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1

Yurasov, Igor', and Ol'ga Pavlova. Discursive study of Orthodox religious identity. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1021279.

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Considers the problem of the Orthodox religious identity from the point of view of the influence of five types of discourse, widely represented in the Orthodox semiotic picture of the world: philosophical, mythological, artistic, political and ideological. Selected types of religious identity: normative, marginalized, and folkloristically, and determined what type of discourse most pragmatically strongly influences the formation of a type of Orthodox identity. The authors come to the conclusion about the existence in the Russian Federation "rural" and "urban" Orthodox discourses. The first leads to the development of social strain in the area of religious identity and is the base of the formation polarisierung religious identity. The second sets the normative Orthodox identity, avoiding archaism and development of the centaur-ideas. This study was conducted in part supported by RFBR, research project No. 18-011-00164 on "Discursive study of religious identity." Designed for a wide range of sociologists, philologists, cultural studies and religious studies, as well as for a wide circle of readers interested in questions of religion.
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2

Mondry, Henrietta. Nineteenth century Russian literature in today's ideological debates: A quest for national identity in Soviet literary criticism. Köln: Berichte des Bundesinstitut für Ostwissenschaftliche und Internationale Studien, 1991.

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3

Bandini, Gianfranco, ed. Manuali, sussidi e didattica della geografia. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-8453-958-8.

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This publication is comprised within a recent strand of studies devoted to scholastic culture, understood as an original and complex form of mediation between academic and popular culture. The history of scholastic disciplines is actually one of the most innovative and interesting sectors of the social history of education, and also links up with similar initiatives in other academic sectors, even at international level. These include studies on scholastic and educational publishing, the history of professional associations in the area of geography and cartography (both local and national), and on possible interactions between classical geographical studies and technological applications (digital history and geography). The study of geography teaching, in particular, is extremely useful and significant for analysing: the structure, functioning and changes in scholastic culture; the contribution it made at the time of foundation and consolidation of the Italian State and at other times of political and cultural discontinuity and, finally, the tormented relations of scholastic geography with numerous aspects of an ideological nature and related to the building of Italian identity. From a methodical and historical aspect, the approach of this book is distinctly interdisciplinary: it involves specialists from scientific communities that differ in their origins and current structure, but share the same argument of study and the wish for open exchange. The various contributions seek to highlight the close interrelations between past and present in geography, never severing the links between current and historic study, between the educational and operational concerns of today and those of yesterday. Rather, they underscore the importance and advantages of a historic perspective, which can supply useful keys for interpreting the moments of discontinuity and the (ideal and operational) tensions that have distinguished geographical culture, both scholastic and academic. Rassegna stampa: La Vita Scolastica Rivista n. 5 Dicembre 2013
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4

Chhibber, Pradeep K., and Rahul Verma. Ideology and Identity. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190623876.001.0001.

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This book challenges the view that party politics and elections in India are far removed from ideas. It claims that a dominant intellectual paradigm of what constitutes an ideology is not entirely applicable to many multiethnic countries in the twentieth century. In these more diverse states, the most important ideological debates center on statism—the extent to which the state should dominate society, regulate social norms, and redistribute private property, and on recognition—whether and how the state should accommodate the needs of various marginalized groups and protect minority rights from assertive majoritarian tendencies. Using survey data from the Indian National Election Studies (NES) and survey experiments from smaller but more focused studies, and evidence drawn from the Constituent Assembly debates, it shows that Indian electoral politics, as represented by political parties, their members, and their voters, is in fact marked by deep ideological cleavages, with parties, party members, and voters taking distinct positions on statism and recognition. This ideological divide can account for the replacement of the one-party-dominant system by a party system in which regional parties have become far more important and a right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had spectacular success in the 2014 national elections. The focus on ideology also explains why leadership is so important in contemporary Indian politics as well as the limited influence of patronage politics. The book shows how education, the media, and religious practice transmit the competing ideas that lie at the heart of the ideological debates in India.
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5

Chhibber, Pradeep K., and Rahul Verma. Ideology, Identity, and the 2014 National Elections. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190623876.003.0003.

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The 2014 national elections were an ideological showdown between the main political parties with distinctly different visions offered to Indian voters. The BJP advocated a de-emphasis on statism and recognition whereas the Congress and many regional parties favored the status quo. Voter surveys of the 2014 election provide clear evidence of this ideological divide both among party members and voters of particular parties. The divide was furthered by Narendra Modi, the chief campaigner for the BJP, whose personal appeal was important to the electoral success of the BJP. Consistent with theoretical expectations ideologically motivated voters were more likely to participate in political activity around election time. They are also able to distinguish between the ideological vision offered by the various parties and coalitions.
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6

Mader, Matthias, and Harald Schoen. Ideological Voting in Context. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.003.0011.

