in response rate and the decrease in nonresponse bias comes at almost no price in terms of measurement errors. Vote overreporting is only slightly higher in the mail follow-up survey than in the main CATI/web survey.

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30

Berrington, Hugh. "Political Ethics: The Nolan Report." Government and Opposition 30, no. 4 (October 1, 1995): 431–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00137.x.

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REPRESENTATIVES ARE RARELY REPRESENTATIVE OF THOSE THEY represent. The most widely bruited cause of this paradox is the difference in social class; almost every study of legislators in Western democracies shows that they come from more well-todo backgrounds, are drawn from more prestigious and intellectually satisfying occupations, and are much better educated than their electors. Such contrasts alone would make for a formidable divide between representatives and the represented; but more significant than these external signs is the psychological gulf between politicians and ordinary citizens. For a few, politics consumes the greater part of their lives; for the many, politics is a matter taking up little time and absorbing little emotional energy. The belief systems of the politically active few will usually be complex and highly articulated; of the passive many, shallow and indistinct.

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31

Cutler, Fred. "Political Conditions for Electoral Accountability in Federalism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 4 (August 14, 2017): 1037–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000282.

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AbstractA theory of voting under federalism requires that attributions of responsibility moderate the strength of retrospective voting. Scholars have spotty evidence that voters do this but put this down to the effects of institutions and citizens’ capabilities. I show thatpoliticalvariation also affects electoral accountability. Using panel surveys across provincial and federal elections and qualitative media content analysis, I show that voters only live up to a federal theory of voting when governments make policy changes independent of the other level and those changes and their consequences are prominent in political discourse. Federal institutions affect electoral accountability through the politics that they generate.

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32

Jensen, Thomas, and Andreas Madum. "Partisan optimism and political bargaining." Journal of Theoretical Politics 29, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629816630435.

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Partisan voters are optimistic about electoral outcomes: their estimates of the probability of electoral success for their party are substantially higher than the average among the electorate. This has large potential implications for political bargaining. Optimistic electoral expectations make costly bargaining delay look more favourable, which may induce partisans to punish their party for agreeing to a compromise rather than waiting, for example by not turning out to vote. Party decision makers should take this into account when bargaining. We set up and analyse a simple game theoretic model to explore the implications of partisan optimism for political bargaining. We show that increased optimism among a partisan group leads to a stronger bargaining position for their party, but may hurt its electoral prospects. Another main finding is that even high levels of partisan optimism do not in themselves cause inefficient bargaining delay.

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33

Lewis, Gregory B. "Do Political Science Majors Succeed in the Labor Market?" PS: Political Science & Politics 50, no. 02 (March 31, 2017): 467–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096516003012.

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ABSTRACT Despite some stakeholders’ concerns about the practical value of an undergraduate degree in political science, our graduates actually do quite well in the labor market. Based on analysis of a sample of 3.4 million college graduates (including 86,000 in political science) from the 2009–2014 American Community Surveys, our majors earn two-thirds more than demographically similar high school graduates if they stop with bachelor’s degrees, but they are among the most likely to obtain graduate degrees, especially in law. Only engineering, economics, computer science, and health science majors make at least 10% more than our graduates, who make nearly as much as those who major in business and 10% to 25% more than those who major in most other social sciences and humanities. Political science majors have relatively high unemployment rates in their 20s, however, and may end up in very different occupations than they imagined when they chose political science.

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34

Willoughby, Jay. "Islamic Political Thought after the Arab Spring." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 2 (April 1, 2013): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i2.1147.

