Статті в журналах: "Political identity of Alevis"

1

Kayhan Kılıç, Seyhan. "Understanding A Displaced Community and Its Entangled Identity: Religious Rituals of Alevis in Istanbul." ALEVİLİK–BEKTAŞİLİK ARAŞTIRMALARI DERGİSİ, no. 21 (June 25, 2020): 3–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24082/2020.abked.274.

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This paper’s main goal is to examine the nature of a religious belief and its entangled identity in an urban context from an anthropological perspective. My work’s current focus is that the ritual practices of urban immigrants are displayed in the public space, unlike the social structure and guidance provided by a local religious expert known as a dede. Since the 1950s mass migration of Alevis from rural regions to the Turkish metropolises, such as Istanbul, the Alevi identity has been transformed into a labyrinth of socio-political obstacles and has been losing its place due to the pressures of both the state power and the Sunni and Alevi institutions. They have been losing the space that their belief attached, the clan-related (ocak) community network system, the reliance on rural divine leaders, their spiritual moods and motivations, the unique means of resolving community conflicts. The paper includes a standardized ritual and music repertoire, the revision of folklorized sacred dance (semah) elements, and a critical analysis of what can be seen as the theatrical aspects of urban cem. The second part of this paper is to understand other reasons why Alevi identity has become entangled. Certain writings about Alevis and using concepts about Alevism, such as heterodox and syncretic, ongoing hate speech and discrimination waged against them, Islamophobia seen worldwide, have played a role in the entangled identity of Alevis. We used the ethnography research method, which is mostly qualitative. It involves participatory observation of cem rituals in Istanbul, and obtaining information through informal and formal interview techniques used during observations.

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Arslan, Zeynep. "Alevi Diasporası ve resmi din olarak Alevilikte çoklu kimlik." Göç Dergisi 4, no. 2 (October 28, 2017): 153–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/gd.v4i2.595.

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Mevcut çalışma, Anadolu Alevilerinin önemli ölçüde dışarıdan gelen tanımlamalara maruz kalmalarına ve Türkiye siyaset konjonktüründe daima “Şeriat tehlikesini” dengeleme amaçlı araçsallaştırılmalarını ele alıyor. Aleviliğin Türkiye toplumunda büyük toplum kesimlerince egemen olan ve devlet erkanında kurumsal olarak işlerliğini sürdüren Sünni-Ortodoks İslam ile kıyaslanma üzerinden tanımlanması durumu, Avrupa Diasporası’nda ve Aleviliğin Avrupa devletleri tarafından tanınma süreçlerinde etkinliğini sürdürmektedir. Özellikle Avusturya örneğinde 2008/2009 yıllarından itibaren Alevi kurumlarınca başlayan Aleviliğin resmi din olarak tanınma (Almanca: Anerkennung als Religionsgesellschaft) çabaları, devlet çıkarları doğrultusunda (1912 İslam yasasını reform etme amaçlı) yeniden araçsallaştırılabileceğine tanık olundu. Bu çalışma, Avusturya’da Alevi kurumlarının tanınma süreçlerinde izledikleri yolu ve sonuç iti-bariyle Avusturya-Alevi toplumunun kurumsal olarak iki kanada bölünme sürecinin nedenlerini incelemektedir. Konunun içeriğini güncel siyasi ve hukuki süreci belgeleyen kaynaklar ile kritik söylem çözümlemesi yöntemiyle devletin kimlik belirleme hususu, hakimiyet ve egemenlik çerçevesinde iç ve dış etkenlerin karşılıklı ilişkilendirmeleriyle, kimliklerin kategorize edilerek oluşumu konusunu ‘kesişimsellik’ (İngilizce: Intersectional approach) teorik altyapısıyla destekleyeceğim.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHAlevi diaspora and multiple identities in Alevism as an ‘officially recognised religion’This paper focuses on the Anatolian Alevis, whose identity is often defined externally by others and they face political manipulation as a leverage group against fundamentalist Islamic tendencies. The way in which Alevism is commonly defined in contrast to Sunni-Orthodox Islam, an institutional and hegemonic faith in Turkey continues with Alevi Diaspora in Europe[1]too. In particular, in the case of Austria (German: Anerkennung als Religionsgesellschaft), where the recognition of Alevism as a religion dates back to 2008/2009 and it shows how the state manipulates the Alevi population’s goals for her own purposes (Amendment of the 1912 Islam Law). This study focuses on the way in which Alevi faith group is divided into two at the end of this process of regcognition in Austria. These groups are the Islam Alevis and the (Syncretic) Alevis. This paper analyses the roles of the Austrian Alevi associations and the Austrian state in this process of division and official recognition. The analyses are based on content analysis of documents on current political and judicial decisions and benefits from critical discourse analysis approach. The intersectional theoretical approach is tested when the dominance and hegemony aspects, mutual influences of internal and external factors as well as identity buildings through categorization are analysed.

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Çalışkan, Esin. "Review: Alevis in Turkey." Kurdish Studies 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v3i1.393.

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This review analyses the recent contributions of Elise Massicard and Markus Dressler to Alevi studies. While Massicard employs methods of political sociology and transna-tional identity politics, Dressler is concerned with the intrinsic relation between the religious and the secular as well as the place of religion in nation-state building projects. Massicard argues that formulating Alevism is context and actor dependent and shaped simultaneously in its interaction with diverse actors, which she calls identity movement without an identity. The emphasis on the audience in defining Alevism might stem from the inadequacy of the universal language of religion to accommodate Alevi expression. Similarly, Dressler argues that the modern Alevi tradition was constructed at the intersection of Turkish nation building, modern religion discourse and Islamic apologetics and criticises the modernist discourse on religion such as the heterodoxy/orthodoxy binary for its insufficiency to capture the complexities of different contexts.