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The chapter addresses whether the extent of ideological voting undertaken by German citizens varied in different media contexts in the period 2009 and 2015. Ideological voting is understood here as the choice of a political party on the basis of one’s ideological identity. We argue that in times of low ideological conflict, these identities may or may not become psychologically salient—and thus enter the calculus of voting—depending on the presence of relevant cues in the public discourse. This hypothesis is tested using thirty GLES Online Tracking surveys and the complementary GLES Long-Term Media Agenda Analysis. Our analysis shows considerable variation in the extent of ideological voting, both among the politically involved and among the politically uninvolved. In contrast to theoretical expectations, however, ideological voting did not increase with the salience of retirement and health issues among the issue public of the elderly.
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7

Jenco, Leigh. Chinese Political Ideologies. Edited by Michael Freeden and Marc Stears. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199585977.013.0002.

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This chapter examines modern Chinese political ideologies beginning in the late nineteenth century, as intellectuals began to articulate China’s place in a global order centred outside its own borders. It eschews a teleological view of China’s ideological development, in which the present communist regime is assumed to be the inevitable culmination of the past, in favour of detailing ongoing contestations about Chinese history, identity, and modernization. The chapter surveys early responses of the ‘self-strengthening’ school to nineteenth-century Western imperialism, going on to discuss the deepening of Chinese commitments to Western learning and the totalistic critique of ‘traditional’ culture by thinkers associated with the May Fourth Movement. The continuity of these ideas is discussed in relation to key contemporary ideological developments on China and Taiwan, including: Chinese democratic thought and human rights; ideologies of revolution; Communism; contemporary liberal and New Left thought; and New Confucianism.
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8

Bosia, Michael J., and Meredith L. Weiss. Political Homophobia in Comparative Perspective. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037726.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter discusses political homophobia as a state strategy, social movement, and transnational phenomenon, powerful enough to structure the experiences of sexual minorities and expressions of sexuality. It considers political homophobia as purposeful, especially as practiced by state actors; as embedded in the scapegoating of an “other” that drives processes of state building and retrenchment; as the product of transnational influence peddling and alliances; and as integrated into questions of collective identity and the complicated legacies of colonialism. In this analysis, unexpected forms of political homophobia must be examined as typical tools for building an authoritative notion of national collective identity, for mobilizing around a variety of contentious issues and empowered actors, and as a metric of transnational institutional and ideological flows.
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9

West-Harling, Veronica. Rome, Ravenna, and Venice, 750-1000. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198754206.001.0001.

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The richest and most politically complex regions in Italy in the earliest Middle Ages were the Byzantine sections of the peninsula, thanks to their links with the most coherent early medieval state, the Byzantine Empire. This comparative study of the histories of Rome, Ravenna, and Venice arises from their unifying element: their common Byzantine past, since all three escaped being incorporated into the Lombard kingdom in the late seventh and early eighth centuries. By 750, however, their political links with the Byzantine Empire were irrevocably severed, except in the case of Venice. Thus, after 750, and in the ninth and tenth centuries, did these cities remain socially and culturally heirs of Byzantium in their political structures, social organization, material culture, ideological frame of reference, and representation of identity? Did they become part of the Western political and ideological framework of Italy: Frankish Carolingian in the ninth, and German Ottonian in the tenth, centuries? This book attempts to identify and analyse the ways in which each of these cities preserved the continuity of structures of the late antique and Byzantine cultural and social world; or in which they adapted each and every element available in Italy to their own needs, at various times, and in various ways. It does so through a story which encompasses the main contemporary narratives, the documentary evidence, recent archaeological discoveries, and discussions on art history, and it follows the markers of status and identity through titles, names, ethnic groups, liturgy and ritual, foundation myths, representations, symbols, and topographies of power
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10

Duara, Prasenjit. The Cold War and the Imperialism of Nation-States. Edited by Richard H. Immerman and Petra Goedde. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199236961.013.0006.

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This chapter examines the role of the imperialism of nation-states in the Cold War. It suggests that the Cold War rivalry provided the “frame of reference” in which the historical forces of imperialism and nationalism interacted with developments such as decolonization, multiculturalism, and new ideologies and modes of identity formation. The chapter also argues that while the equilibrium of Cold War rivalry generated an entrenched political and ideological hegemony limiting the realization of political, economic, and imaginative possibilities in much of the world, the developing world represented significant weak links and played an equally important role in its collapse.
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11

Rapport, Mike. Jacobinism from Outside. Edited by David Andress. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199639748.013.029.