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On December 7, 2012, Ermin Sinanovic (assistant professor, Department ofPolitical Science, United States Naval Academy, Annapolis, MD) presentedhis “Islamic Political Thought after the Arab Spring,” at the headquarters ofthe International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT; Herndon, VA). After openingwith several questions – How have the events in the Middle East and Arabworld influenced and continued to shape Islamic political thought? Why didthe Arab Spring happen now? What were the contributing factors? How is Islamicpolitical thought being reshaped by these events? – he began to makehis case that the underlying political theory of the Arab Spring representssomething new in Islamic political thought.One of his contentions is that traditional Islamic political thought is nowseen as out of date, as caught up in the past. This situation began to changefirst among the Shi‘ah and was instrumental in Iran’s revolution. The ArabSpring has accelerated this reawakening among the Sunnis, which began inthe 1970s, thereby showing that Islamic political thought was no longerstatic. But because this uprising is still so recent and ongoing, scholars arestill trying to make sense of it and thus all conclusions up to this point remaintentative ...

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35

Awan, Shehzadi Zamurrad. "Women's political participation in the socio-cultural environment of Pakistan: A critical review of mainstream political parties (2018-2022)." Simulacra 6, no. 2 (November 22, 2023): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/sml.v6i2.22741.

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Although women make up half of Pakistan's population, their participation in politics has historically been limited. While women today are more politically active and articulate than in the past, their involvement is still hindered by various factors, including patriarchal structures, a genderbiased socio-cultural environment, and a conservative interpretation of Islam. This study utilizes qualitative methods to assess the participation of women as voters and candidates by examining the roles of far-right (Jamaate-Islami), central (Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz and Pakistan Tehreek-eInsaf) and left (Pakistan People Party Parliamentarian) political parties in the 2008, 2013, and 2018 elections. Relevant secondary sources, including the selected parties' manifestos, have been analyzed through content analysis to establish the appropriate context. The research findings indicate that although regulatory efforts aim to increase women's representation, political parties frequently prioritize female candidates with preexisting political backgrounds. Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that the parties' ideological positions significantly impact their dedication to female political participation and representation. Although political parties have made some progress in improving women's representation and participation in elections, it is clear that a significant and ongoing dedication is necessary to close the gender gap in political engagement.

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36

Petrović, Miloš. "Political and economic risks and insurance." Tokovi osiguranja 38, no. 2 (2022): 88–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/tokosig2201088p.

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Having in mind that different regulations and strategies increasingly incorporate the areas concerning political risks, the author seeks to clarify more closely the different ways in which this kind of risk manifests itself in insurance industry. The author reveals that the aspect of political risks is increasingly becoming a relevant factor in considering investments, especially in developing countries. The paper contains conceptual definition of political risks, their underlying actors and factors, reviews the circumstances prevalent in the insurance industry, and shows Fitch's analytical approach to risk. The findings support the view that the insurance of political risks should be interpreted primarily as an auxiliary tool for overcoming state and social crises, rather than as the last resort used to make up for possible consequences of a lack of state or institutional capacity.

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37

Willerton, John, and William Reisinger. "Troubleshooters, Political Machines, and Moscow's Regional Control." Slavic Review 50, no. 2 (1991): 347–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500210.

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Since the beginning of Soviet power, national leaders have been concerned with controlling the diverse regions that make up the Soviet Union. They have used many means, including coercion, to extend their influence over the localities. Lower-level party officials, especially regional first secretaries, have been crucial links between the national regime and the periphery. These officials juggle a complex set of political and economic responsibilities and must safeguard a region's political stability, while applying national directives. They oversee the economic life of their bailiwick and attempt to enhance its productivity. Recruiting and elevating these lower-level officials is critical to maintaining national influence in the regions; the 1988-1990 political reforms have not changed this method.

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38

FOLKE, OLLE, TORSTEN PERSSON, and JOHANNA RICKNE. "The Primary Effect: Preference Votes and Political Promotions." American Political Science Review 110, no. 3 (July 15, 2016): 559–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000241.