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4

Hamrin-Dahl, Tina. "The Alevi and questions of identity, including violence and insider/outsider perspectives." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 19 (January 1, 2006): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67304.

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Alevilik is the second largest religious movement in Turkey after Sunnite Islam. The Alevi worship Ali and the twelve Imams of his family. Ali is more or less deified and therefore Alevis are considered as being ghulat (‘exaggerated’, ‘extremist’) and heterodox. The elevated Ali personifies an aspiration to justice and righteousness. He fought on the side of the weak and oppressed against those with power in society. Theologically, Ali is assumed to be blessed by the divine light and is therefore able to see into the mysterious spirituality of Islam. Many Alevis today however totally dissociate themselves from Shi’ism. Still, the degrading abel kızılbaş (‘red-head’) is associated with Ali and thus is something alleged to be anti-Osman, since Isma’il fought against the Osman Empire. The colour red represents the blood of Mohammed: he was wounded in battle and Ali saw the prophet’s blood flowing. As Ali grew older, he wanted to remind people of Mohammed’s struggle and therefore started wearing red headgear. Red thus became the colour of the Shi’ites and over time a symbol of Shi’ite martyrdom. Later red also gained political significance for the Alevis. The religious and the political are closely intertwined, but despite this, neither the Left nor Shi’ism does simply stand on one side and the Right/Sunni on the other – there are no such simple dichotomies in reality.

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5

Dressler, Markus. "Turkish politics of doxa." Philosophy & Social Criticism 41, no. 4-5 (January 12, 2015): 445–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714567492.

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The religious identity of Turkey’s Alevis, with the origins of their traditions, and in particular their relation to Islam, are the focus of a debate current in Turkey as well as in those western European countries with strong Turkish migrant populations. This debate began in the late 1980s, with the public coming-out of the Alevi community, when the Alevis set out on a manifest campaign to be recognized as a distinct cultural and/or religious tradition. Against the backdrop of this debate, this article discusses the impact of Turkish politics of doxa on the possibilities of Alevi representation in Turkey. It gives particular attention to the implication of secularism and nationalism in the knowledge regime that subscribes heterodoxy to the Alevis – an ascription that secures their principal integratability in the Turkish nation, while at the same time preparing the ground for otherizing them from the Sunni majority perspective.

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Cetin, Umit, Celia Jenkins, and Suavi AYDIN. "Editorial: Alevi Kurds: History, Politics and Identity." Kurdish Studies 8, no. 1 (May 24, 2020): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i1.558.

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This special issue brings together scholarship on Alevi Kurds by focusing on their ethnic, linguistic, religious, political, cultural and social specificity including a range of articles from the disciplines of anthropology, history, politics, linguistics and sociology. The first part focuses on Turkey, exploring the roots of Kurdish Alevism and how Alevi religious identities intersect with ethnic and national identity and political representations, and the second focuses on Alevi Kurds and their creation of a transnational religious identity and their mixed experience of settlement in the UK diaspora.

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7

Sözen, Ülker. "Culture, Politics and Contested Identity among the “Kurdish” Alevis of Dersim: The Case of the Munzur Culture and Nature Festival." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 1 (June 23, 2019): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/196.

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This article analyzes the Munzur Culture and Nature Festival organized by the people of Dersim, an eastern province of Turkey, as a site of political activism, cultural reproduction, and intra-group contestation. The festival began as a group-remaking event for restoring cultural identity, defending locality, and mobilizing Dersimli people in the face of repressive state policies. In time, socio-spatial and political fragmentation within Dersimli society became more prevalent. The festival experience came to reflect and contribute to the debates and anxieties about identity whereby different political groups competed to increase their influence over local politics as well as the event itself. On the one hand, this article discusses the organization of the Munzur Festival, its historical trajectory, and the accompanying public debates and criticisms. On the other, it explores festive sociabilities, cultural performances, and the circulation of politically-charged symbols throughout the event which showcases the articulation and competition of multiple ethno-political belongings which are the Dersimli, Kurdish, Alevi, and socialist ones. The festival’s historical trajectory is dealt as two stages, unified struggle and internal strife, whereby the festival appeared as first a group-remaking then unmaking public event. The paper argues that this transformation is tied to hanging power relations in the local politics of Dersim, and the shifting state policies, namely the phase of repressive control strategies until the mid-2000s and the peace process and political relaxation until 2015.

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8

Şirin, Çiğdem V. "Analyzing the Determinants of Group Identity Among Alevis in Turkey: A National Survey Study." Turkish Studies 14, no. 1 (March 2013): 74–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2013.766983.

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9

Yildiz, Ali Aslan, and Maykel Verkuyten. "Inclusive victimhood: Social identity and the politicization of collective trauma among Turkey's Alevis in Western Europe." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 17, no. 3 (2011): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10781919.2011.587175.

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10

Kantara, Argyro. "Laughter and identity construction in political interviews." Journal of Language and Politics 18, no. 3 (February 13, 2019): 420–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17037.kan.