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‘Jacobinism’ as perceived and experienced outside France varied between local contexts, the rich diversity of responses to the French Revolution reflecting the ideas, symbols and rhetoric emanating from France, but also pre-existing political and ideological trends, earlier attempts at reform, the specific structures of society and the scale of resistance to change. There were commonalities that included similarities in ideology, rhetoric, symbols and practices, but international Jacobinism was never a coherent ideology or political movement. ‘Jacobins’ outside France were, moreover, usually minorities and everywhere they felt the full force of reactions in defence of tradition and the conservative order. The varieties of ‘Jacobinism’ outside France nonetheless provided an important response to the widespread debates about the nature of freedom and political identity, the shape of which was being fervently disputed around the world.
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12

Malinovich, Nadia. French and Jewish. Liverpool University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113409.001.0001.

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This study of Jewish cultural innovation in early twentieth-century France highlights the complexity and ambivalence of Jewish identity and self-definition in the modern world. Following the Dreyfus affair, French Jews increasingly began to question how Jewishness should be defined in a society where Jews enjoyed full political equality. Writers began to explore biblical themes, traditional Jewish folklore, and issues of identity and assimilation. A plethora of new journals focusing on Jewish religion, history, and culture came into being, as did a multitude of associations that emphasized Jewish distinctiveness. This book explores this blossoming of Jewish cultural life in France. It shows that the interface between the various groups was as important as the differences between them: it was the process of debate and dialogue that infused new energy into French Jewish identity and culture. The book analyses the Jewish press and literature to develop a typology of themes, providing a panoramic view of how Jewish identity and culture were discussed and debated among Jews and non-Jews of varying ideological, cultural, and political orientations. The analysis also provides a vantage point from which to explore the complex ways in which French national identity was re-negotiated in the early twentieth-century. During this period, French Jews in effect reshaped the category of Frenchness itself, and in so doing created new possibilities for being both French and Jewish.
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13

Ó Donghaile, Deaglán. Oscar Wilde and the Radical Politics of the Fin de Siécle. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474459433.001.0001.

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Oscar Wilde’s political identity informed his literary writings, which were motivated by his revolutionary outlook as much as they were driven by his Paterian “passion for sensations”. Addressing his radical engagements with anarchism, socialism and anticolonial thought, this monograph provides a new interpretation of Oscar Wilde’s aestheticism and of his major works by emphasising the importance of progressive politics to his positioning and self-identification within late Victorian literary culture. Consisting of previously unpublished material, it provides a politicised and historicised account of Wilde’s key works by situating them within the framework of his very pronounced – but to date critically under-recognised and as yet untheorised - ideological commitment to these radical political causes. This book interprets Wilde’s better-known works against the important political contexts addressed in his correspondence, reviews, lectures and journalism, and through his personal relationships with contemporary radicals.
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14

Robertson, Fiona. Transatlantic Engagements. Edited by David Duff. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199660896.013.46.

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Literary works in the Romantic period were fashioned and interpreted in transatlantic contexts. On both sides of the Atlantic during the decades following the ratification of the United States constitution in 1787, a new and pervasive cultural relativism accompanied changes in national, political, and social identity. This chapter considers a cultural relationship which was simultaneously close and fraught. It examines the rift in literary history caused by the independence of the United States; the politics of emigration and the significance of this for literary expression; the literature of the anti-slavery movement in Britain; the transatlantic literary marketplace; and the impact of copyright legislation in the United States. It also explores the stylistic and ideological allure of American Indian cultures and the emergence of new cultural identities on both sides of the Atlantic
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15

Ty, Eleanor. Introduction. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040887.003.0001.

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While the hashtags #Asianfail, #failAsian and #Asianfailure on Tumblr, Instagram and Twitter feature pictures and humorous anecdotes of Asians who "fail" at doing what Asians are supposed to be good at, cooking rice, using chopsticks, excelling in Math, playing the violin, they are poignant reminders of the ideological power of stereotypes. The myth of the model minority, with its stress on economic and professional success continues to influence the way Asian North Americans see themselves and are perceived by others. The first decade of the twenty-first century has been characterized by economic instability and political insecurity that has resulted in a life of precarity and unhappiness for young Asian Americans and Asian Canadians, but it has also given rise to books and films that contest normative scripts of ethnic identity.
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16

Ballengee, Christopher L. Steel orchestras and tassa bands. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199352227.003.0005.

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In the 1950s, the steel orchestra in Trinidad and Tobago became an icon of a nationalist discourse promoting African Trinidadian culture as national culture. In subsequent decades, steel orchestras were subsidized by the state and routinely linked with moments of national significance. Some Indian Trinidadian leaders met steelpan’s official declaration as the country’s national instrument in 1992 with accusations of unequal representation and they have continued to press the government to make the Indian Trinidadian tassa drum co-national instrument. This chapter surveys the cultural and political histories of steel orchestras and tassa bands and uses the national instrument debate as a key example of how notions of collective creativity, multiculturalism and national identity are processed through ideas about music and musical performance. The chapter concludes with a discussion of collaborations between steelpan and tassa musicians as representative of a desire to create musical and ideological fusions that reflect Trinidad and Tobago’s multiculturalism.
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17

Uva, Christian. Sergio Leone. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190942687.001.0001.