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In this analysis of how electoral rules and outcomes shape the internal organization of political parties, we make an analogy to primary elections to argue that parties use preference-vote tallies to identify popular politicians and promote them to positions of power. We document this behavior among parties in Sweden's semi-open-list system and in Brazil's open-list system. To identify a causal impact of preference votes, we exploit a regression discontinuity design around the threshold of winning the most preference votes on a party list. In our main case, Sweden, these narrow “primary winners” are at least 50% more likely to become local party leaders than their runners-up. Across individual politicians, the primary effect is present only for politicians who hold the first few positions on the list and when the preference-vote winner and runner-up have similar competence levels. Across party groups, the primary effect is the strongest in unthreatened governing parties.

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Grishaeva, S. A., and P. A. Shamaev. "Young people’s political participation in the digital environment." Digital Sociology 5, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2658-347x-2022-5-1-25-35.

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Much of the time today's young people spend on the Internet, communicating with friends, receiving educational services, making online purchases. Such an important part of public life as political activity is no exception. The article is devoted to studying the opportunities and barriers of young people’s political participation in a digitalisation, to describing the different forms of this participation in the digital environment, and identifying the young people’s interest level in different forms of political participation online. The research paper carries out a content analysis of different ways of political participation: online flash mobs, Internet voting, platforms for collecting signatures, personal blogs, politically oriented communities, publications by popular bloggers. The content analysis data were supplemented by the questionnaire survey results of young people – active Internet users. The political participation modes were compared with each other in terms of their relevance to young people, including in the context of the using safety one mode or another. The research results provides an opportunity to designate the problem and significantly speed up the process of solving it, and will make it possible to considerably simplify the young people’s entry process into the political system through digital technologies.

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Vesic, Dobrica. "Economic and political components of corruption and money laundering." Medjunarodni problemi 60, no. 4 (2008): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0804481v.

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The author analyses two mutually linked phenomena - corruption and money laundering - a negative phenomena, which are today very spread in a number of countries. The prevention of corruption and money laundering represent one of the leading challenges of modern social changes. Appearing in political and social life, they make the citizens and the public convinced that society can not function without corruption and money laundering. These criminal acts are skillfully covered up and difficult to reveal, thanks to the help support of bureaucracy, technocracy and plutocracy of certain society. .

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Barnett, Vincent. "E. E. Slutsky: Mathematical Statistician, Economist, and Political Economist?" Journal of the History of Economic Thought 26, no. 1 (March 2004): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1042771042000187844.

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Stephen Stigler's JHET article, “Statisticians and the History of Economics,” rightly suggested that more attention should be given to analyzing the contributions of statisticians in the development of economic theory. It also asked in passing whether E. E. Slutsky should best be regarded as a mathematical statistician oran economist, Stiglerhimself opting forthe former characterization (Stigler 2002, p. 159). This seemingly innocuous question opens up a lively and interesting range of issues, one to which this historian would like to make a small contribution from both a “Russian studies” and a “history of ideas” viewpoint.

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Markus, Gyorgy. "Culturs: The making and the make-up of a concept (an essay in historical semantics)." Dialectical Anthropology 18, no. 1 (July 1993): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01301669.

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Reshaur, Ken. "Concepts of Solidarity in the Political Theory of Hannah Arendt." Canadian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 4 (December 1992): 723–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900004479.

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AbstractThis article has two objectives: one is to distinguish and explicate four concepts of solidarity which are found in the writings of Hannah Arendt; the other is to show how Arendt's respect for facts and suspicion of sentiment publicly displayed are justified. The first concept of solidarity is exclusive solidarity. It is limited to those who are suffering from exploitation or oppression. The second conception of solidarity is inclusive: it includes those who suffer but can also accommodate those who make common cause with them. This is the only kind of solidarity that Arendt specifically analyzes. A third concept of solidarity is universal: its proximate constituent parts are the different “peoples” who collectively make up humankind. Finally, there is natural solidarity. This variety of solidarity, the author argues, is conceptually inadequate and confused. In the development and articulation of each of these four concepts, some attention is given to the relative contributions of emotion and cognition in determining one's understanding of solidarity.