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Abstract Previous conversation analytic work on the use and function of laughter in broadcast talk has mostly focused on its affiliative use as response to something the participants had constructed as humorous (Eriksson 2009, 2010; Ekström 2009, 2011; Baym 2013). Fewer studies have focused on its disaffiliative use as a response to something that has not been constructed as humorous (Clayman 1992; Romaniuk 2009, 2013a, 2013b). This paper contributes to this second line of research by investigating the use of laughter by a specific politician, namely Alexis Tsipras, in interview openings in three out of four one-on-one election campaign interviews he gave during the 2012 double Greek general elections campaigns. I will argue that Alexis Tsipras’ laughter is not only disaffiliative, undermining the journalists’ questions and projecting either an evasive answer or a counterchallenge, but that it also establishes a “cool but assertive” persona for the ears of the overhearing electorate.

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11

Salman, Cemal. "Diasporic Homeland, Rise of Identity and New Traditionalism: The Case of the British Alevi Festival." Kurdish Studies 8, no. 1 (May 24, 2020): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i1.547.

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While collective memory is based on rituals that built upon mourning and commemoration in Anatolian Alevism, the common culture of “festivity” is not widespread and deep-rooted. Public events of Alevis, mostly called as “Traditional Festival”, are mainly a recent phenomenon as a product of urbanization process. This study addresses the building and functioning of Alevi identity in diaspora over 9th Britain Alevi Festival that is one of these events. The Festival enables to make observations and analyses on certain subjects such as local network, political baggage, identity and sense of belonging issues, and finally homeland projection of British Alevi society via its organization process, backer-ups, spatial aspect, discourse and content. Besides general observations and data that I obtained during my post-doctoral research project that I conducted between August 2018-2019 on Alevi community settled in London, the main data for this study come from participant observation, interviews and field notes that I compiled on the Festival grounds between May 25 and June 2, 2019. Abstract in Kurmanji Welatê ji diasporayê, peydabûna nasname û edetgeriyeke nû: Nimûneya Festîvala Elewî li Ilgiltereyê Berê di nav elewiyan de festîvalên edetî/nerîtî gelek berbelav û cîgirtî nebûn lê di nav pêncî salên dawî de ev yek di encama koçberî, bajarîbûn û jinûve sazkirina nasnameyê de hatiye guhertin. Li ser nimûneya Nehemîn Festîvala Elewî li Ilgiltereyê, ev lêkolîn li avakirin û karkirina nasnameya elewî bi rêya çalakiyeke cemawerî ya wisa li diasporayê dinêre. Lêkolîn xwe dispêre daneyên ji çavdêriyan û yên li festîvala 2019an hatî berhevkirin. Festîval rehên dîrokî yên cemaetê dide nî$an bi rêya pê$xistina têgihi$tineke welatî li diasporayê ku beramberî edet, nirx û daxwazên welatî ne. Herwiha îmkanê dide elewiyan ku li welatê xwe yê nû bibin xwediyê bingehekê, venasînekê û berçaviyeke gi$tî li rex wê yekê ku torên têkiliyên deverî çalak dike, girêdanên siyasî saxlem dike û pabendiyên di nava cemaetê de cîgirtî dike. Mirov dikare vê yekê wek îcadkirina an dahênana nerîtê li welatê nû yê diasporayê bibîne. Abstract in Sorani Nîştmanî dayespora, hellkişanî nasname û tradîsyonî nwê: keysî vîstîvallî 'Elewîy ‏Berîtanî ‏ Lerûy mêjûyyewe, lenaw 'elewîyekanda vîstîvallî tradîsyon leser astêkî frawanda bllaw nebotewe û rîşey ‏danekutawe bellam ewe le dwa penca sallda behoy koçberî û şarinşînî û bunyadnanewey nasname, gorranî ‏beserdahatuwe. Be wergirtnî noyem vîstîvallî 'elewîy berîtanî wek nmûne, em twêjîneweye sernic dedate ‏bunyadnan û karkirdî şunasî 'elewî le dayespora le rêgey rudawêkî giştî awa û be şêweyekî serekî ‏bekarhênanî datay kokrawe leser sernicî çawdêran le vîstîvallî 2019 da. Fîsîvalleke le rêgay arastekirdnî ‏çemkî nîştman le dayispora ke rengdanewey nerît, behakan û xwastî nîştîmane wek rengdanewey rîşe mêjûyye ‏cvakîyekan kardekat. Herweha hoyekîş bo 'elewîyekan desteber dekat ta cê pêyek, danpêdanan û derkewtinîyan le ‏fezay giştî nîştmane tazekeyan bedest bênin û leheman katîşda mobalîzey torrî peywendîyekan û ptewkirdnî ‏bondekan lenaw cvakda deken. Ewe dekrêt wek dahênanêkî tradîsyon lenaw nîştmanî tazey dayesporada bbînrêt. Abstract in Zazaki Welatê dîyaspora, averşîyayîşê nasnameyî û tradîsyonalîzmo newe: Nimûneyê Festîvala Elewîyanê Brîtanya Tarîxê urf û adetanê elewîyan de festîvalî vilabîyaye û kokxorînî nêbîyê, la nê pancas serranê peyênan de semedê koçkerdiş, şaristanijbîyayîş û neweraawankerdişê nasnameyî ra no vurîyayo. Pê nimûneyê Festîvala 9. ya Elewîyanê Brîtanya, no cigêrayîş bi rayîrê inasar fealîyetêkê rakerdeyî qayîtê awanî û fonksîyonanê nasnameyê elewîyanê dîyaspora keno û seba ney zafane dayeyanê observasyonê beşdaranê festîvala 2019î xebitneno. Fonskîyonê festîvale no yo ke ristimanê komelî yê tarîxîyan wina nîşan bido ke dîyaspora de fikrê welatî yo ke rîayetê urf û adet, qîymet û hêvîyanê welatî yê hîsbîyayeyan keno, pêşkêş bibo. Ney ra zî wet, festîvale seba elewîyan îmkan o ke hem welatê xo yo newe de bibê wayîrê statuyêk, xo bidê naskerdene û rayapêroyî de biasê, hem kî eynî dem de torranê têkilîyanê cayîyan mobîlîze bikerê, îrtîbatanê sîyasîyan xurt bikerê û komelî mîyan de bêrê werê. Merdim eşkeno welatê dîyaspora yo newe de festîvale sey viraştişê tradîsyonî bivîno.