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Spectacle, myth, fable. These are the main categories that have traditionally defined Sergio Leone’s cinematic production, but it is necessary to underline how much they are fueled by a profound, layered political interest. Leone’s cinema bears witness to a critical outlook both on the subjects it showcases and on its representational means. Far from any militancy and escaping ideological classifications, Leone’s perspective is problematic and unreconciled: it is grounded in the coexistence of different elements in a state of perennial productive tension and instability. The adjective “political” takes on a deeper meaning when it is used to denote the director’s ability to narrate and interpret key aspects of Italian national identity and history. The abstract quality of his production relies on an original use of different genres, particularly sword-and-sandal and the Spaghetti Western, which allowed Leone to insert frequent symbolic references to both history and then-current events. On the stylistic level, his constant disobedience to classical models and his need to revolutionize forms were motivated by an authorial desire to make films politically, though still within a conception of cinema as an industrial spectacle.
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18

Labrador, Roderick N. Overlapping Architectures. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038808.003.0002.

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This chapter uses the Filipino Community Center as the primary analytical site to suggest that through the physical building itself, Filipinos discursively construct identity territorializations that map out a collective sense of place and a sense of self along political economic and ideological coordinates. The Filipino Community Center represents overlapping architectures, a type of historical and political economic layering whereby the contemporary late capitalist, transnational world anchored to a multiculturalist ideology is built on top of the industrial plantation-based agri-capitalist system dependent on the racialization of its workers, which itself is constructed on top of an indigenous, communal land rights-based mode of production. In other words, the Filipino Community Center depends on the so-called “sakada story,” a narrative of development that positions indigeneity (represented as the Hawaiian past), racialization (depicted as the exploitation of Asian and Hawaiian labor during the plantation era), and multiculturalism (portrayed as the contemporary period of liberal inclusion in which the various racial and ethnic groups share power) in a linear historical progression that corresponds with changes in Hawaiʻi's political economy and modes of production. In this way, the completion of the Filipino Community Center embodies a settler Filipino developmental narrative in which Waipahu (and by extension, Hawaiʻi) is constructed and claimed as a Filipino “home”.
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19

Phillips, Amanda. Gamer Trouble. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479870103.001.0001.

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Gamers have been in trouble as long as games have existed, constantly mired in controversies about violence, diversity, and online harassment. As our popular understanding of “gamer” shifts beyond its historical construction as a white, straight, adolescent, cisgender male, the troubles that emerge both confirm and challenge our understanding of identity politics. This book excavates the turbulent relationships between surface and depth in contemporary gaming culture, taking readers under the hood of the mechanisms of video games in order to understand the ways that gender, race, and sexuality operate in their technological, ludic, ideological, and social systems. By centering the insights of queer and women of color feminisms in readings of online harassment campaigns, industry animation practices, and popular video games like Portal, Bayonetta, Tomb Raider, and Mass Effect, Phillips adds necessary analytical tools to our conversations about video games. In the context of a political landscape in which reinvigorated forms of racism, sexism, and homophobia thrive in games and gaming communities, Phillips follows the lead of those who have been making good trouble all along, agitating for a better world.
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20

Clealand, Danielle Pilar. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190632298.003.0011.

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The influence that racial ideology has on racial attitudes and racial consciousness in Cuba is shown throughout this project to be significant. Racial democracy in Cuba combines with socialist ideology to form a powerful racial ideology that is distinct to other Latin American societies that operate under the ideology of racial democracy. Throughout the decades of the revolution Fidel and Raúl Castro and the Cuban government have united belief in the revolution with belief in racial democracy, and as a result support of the revolution often correlates with the notion that racism is not a considerable problem in Cuba. State rhetoric and policy have promoted national identity and unity as supreme over racial identity, while claiming to have solved the problem of racism through socialist policies. The state also created a set of norms and an institutional framework that did not allow for the proliferation of alternate racial ideologies or information, barred the creation of any institution or organization that addressed race, and by creating institutions that addressed the needs of women, youth, and others created the philosophy that race was not a cleavage that mattered in revolutionary Cuba. Despite the ideological and political measures executed by the government, the presence of racism in Cuba cannot be denied and has, as supported by the data throughout this book, contributed to feelings of racial consciousness among black and ...
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21

Marshall, Tim. The Politics and Ideology of Planning. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447337201.001.0001.