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Ratuva, Steven. "The politics of the media: A cynical synopsis." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2003): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v9i1.766.

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"The power of the pen (or keyboard nowadays) can be used to inflame conflict, justify evil, create goodness, undermine political power, 'murder' as well as destroy; inform as well as misinform. Journalists compete to master these set of social and moral dichotomies for diverse reasons: to please their bossess and thus ensure easy social mobility up the busy corporate laddar; make their stories marketable and generate public legitimacy; make a political point or two; or simply to 'survive'. This complex interplay of social and ethical dichotomies provide the basis for media politics and thus the environment within which journalists 'survive' and sometimes 'die'.

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Kustra, Tyler. "Make Love, Not War: Do Single Young Men Cause Political Violence?" International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 4 (August 7, 2019): 890–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz034.

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Abstract This article calls into question the theory that being single drives young men to commit political violence. It finds that, while the proportion of young men in a country has a statistically significant impact on the level of political violence in the country, whether or not these men are married has no additional impact. The result may appear to contradict the individual-level evidence that shows that young, unmarried men commit the overwhelming majority of political violence. Rebels and terrorists, however, make up only a small part of a country's population. If participating in political violence caused young men to be single, this would have a negligible impact on a country's proportion of single young men, thereby explaining why marital status is uncorrelated with political violence at the national level. It would also explain why the individual-level evidence shows that most terrorists and guerillas are single.

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Goeminne, Gert. "Science, Technology, and the Political." Techné: Research in Philosophy and Technology 17, no. 1 (2013): 93–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/techne20131716.

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In this paper, I elaborate on the very political dimension of epistemology that is opened up by the radical change of focus initiated by constructivism: from science as knowledge to science as practice. In a first step, this brings me to claim that science is political in its own right, thereby drawing on Mouffe and Laclau’s framework of radical democracy and its central notion of antagonism to make explicit what is meant by ‘the political.’ Secondly, I begin to explore what this intrinsic political dimension of science might entail for democratic thought. I do so by connecting my preliminary explorations in the field of science with Andrew Feenberg’s elaborate frame of thought on the democratization of technology. Interestingly, Feenberg is one of the few thinkers who have connected questions of power and ideology, typically treated of within the field of political theory, with a constructivist approach to technological progress. In this sense, this paper can be seen as a first attempt to expand Feenberg’s framework of democratic rationalization from the world of technology to the world of science.

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Twidle, Hedley. "“In a Country where You couldn’t Make this Shit up”?: Literary Non‐Fiction in South Africa." Safundi 13, no. 1-2 (January 2012): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2011.642586.

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Kennedy, Peter, and David Kennedy. "‘It’s the little details that make up our identity’: Everton supporters and their stadium ballot debate." Soccer & Society 11, no. 5 (September 2010): 553–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970.2010.497349.

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Bennett, W. Lance. "Television, Power, and the Public in Russia. By Ellen Mickiewicz. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008. 220p. $81.00 cloth, $29.99 paper." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 4 (December 2009): 931–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709991708.

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This book opens and closes with the puzzle of how Russian rulers can control, distort, and bend the news to their own ends without worrying about how the audience receives it. On its first page, Ellen Mickiewicz asks: “[W]ouldn't these political leaders want anxiously to know what viewers make of the news?” And on its last page (p. 206) we are told that “political leaders and broadcasters persist in imagining an undifferentiated, unsophisticated mass on the other side of the screen.” While there is no direct evidence in the rest of the book to indicate that leaders do not know what to make of their audience, or that they assume it to be an undifferentiated, unsophisticated mass, these assumptions set up an interesting look at what audiences actually make of television news in Russia.

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Flache∗, Andreas, and René Torenvlied. "WHEN WILL THEY EVER MAKE UP THEIR MINDS? THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF UNSTABLE DECISION MAKING." Journal of Mathematical Sociology 28, no. 3 (July 2004): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00222500490480257.

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