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12

Özata, Tolga. "Visibility through invisibility: Spatialized political subjectivities of Alevi youth." New Perspectives on Turkey 62 (April 9, 2020): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2020.5.

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AbstractThis article investigates Alevi youth subjectivities in a neighborhood of İstanbul, Okmeydanı, in which mainly Alevi people live, through the youth’s self-positionings in revolutionary groups, which has deeply marked the highly politicized history of the district. The grievances of Okmeydanlı Alevi youth have grown increasingly complex, stemming from experiences of violence, family legacies of victimhood, and, in recent years, new forms of exclusion. Coupled with generational ruptures between youth and their families in experiencing Alevi identity, Alevi youth have created a political identity and collectivity in the sphere of revolutionary politics. In this politicization, Okmeydanı becomes a spatialization of resistance which gives the youth a sense of power to achieve solidarity and find intimacy to defend themselves and their rights. Moreover, for the youth, engaging in a revolutionary political identity enables them to define themselves and redefine Alevi identity in contrast with, and sometimes against, the perceptions of their families. I argue that it is through this performativity that Okmeydanlı Alevi youth achieve self-empowerment and identity construction; and through this performativity in street politics that the youth render their agencies and self-representations visible on public space.

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13

Arslan, Zeynep. "The Alevi Diaspora – Its emergence as a political actor and its impact on the homeland." BORDER CROSSING 6, no. 2 (October 6, 2016): 342–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v6i2.499.

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Through comparative literature research and qualitative analysis, this article considers the development of Alevi identity and political agency among the diaspora living in a European democratic context. This affects the Alevi emergence as political actors in Turkey, where they have no official recognition as a distinct religious identity. New questions regarding their identity and their aspiration to be seen as a political actor confront this ethno-religious group defined by common historical trauma, displacement, massacre, and finally emigration.

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14

Tekdemir, Omer. "Constructing a social space for Alevi political identity: religion, antagonism and collective passion." National Identities 20, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2016.1247259.

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15

Akboga, Sema, and Osman Sahin. "Identity and Perceptions of Procedural Justice in the Courts in Turkey: Ethnic and Political Factors." Journal of Humanity and Society (insan & toplum) 12, no. 1 (2022): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/m0644.

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Procedural justice, which is about the fairness of procedures that the legal authorities use in their interactions with the public, is an important determinant of people’s general evaluations of these authorities. Based on a nationally representative survey with 1,804 people, this article investigates how socio-political identities such as ethnicity and one’s status as a political winner or loser affect people’s perceptions of procedural justice in the courts in Turkey. Multivariate regression analysis revealed that Kurds and political losers are more likely than Turks and political winners, respectively, to think that the courts in Turkey are not procedurally just. Furthermore, we found that voting for the incumbent party or being an Alevi does not have an effect on Kurds’ perceptions of procedural justice in the courts. We, therefore, argue that ethnicity and being a political winner are two important identity factors that determine people’s perceptions of procedural justice in the courts in Turkey. We concluded that because Kurds and political losers are less likely to identify with the state, they have more negative perceptions of procedural justice in the courts in Turkey.

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16

Erol, Ayhan. "Re-Imagining Identity: The Transformation of the Alevi Semah." Middle Eastern Studies 46, no. 3 (May 2010): 375–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263201003682982.

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17

Wilson, M. Brett. "Ritual and Rhyme: Alevi-Bektashi Interpretations and Translations of the Qur'an (1953–2007)." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 17, no. 3 (October 2015): 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2015.0212.

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This article explores the forays of Alevi and Bektashi writers into the genres of Qur'anic interpretation and translation. A sizeable religious minority in Turkey, Alevi and Bektashi authors are relative newcomers to these fields and their cultivation of contemporary Qur'anic literature resembling that of their Sunnī counterparts is a significant development. This study examines how their treatments relate to shifting political and religious environments in Turkey and, furthermore, considers their style, sources, and arguments. It contends that interpreting and translating the Qur'an have become integral to Alevi-Bektashi participation in broader public debates over religious practice, freedom, and identity in modern Turkey.

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18

C¸aha, O¨mer. "The role of the media in the revival of Alevi identity in Turkey." Social Identities 10, no. 3 (May 2004): 325–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1350463042000230827.

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19

Emre Cetin, Kumru Berfin. "Communicative ethnocide and Alevi television in the Turkish context." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 7 (January 30, 2018): 1008–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718754651.

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The attempted coup in Turkey in July 2016 provided a justification for the Turkish government to silence oppositional voices in the media and close down many television stations. Though the stated aim was to clamp down on the pro-coup Gulenist movement, the closure of TV channels has resulted in what I call a ‘communicative ethnocide’ silencing Alevi television in particular. Following Yalcinkaya, who builds on Clastres concept of ethnocide, I define ‘communicative ethnocide’ as the annihilation of the communicative capacity of a particular community by the state with the aim of destroying that community’s cultural identity. Although the closure of TV stations was not confined to Alevi channels, it has particular implications for the Alevi community by destroying its communicative capacity, infrastructure, relations with the viewers, and representation regime which are driven by the community’s political ambitions and attempts to sustain transnational connections. Parallels are drawn between Alevi and Kurdish TV to illustrate the Turkish context.