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The present time is one of considerable political and ideological turmoil. This affects urban planning, like all areas of public policy. This book sets out to analyse the political and ideological dimensions of planning, focusing on the UK and particularly on England. These have been underplayed or obscured in the past, partly because professional planners have wished to present themselves as apolitical and non-ideological actors. The book proposes that good planning practice will be helped by a more explicit engagement with how planning is affected by political activity and by ideological thinking. The book therefore takes a series of cuts into the subject, starting with a survey of recent planning literature and proceeding to a historical overview of the relationship of planning to ideological currents, including a brief study of one recent UK government. There is then a survey of the main ideological composites active in Britain. There follows a chapter on the relationships between technical work, law and planning, to establish to what degree the political forces allow autonomy for technical skill and the force of legal thinking. Three chapters deal with dimensions of politics and ideology as they operate within government, pressure politics and the media, as well as the place of public deliberation in planning. Two chapters examine different facets and fields of planning, to identify variation across sub-fields of planning work. The final chapter explores some paths to improving the relationship between politics and planning, in current circumstances.
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22

Jaffrelot, Christophe, and Laurence Louer, eds. Pan-Islamic Connections. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190862985.001.0001.

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South Asia is today the region inhabited by the largest number of Muslims—roughly 500 million. In the course of the Islamization process, which began in the eighth century, it developed a distinct Indo-Islamic civilization that culminated in the Mughal Empire. While paying lip service to the power centers of Islam in the Gulf, including Mecca and Medina, this civilization has cultivated its own variety of Islam, based on Sufism. Over the last fifty years, pan-Islamic ties have intensified between these two regions. Gathering together some of the best specialists on the subject, this volume explores these ideological, educational and spiritual networks, which have gained momentum due to political strategies, migration flows and increased communications. At stake are both the resilience of the civilization that imbued South Asia with a specific identity, and the relations between Sunnis and Shias in a region where Saudi Arabia and Iran are fighting a cultural proxy war, as evident in the foreign ramifications of sectarianism in Pakistan. Pan-Islamic Connections investigates the nature and implications of the cultural, spiritual and socio-economic rapprochement between these two Islams.
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23

Zhou, Taomo. Migration in the Time of Revolution. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501739934.001.0001.

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This book examines how two of the world's most populous countries interacted between 1945 and 1967, when the concept of citizenship was contested, political loyalty was in question, identity was fluid, and the boundaries of political mobilization were blurred. The book asks probing questions of this important period in the histories of the People's Republic of China and Indonesia. What was it like to be a youth in search of an ancestral homeland that one had never set foot in, or an economic refugee whose expertise in private business became undesirable in one's new home in the socialist state? What ideological beliefs or practical calculations motivated individuals to commit to one particular nationality while forsaking another? As the book demonstrates, the answers to such questions about “ordinary” migrants are crucial to a deeper understanding of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The book argues that migration and the political activism of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia were important historical forces in the making of governmental relations between Beijing and Jakarta after World War II. It highlights the agency and autonomy of individuals whose life experiences were shaped by but also helped shape the trajectory of bilateral diplomacy. These ethnic Chinese migrants and settlers were, the book contends, not passively acted upon but actively responding to the developing events of the Cold War. The book bridges the fields of diplomatic history and migration studies by reconstructing the Cold War in Asia as social processes from the ground up.
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24

Lindenfeld, Laura, and Fabio Parasecoli. Feasting Our Eyes. Columbia University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/columbia/9780231172516.001.0001.

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Big Night (1996), Ratatouille (2007), and Julie and Julia (2009) are more than films about food—they serve a political purpose. In the kitchen, around the table, and in the dining room, these films use cooking and eating to explore such themes as ideological pluralism, ethnic and racial acceptance, gender equality, and class flexibility—but not as progressively as you might think. Feasting Our Eyes takes a second look at these and other modern American food films to emphasize their conventional approaches to nation, gender, race, sexuality, and social status. Devoured visually and emotionally, these films are particularly effective defenders of the status quo. Feasting Our Eyes looks at Hollywood films and independent cinema, documentaries and docufictions, from the 1990s to today and frankly assesses their commitment to racial diversity, tolerance, and liberal political ideas. Laura Lindenfeld and Fabio Parasecoli find women and people of color continue to be treated as objects of consumption even in these modern works and, despite their progressive veneer, American food films often mask a conservative politics that makes commercial success more likely. A major force in mainstream entertainment, American food films shape our sense of who belongs, who has a voice, and who has opportunities in American society. They facilitate the virtual consumption of traditional notions of identity and citizenship, reworking and reinforcing ingrained ideas of power.
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25

Abi-Mershed, Osama, ed. Social Currents in North Africa. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876036.001.0001.

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Social Currents in North Africa offers multidisciplinary analyses of social phenomena unfolding in the Maghreb today. The contributors analyze the genealogies of contemporary North African behavioral and ideological norms, and offer insights into post-Arab Spring governance and today's social and political trends. The book situates regional developments within broader international currents, without forgoing the distinct features of each socio-historical context. With its common historical, cultural, and socioeconomic foundations, the Maghreb is a cohesive area of study that allows for greater understanding of domestic developments from both single-country and comparative perspectives. This volume refines the geo-historical unity of the Maghreb by accounting for social connections, both within the nation-state and across political boundaries and historical eras. It illustrates that non-institutional phenomena are equally formative to the ongoing project of postcolonial sovereignty, to social construction and deployments of state power, and to local outlooks on social equity, economic prospects, and cultural identity. Scholars in the field of North African and Maghrebi studies were invited to working group meeting held by the Center for International and Regional Studies (CIRS), Georgetown University in Qatar, to reflect on their specialized disciplinary or methodological approaches to the region, and to comment on the overall validity of North Africa as a cohesive geo-historical unit for social scientific analysis.
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26

Schreiter, Katrin. Designing One Nation. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190877279.001.0001.

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The histories of East and West Germany traditionally emphasize the Cold War rivalries between the communist and capitalist nations. Yet, even as the countries diverged in their political directions, they had to create new ways of working together economically. This book examines the material culture of increasing economic contacts in divided Germany from the 1940s until the 1990s. Trade events, such as fairs and product shows, became one of the few venues for sustained links and knowledge between the two countries after the building of the Berlin Wall. The book uses industrial design, epitomized by the furniture industry, to show how a network of politicians, entrepreneurs, and cultural brokers attempted to nationally re-inscribe their production cultures, define a postwar German identity, and regain economic stability and political influence in postwar Europe. What started as a competition for ideological superiority between East and West Germany quickly turned into a shared, politically legitimizing quest for an untainted post-fascist modernity. This work follows products from the drawing board into the homes of ordinary Germans to offer insights into how converging visions of German industrial modernity created shared expectations about economic progress and living standards. The book reveals how intra-German and European trade policies drove the creation of products and generated a certain convergence of East and West German taste by the 1980s.
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27

Simmons, Caleb. Devotional Sovereignty. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190088897.001.0001.

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This book investigates the shifting articulations of kingship in a wide variety of literary (Sanskrit and Kannada), visual, and material courtly productions in the South Indian kingdom of Mysore during the reigns of Tipu Sultan (r. 1782–1799) and Krishnaraja Wodeyar III (r. 1799–1868). Tipu Sultan was a Muslim king famous for resisting British dominance until his death, and Krishnaraja III was a Hindu king who succumbed to British political and administrative control. Both of their courts dealt with the changing political landscape of the period by turning to the religious and mythical past to construct a royal identity for their kings. With their use of religious narrative to articulate their kingship, the changing conceptions of sovereignty that accompanied burgeoning British colonial hegemony did not result in languishing. The religious past, instead, provided an idiom through which the Mysore courts could articulate their kings’ unique claims to kingship in the region, as they attributed their rule to divine election and increasingly employed religious vocabularies in a variety of courtly genres and media. What emerges within this material is an increasing reliance on devotion to frame Mysore kingship in relation to the kings’ changing role in regional politics. The emphasis on devotion for the constitution of Indian sovereignty in this period had lasting effects on Indian national politics as it provided an ideological basis for united Indian sovereignty that could simultaneously integrate and transcend premodern forms of regional kingship and its association with local deities.
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28

Reykowski, Janusz. Disenchantment with Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190078584.001.0001.

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The main theme of the book is the resurgence in the countries of liberal democracy, the political movements that express an approval for violence as a mean of attaining group goals. From ancient time, violence was a commonly accepted, dominant way of gaining wealth, prestige, and fame, as well as a means of social control and socialization of young generations. Human communities attempted to regulate and curtail violence, primarily in intragroup relations. A major change in attitude toward violence was brought about by the development of liberal culture and liberal institutions that saw individual freedom and individual rights as fundamental values. The role of violence was to be limited by two main institutions: the free market and liberal democracy, both of which regard individual freedom as a cardinal principle. However, they have both turned out to be fallible. Conflicts of interests, ideological or world views contradictions, and identity differences are sources of destructive conflicts that trigger various forms of violence: political, economic, symbolic, and physical. This book focuses on two issues. One refers to the psychological nature of the main conflicts and the question of whether those conflicts are intractable and must necessarily lead to destructive consequences. The other, concerns the imperfections of liberal institutions, which render them unable to perform sufficiently well one of their basic functions, that is, removing violence from the sphere of human relations. This analysis is carried out from a specific perspective, focusing on psychological sources and consequences of the phenomena discussed in the book.
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29

Meylan, Nicolas. (Mythical) Battles in Medieval Scandinavia. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190911966.003.0002.