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20

Hopkins, Liza. "‘I feel myself to be a world citizen’: negotiating Turkish and Alevi identity in Melbourne." Social Identities 17, no. 3 (May 2011): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2011.558381.

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21

Gilliam, Bryan. "Zoë Alexis Lang. The Legacy of Johann Strauss: Political Influence and Twentieth-Century Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pp. 248." Austrian History Yearbook 46 (April 2015): 434–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000551.

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22

Machado, Isabel. "Interview with Jack Santino." Journal of Festive Studies 3, no. 1 (January 4, 2022): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.33823/jfs.2021.3.1.120.

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Isabel Machado interviews Jack Santino on Public Performances: Studies in the Carnivalesque and Ritualesque (2017). Interview Date: Sep 17, 2020 Dr. Jack Santino is professor of folklore and popular culture and has served as director of the Bowling Green Center for Popular Culture Studies. He was the Alexis de Tocqueville Distinguished Professor at the University of Paris, Sorbonne, 2010–2011. He was a Fulbright Scholar to Northern Ireland and has conducted research in Spain and France. His documentary film on Pullman Porters, Miles of Smiles, Years of Struggle, received four Emmy awards. His research centers on rituals and celebrations, with a particular focus on carnival and political and public ritual as reflective of political, social, and cultural identity. He is the author of numerous books and articles. (Maybe also mention that he is in the JFS board?)

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23

Lord, Ceren. "Between Islam and the nation; nation-building, the ulama and Alevi identity in Turkey." Nations and Nationalism 23, no. 1 (July 13, 2016): 48–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12238.

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24

Cetin, Umit, Celia Jenkins, and Suavi AYDIN. "Politics and Identity in Alevi Kurds: An interview with Martin van Bruinessen." Kurdish Studies 8, no. 1 (May 24, 2020): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i1.560.

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This interview with Martin van Bruinessen records his personal and intellectual engagement with Alevis in Turkey and the Netherlands for over fifty years. Initially, his interest was in Anatolian Alevi culture and he began exploring the religious dimension of Alevism in the 1970s at a time when Alevis were more preoccupied with left-wing politics. He charts the emergence of Alevism studies since the 1980s and links it to the religious resurgence and reinvention of diverse ethno-religious Alevi identities associated with urbanised and diasporic communities. He further examines the relationship between Kurdish and Alevi movements and Alevism and Islam.

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Can, Halil. "Alevi-Zaza Belongings Beyond Borders: Insider/Outsider Attributions and Identity Empowerment Strategies in Transnational and Multigenerational Family Spaces between Turkey and Diaspora." German Politics and Society 31, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310207.

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Building on a long-term, multi-sited ethnographic research project, this article illustrates and interprets the transformation processes and empowerment strategies pursued by an originally Zazaki-speaking, multigenerational Alevi family in the Turkish-German transnational context. The family, which includes a number of Alevi priests (seyyid or dede), hails from the Dersim4 region of eastern Anatolia, and their family biography is closely bound up with a traumatic mass murder and crime against humanity that local people call “Dersim 38“ or “Tertele.“ Against the background of this tragedy, the family experienced internal migration (through forced remigration and settlement) thirty years before its labor migration to Germany. This family case study accordingly examines migration as a multi-faceted process with plural roots and routes. The migration of people from Turkey neither begins nor ends with labor migration to Germany. Instead, it involves the continuous, nonlinear, and multidirectional movement of human beings, despite national border regimes and politics. As a result, we can speak of migration processes that are at once voluntary and forced, internal and external, national and transnational. 5 In this particular case, the family members, even the pioneer generation labor migrants who have since become shuttle migrants, maintain close relationships with Dersim even as they spend most of their lives in a metropolitan German city. At the same time, they confront moments of everyday in- and exclusion in this transnational migration space that define them as both insiders and out- siders. Keeping these asymmetrical attributions in mind, I examine the family's sociocultural, religious, and political practices and resources from a transna- tional perspective, paying close attention to their conceptualization of identity and belonging as well as their empowerment strategies.

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Landman, Nico. "De Turkse alevieten: een niet-erkende minderheid." NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 62, no. 4 (November 18, 2008): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2008.62.299.land.

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This article explores the conflict potential in the relation between Sunnis and Alevis in Turkey. Using the theoretical framework that Schuyt proposes to analyze conflicts, the author argues that the risk of a violent confrontation between the two groups is relatively low. This argument is based, among other, on the complexity of the individual and collective identities of the members of both groups. There is, however, a risk that attempts of the Turkish religious authorities to assimilate the Alevis and to deny them the right to develop a separate religious identity will increase the existing tensions between the two groups.

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Van Bruinessen, Martin. "Review article: Kurds, Zazas and Alevis." Kurdish Studies 8, no. 2 (October 13, 2020): 371–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i2.574.

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This review article discusses recent research about two major religious and linguistic minorities among the Kurds of Turkey and their efforts to define distinct identities. The books reviewed include: Celia Jenkins, Suavi Aydin & Umit Cetin, eds., Alevism as an Ethno-Religious Identity: Contested Boundaries, Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2018, 130 pp., (ISBN 978-1-138-09631-8). Erdal Gezik & Ahmet Kerim Gültekin, eds., Kurdish Alevis and the Case of Dersim: Historical and Contemporary Insights, Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2019, 172 pp., (ISBN 978-1-4985-7548-5). Eberhard Werner, Rivers and Mountains: A Historical, Applied Anthropological and Linguistical Study of the Zaza People of Turkey Including an Introduction to Applied Cultural Anthropology, Nürnberg: VTR Publications, 2017, 549 pp., (ISBN 978-3-95776-065-4).