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This chapter uses Lincoln’s critical analysis of myth to examine various medieval poetic and historiographical accounts of the battle of Hjørung Bay, fought by Danes and Norwegians off the coast of Norway in the late tenth century.. These accounts, which for the most part postdate the battle by some two hundred years, are compared not to reconstruct the event itself but rather to identify the political subtexts embedded in them. It argues that these battle narratives, like cosmogonic myths in other contexts, have played a key ideological role in the construction of social and political identities from the medieval period to the present.
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30

Flint, Kate. The Transatlantic Indian, 1776-1930. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691203188.001.0001.

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This book takes a fascinating look at the iconic figure of the Native American in the British cultural imagination from the Revolutionary War to the early twentieth century, and examining how Native Americans regarded the British, as well as how they challenged their own cultural image in Britain during this period. The book shows how the image of the Indian was used in English literature and culture for a host of ideological purposes, and reveals its crucial role as symbol, cultural myth, and stereotype that helped to define British identity and its attitude toward the colonial world. Through close readings of writers such as Charles Dickens, Elizabeth Gaskell, and D. H. Lawrence, the book traces how the figure of the Indian was received, represented, and transformed in British fiction and poetry, travelogues, sketches, and journalism, as well as theater, paintings, and cinema. It describes the experiences of the Ojibwa and Ioway who toured Britain with George Catlin in the 1840s; the testimonies of the Indians in Buffalo Bill's Wild West Show; and the performances and polemics of the Iroquois poet Pauline Johnson in London. The book explores transatlantic conceptions of race, the role of gender in writings by and about Indians, and the complex political and economic relationships between Britain and America. The book argues that native perspectives are essential to our understanding of transatlantic relations in this period and the development of transnational modernity.
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31

Richardson, David. Principles and Agents. Yale University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300250435.001.0001.

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Britain’s abolition of its slave trade in 1807 was a defining moment in modern history, yet it continues to excite controversy, in part because the nation dominated European trafficking of Africans to America in 1783–1807. Through an analysis of market conditions at the British, African, and West Indian points of the infamous triangular trade, as well as of issues of credit and of agency dilemma involved in their integration, this book seeks to explain that dominance. Though legally sanctioned and justified by contemporary mercantilist and racist ideologies, enslaving Africans was nonetheless challenged by some on grounds of humanity and national identity under the later Stuarts and the Hanoverians. Theologians and philosophers intellectually rationalized those challenges within a larger humanitarian revolution, but rather than identifying it with particular individuals, the book argues that abolition of British slaving ultimately relied on the power of ordinary people to change the world. It shows that British slaving and opposition to it, the latter manifest in imaginative literature, journals, newspapers, and pamphlets as well as in learned tracts, grew in parallel through the 1760s but then came increasingly into conflict in both public imagination and political discourse. Highlighting ideological tensions between Britons’ sense of themselves as free people and their willingness to enslave Africans abroad, the book reveals how from the 1770s such tensions became politicized, even as British slaving activities reached unprecedented levels, ultimately mobilizing public opinion to compel Parliament to confront and begin to resolve them in 1788–1807.
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32

Dahlan, Malik. The Hijaz. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190909727.001.0001.

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This book offers an alternative vision of Islamic governance through the history and promise of The Hijaz, the first state of Islam. The Hijaz, in the west of present-day Saudi Arabia, was the first Islamic state in Mecca and Medina. This new interpretative international legal history examines two formative historical passages, a millennium apart, of Islamic statehood during the 7th century and, the other, goes back to the origins of Arab Self-Determination in the aftermath of the 1916 Arab Revolt where The Hijaz enjoyed autonomy as well as founding membership of the League of Nations. Book argues for Islamic institutionalization in The Hijaz and integrative internationalization as a positive force for political reform and integration in the Middle East and beyond. Applying key Islamic principles of public good to contemporary life, in addition to deliberative democracy, the book challenges two dominant narratives. It reclaims the development of Islamic statecraft as the wellspring of collective identity and statesmanship in the Arab world, simultaneously influenced and disrupted by Westphalian statehood models and Enlightenment notions of self-determination. It equally rejects the appropriation of Islamic governance and the Caliphate concept by both the post-modern, non-territorial Al-Qaeda and the neo-medievalist ISIS into a “negative space”. Celebrating the history and untapped potential of a region where institutions and laws built the ideological foundations of an emerging polity, The Hijaz is a compelling alternative analysis, “a positive space”, of governance in the Arabian Peninsula and the global Islamic community, and of its interaction with the wider world.
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33

Lunde, Ingunn, and Tine Roesen, eds. Landslide of the Norm: Language Culture in Post-Soviet Russia. Dept. of Foreign Languages, University of Bergen, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/sb.3.5.