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Bozan, Ayşegül. "The Alevi issue and democratic rights in Turkey as seen by young AKP activists: social conflict, identity boundaries and some perspectives on recognition." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 21, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2021.1909283.

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Gunes, Cengiz. "Political Representation of Alevi Kurds in Turkey: Historical Trends and Main Transformations." Kurdish Studies 8, no. 1 (May 24, 2020): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i1.522.

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This article explains the process of change in the political representation of Alevi Kurds in Turkey since the country held its first competitive election in 1950. It applies process tracing methodology to identify the dominant trends in Alevi Kurds’ political representation and highlights how the mode of their political participation evolved over time. The discussion presented here develops an explanation that connects the effects of key events and processes that shapes the outcome of this complex political phenomenon. The strong appeal among Alevi Kurds of the Turkish socialist movement and the political parties that are associated with the secular republican regime is discussed before the impact of the rise of Alevi and Kurdish movements on the Alevi Kurds’ political representation is assessed. The barriers Turkey’s restrictive political and legal order place on Alevi Kurds’ political representation are also highlighted. ABSTRACT IN KURMANJI Temsîliyeta siyasî ya kurdên Elewî li Tirkiyeyê: Meylên dîrokî û veguherînên esasî Ev gotar proseya guherîna temsîliyeta siyasî ya kurdên Elewî li Tirkiyeyê, ya ji wexta hilbijartina ewil ya pêşbazîdar a 1950an heta îro, rave dike. Gotar, rêbaza şopandina prosesê tetbîq dike ku meylên serdest ên di temsîliyeta siyasî ya kurdên Elewî de rave bike û li ser disekine ka şêwaza beşdarî û temsîliyeta wan bi demê re çawa vediguhere. Nîqaşa ku li vir hatiye diyarkirin ravekirineke wusa dike ku tesîra bûyerên û proseyên girîng yên ku şikl didin encama vê fenomena sîyasî ya tevlîhev bi hev ve girê dide. Daxwaza xurt a di nav kurdên Elewî yên di nav tevgerên sosyalîst ên tirk û partiyên siyasî yên têkilî rejîma komarî ya sekuler de tê nîqaşkirin berî nirxandina tesîra bilindbûna tevgerên Elewî û kurd ên li ser temsîliyeta siyasî a kurdên Elewî de. Herwiha, bal hatiye kişandin ser astengiyên nîzama qanûnî û siyasî ya sînorker a Tirkiyeyê ya ku li ser temsîliyeta kurdên Elewî bi cih dike.

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Karolewski, Janina. "What is Heterodox About Alevism? The Development of Anti-Alevi Discrimination and Resentment." Die Welt des Islams 48, no. 3 (2008): 434–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006008x364767.

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AbstractThis article examines how the widespread denomination of the Alevi tradition as “heterodox Islam” was introduced in the academic field in the late 19th century. This denomination reflects the differentiation between Alevis and Sunnis, which originally did not base on religious differences but on the socio-political power struggle between the Ottoman Empire and the Safavids/Kızılbaş. First, the historical development of this conflict and the spread of anti-Safavid/Kızılbaş propaganda in the 16th century will be highlighted. Second, it will be illustrated how the Kızılbaş were 'rediscovered' by Westerners in the late 19th century. Then, the development of anti-Alevi discrimination and resentment in the 20th century will be described. Finally, Turkey's official line in regard to the Alevis' religious status and the Alevis' aggressive response to this will be shown.

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Kaya, Ayhan. "Multicultural Clientelism and Alevi Resurgence in the Turkish Diaspora: Berlin Alevis." New Perspectives on Turkey 18 (1998): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002879.

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This paper will concentrate primarily on the current Alevi resurgence in Berlin. While exposing the principal driving forces behind the resurgence of Alevism, three crucial aspects will be underlined. Firstly, it will be argued that Alevi resurgence in Berlin partly derives from the institutional structure of Berlin, which has “minoritised” and ethnicised Alevis in time through Ausländergesetz (Foreigners’ Law) and an ideology of multiculturalism. Secondly, it will be claimed that this ethnic revival leading to the construction of a community discourse among Alevis also springs from Alevis’ attempt to speak from the margin in a way that could reverberate more in the public sphere. Finally, the radicalising momentum, which Alevi revivalism in the diaspora context has recently gained, will be touched upon in relation to Sivas and Gazi Mahallesi incidences in Turkey.

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Dolis, John. "Alcott and Tocqueville: Toward a Textual Conjugation." Tocqueville Review 31, no. 1 (January 2010): 223–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.31.1.223.

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In 1835, Alexis de Tocquevdle (1805-1859) published Volume One of his Democracy in America in France; Volume Two followed in 1840. Translated into English, the work received critical acclaim in the States, and substantial passages were printed in American schoolbooks of the period. In 1868, Louisa May Alcott (1832-1888) published Tittle Women, a sentimental novel exploring feminist dimensions of both subject and citizen identity in light of family relationships and gender roles as each of the four March daughters— Meg, Jo, Beth, and Amy—strives, in her own way, to meet parental and societal expectations regarding the duties of mothers, sisters, wives, and citizens. The récit centers around Jo (Josephine) March, a bold, frank, and passionate tomboy, whose ardor for writing situates her at troublesome odds with the constraints that nineteenth-century American society placed on women. Excluded from fighting as a soldier (during the Civil War) and attending college, Jo tenaciously rebels against familial and societal pressures to find a suitable husband and settle down.