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Rapid changes in post-Soviet political and social life have been accompanied by dramatic shifts in language culture. Bringing together an international team of linguistic and literary scholars, this book explores the dynamic interrelationship between language and literature as it identifi es different responses to the linguistic situation as well as contributing factors in its development. The linguo-cultural practices under scrutiny include language use and language debates, popular and professional linguistic attitudes and their ideological underpinnings, works of artistic prose and poetry, as well as linguistic ideologies and strategies stemming from the Soviet era that continue to be relevant.
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34

Waha, La Toya, ed. United by Violence, Divided by Cause? Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783748905738.

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Political violence is everywhere. But how does it emerge and what can be done about it? This book addresses the diversity of violence in South Asia, South East Asia and Western Europe. It examines the various forms of ideological backgrounds, structural conditions, relations and aims of non-state actors who are involved in violence in these regions and certain countries. Thereby, this book presents a similar diversity of theoretical and disciplinary approaches towards explaining the same phenomenon: violence. The rationale behind this collection of approaches and case studies is to identify communalities on the one hand, and to counter simple, unidimensional explanations of why non-state actors resort to violence on the other. Finally, it provides policy recommendations on how to counter violence. With contributions by Greg Barton, D. SubaChandran, Aurel Croissant, Rohan Gunaratna, Kevin McDonald, Subrata K. Mitra, Khuram Iqbal, Serina Rahman, La Toya Waha and Christian Echle
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35

White, Ismail K., and Chryl N. Laird. Steadfast Democrats. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691199511.001.0001.

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Black Americans are by far the most unified racial group in American electoral politics, with 80 to 90 percent identifying as Democrats—a surprising figure given that nearly a third now also identify as ideologically conservative, up from less than 10 percent in the 1970s. Why has ideological change failed to push more black Americans into the Republican Party? This book answers this question with a pathbreaking new theory that foregrounds the specificity of the black American experience and illuminates social pressure as the key element of black Americans' unwavering support for the Democratic Party. The book argues that the roots of black political unity were established through the adversities of slavery and segregation, when black Americans forged uniquely strong social bonds for survival and resistance. It explains how these tight communities have continued to produce and enforce political norms—including Democratic Party identification in the post-Civil Rights era. The social experience of race for black Americans is thus fundamental to their political choices. Black voters are uniquely influenced by the social expectations of other black Americans to prioritize the group's ongoing struggle for freedom and equality. When navigating the choice of supporting a political party, this social expectation translates into affiliation with the Democratic Party. The book explores where and how black political norms are enforced, what this means for the future of black politics, and how this framework can be used to understand the electoral behavior of other communities.
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36

Shabazz, Rashad. Carceral Interstice. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039645.003.0004.

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This chapter examines how carceral power informed high-rise housing projects on Chicago's South Side. Drawing on the writings of Black prisoners, it considers how urban planning, architecture, and securitization became the outward expressions of carceral power. The chapter uses Robert Taylor Homes as a case study. In particular, it documents how Robert Taylor Homes was turned into a carceral interstice, the spatial and architectural marriage between home and prison. It uses the theorizing of imprisoned intellectuals like John Woodland to identify the workings of carceral power in the Robert Taylor Homes. It shows that the Housing Act of 1949, which set the stage for the construction of the Taylor Homes, political and epistemological shifts in planning and architecture, the emergence of an economy of punishment, and the ideological use of crime fighting on the part of the state, not only facilitated the exercise of carceral power but, more important, located the project in the space between freedom and incarceration, between prison and home.
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37

Mendes, Conrado Hübner, Roberto Gargarella, and Sebastián Guidi, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Constitutional Law in Latin America. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198786900.001.0001.

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The history of constitutional law in Latin America offers a mosaic of national histories, political experiments, and institutional transitions. No matter how distinctive and country-specific these histories and trends might be, this handbook shows that there are a set of commonalities that transcend the geographical contiguity of these countries. The handbook seeks to identify the similarities between institutional outlooks, bodies of rights, declarations, ideological underpinnings, and canons of constitutional thought. The last wave of constitutional change shows that many countries in the region have gone through, which started by the end of the 1980s, was geared towards a commitment to equality in diversity, a recognition of the multi-ethnic origins of the respective societies and an attempt to deepen democracy via participatory channels. This handbook aims to depict the constitutional landscape of Latin America by shedding light on its most important differences and affinities, qualities and drawbacks, and by assessing its overall standing in the global enterprise of democratic constitutionalism.
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