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Verkuyten, Maykel, Mieke Maliepaard, Borja Martinovic, and Yassine Khoudja. "Political Tolerance among Muslim Minorities in Western Europe: The Role of Denomination and Religious and Host National Identification." Politics and Religion 7, no. 2 (March 25, 2014): 265–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048314000212.

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AbstractIslam has emerged as the focus of immigration and diversity debates in Europe, especially in relation to the incorporation of Islam within political democracy. Using the least-liked group approach, the present study investigates political tolerance among Sunni and Alevi Muslims of Turkish origin living in Germany and the Netherlands. A relatively low level of political tolerance was found with higher intolerance of Alevis compared to Sunnis which was due to Alevis' strong rejection of religious fundamentalists. For both Muslim subgroups and in both countries, stronger religious group identification was associated with higher tolerance. Political tolerance was also found to be lower in Germany than in the Netherlands and in the latter country tolerance was positively associated with host national identification. The findings show that Islamic belief, Muslim group identification and the host national context are important for political tolerance.

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Kreger, Alex. "Wearing fire and chewing iron: Oaths of peace and the suspension of monotheism in contemporary Alevism." Modern Asian Studies 56, no. 3 (April 8, 2022): 1022–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x21000147.

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AbstractThis article examines the practices and discourses surrounding the ikrar oaths by which some Alevis in Turkey and the Turkish diaspora are initiated into their spiritual path. I examine a contemporary revival of this Alevi oath complex, which is a historical product of the same messianic trends in post-Mongol Sufism that shaped the Mughal imperial idea of sulh-i kull, or ‘Peace with All’ religions. I argue that the ikrar oaths are paradigmatic examples of ‘post-Islam’ or Islam after the messianic suspension of its scriptural law. I show how Alevis seek to maintain their suspension of monotheism through ritual practices of animal sacrifice and music as well as the replacement of standard monotheistic oaths with post-Islamic oaths. Focusing on a recent liturgical reform movement led by the shrine of Hacı Bektaş in central Turkey, I demonstrate how the shrine works to maintain Alevis’ suspension of monotheism within the constraints of modern secularism, in part by reinterpreting secular constraints in terms of post-Islamic Alevi values, thereby highlighting elective affinities between post-Islam and secularism.

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Walton, Jeremy F. "Massicard, Elise: The Alevis in Turkey and Europe. Identity and Managing Territorial Diversity." Anthropos 109, no. 1 (2014): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2014-1-313.

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Kenanoglu, Pinar Dinc. "The Alevis in Turkey and Europe: Identity andManaging Territorial Diversity, by Elise Massicard." Middle Eastern Studies 50, no. 2 (March 4, 2014): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2013.875732.

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Bilecen, Tuncay. "Political Participation in Alevi Diaspora in the UK." BORDER CROSSING 6, no. 2 (October 17, 2016): 372–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v6i2.502.

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Within migration flows from Turkey to Eurpoe it can be postulated that the UK has proportionally received more politically motivated migrants than other European destinations. The political migration from Turkey to the UK is marked with the catastrophic events that uprooted people such as 1971 coup d’état, 1978 massacres of Alevis in Maras and 1980 military coup d’état and is known to have peaked with the civil war in the 1990s in the Eastern provinces of Turkey. Hence the majority of the migrants from Turkey in the UK are Kurdish Alevis from eastern provinces such as Maras, Sivas, Kayseri and Tunceli. This research was conducted between September 2014 and September 2015. 60 individuals from Turkish speaking communities were recruited and semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted. Interviews were transcribed and then analysed using tools of thematic data analysis. The findings indicated stronger interest in politics and higher level of political participation by Kurdish and Alevi participants. Hence this paper offers a detailedanalysis of political interest and political participation of Kurdish/Alevi community living in London. Three key areas are: i) how they organize themselves under the umbrella of British Alevi Federation; ii) their relationship with civil society organisations and ethnic economy, iii) their activities in order to create public interest and opinion in relation to what is happening in Turkey.

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Burak, Begüm. "Secularism and Rise of Sunni Islam in Turkey: The Otherisation of the Alevis." Malaysian Journal of International Relations 9, no. 1 (December 30, 2021): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.6.

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State-religion relationship is one of the elements which shape state-society relationship, and this relationship determines the quality of democracy. Alevi citizens in Turkey have been suffering from unequal treatment in terms of state attitude towards their religious freedom and education. Turkey has a sui generis secularisation background which is identified as not having equal distance to all belief systems. Turkish style secularism represents an understanding which has alienated the Alevi citizens and seen them as the “others”. The Directorate of Religious Affairs was established to introduce and promote a specific understanding of religion, namely Sunni Islam. In this study, the concept of “otherness” in the constitution of Turkish national identity will be employed as an analytical tool in exploring how state-religion relationship in Turkey has been an important factor producing inequalities between citizens leading to discrimination towards the Alevi identity. In this regard, the role of the Directorate of Religious Affairs will also be discussed while focusing on the rise of Sunni Islam.

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Sökefeld, Martin. "Alevis in Germany and the Politics of Recognition." New Perspectives on Turkey 29 (2003): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006142.

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Migration has been among the most decisive influences shaping contemporary German society, deeply influencing not only economics and demography but also societal discourse and political practice. Legal issues concerning foreigners and immigration have been hotly debated in German society and have played a central role in many elections at both federal and provincial levels. Recognition is an issue at the heart of these concerns. How are migrants viewed in Germany, as “immigrants” or as “foreigners”? As individuals who form a legitimate part of German society, or who have overstayed their temporary “invitation”? Who contribute to the economy and to public welfare, and or who live at the expense of German society? Who are essentially alien to German society and can at best achieve a liminal state of betweenness, or who actively and self-consciously assume a diversity of positions at all levels of society?

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Akbulut, Olgun, and Zeynep Oya Usal. "Parental Religious Rights vs. Compulsory Religious Education in Turkey." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 15, no. 4 (2008): 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181108x374752.

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AbstractDespite parents having primary responsibility, it remains the State's duty to ensure its citizens' education. The orientation of the State's education can be secular can religious; however, the State – having the discretion on curriculum – should comply with human rights principles by promoting pluralism and refraining from indoctrination. In this respect, discussions around religious education have been, and are, highly controversial. This has especially been the case for countries such as Turkey, which have pronounced religious minority groups in their territories. In this regard, the Alevis of Turkey, as the largest religious minority in the country, have been the main actors of a long lasting legal struggle to strive for respect for their freedom of religion as well as parental religious convictions. This article aims to answer to what extent Alevis in Turkey can assert their parental right to religious education through invoking international human rights law, particularly under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights.

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Canbakal, Hülya. "An Exercise in Denominational Geography in Search of Ottoman Alevis." Turkish Studies 6, no. 2 (January 2005): 253–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683840500119585.

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Grigoriadis, Ioannis N. "Political Participation of Turkey’s Kurds and Alevis: A Challenge for Turkey’s Democratic Consolidation." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 6, no. 4 (December 2006): 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850601016291.

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Erdemir, Aykan. "Tradition and modernity: Alevis' ambiguous terms and Turkey's ambivalent subjects." Middle Eastern Studies 41, no. 6 (November 2005): 937–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200500262033.

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Hart, Kimberly. "The Reckoning of Pluralism." American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no. 4 (October 1, 2014): 128–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i4.1076.

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At the time Tambar wrote The Reckoning of Pluralism, there was a briefopening in Turkish political life during which ethnic and sectarian pluralitywas both imaginable and debatable. This opening, initiated by the ruling AKP,attempted to create an official conversation about the Alevis and the Kurds.This move indicated that those who have state power were willing to acceptthe suggestion that Turkish nationalism could encompass sectarian and ethnicdiversity. The opening, however, was brutally closed via the violent attackson peaceful protestors during the Gezi Park events of 2013. Turkishpolitics changes rapidly, and what was a moment of optimism among thosewho hope for a greater freedom of expression in Turkey may be revived.This means that Tambar conducted his research when Turks were beginningto discuss religious and ethnic difference, the ongoing war with the Kurdsand possible solutions, and a troubled national memory avoided by nationalisthistorians. Only further research can tell us if the Alevi community feelsthere is a possibility of greater religious expression. But even within thecontext of this brief opening, Tambar’s work contributes to the question ofhow the Turkish government locates, defines, and confines religion, in thiscase Alevism, in the national imaginary via nationalist historians.Tambar’s work contributes to a growing body of ethnographic and sociologicalliterature on Turkey’s powerful if obviously constructed ideologicalworldview, in which the state ushers into existence self-evident “truths” forits citizens. In this case the truth is the origin, meaning, and role of the nation’sAlevis. The author describes how their history has been domesticated (chap.3), how public performances of religiosity are self-contained by the Alevis,who are now burdened with the need to perform national unity and forget aspectsof ritual that appear “irrelevant” to contemporary, urban, political, andideological issues (chaps. 2 and 4), and how ritual has become intellectualizedand historicized (chap. 5). Chapter 6, the final chapter, discusses a non-stateAlevi mosque run by imams trained in Iran.The book will be useful for specialists, for whom lingering questionsabout this group’s oft-repeated “shamanistic” origin is a puzzle. Tambar forcefullyilluminates the origins of this nationalist fiction and the related denial ofany possible connection with Shi‘i Islam. Naturally, for those with some backgroundin Ottoman history, the denial of the Alevis’ sectarian connections to ...

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HEALY, ANDREW, KATRINA KOSEC, and CECILIA HYUNJUNG MO. "Economic Development, Mobility, and Political Discontent: An Experimental Test of Tocqueville’s Thesis in Pakistan." American Political Science Review 111, no. 3 (June 29, 2017): 605–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541700017x.

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We consider the thesis of Alexis de Tocqueville (1856) that economic development and increased mobility may generate political discontent not present in more stagnant economies. For many citizens, as they become aware of the potential for improved living standards, their aspirations may increase faster than actual living standards. Expanded opportunity may then paradoxically result in dissatisfaction with government rather than greater confidence. We develop a formal model to capture Tocqueville’s (1856) verbal theory and test its predictions using a 2012–2013 face-to-face survey experiment conducted in Pakistan. The experiment utilizes established treatments to subtly manipulate either a participant’s perceptions of her own economic well-being, her perceptions of society-wide mobility, or both. As predicted by the theory, political discontent rises when declining personal well-being coincides with high mobility to create unrealized aspirations. The results thus identify the conditions under which expanded economic opportunity can lead to political unrest.

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BUEHLER, ARTHUR. "TORD OLSSON, ELIZABETH ÖZDALGA, AND CATHARINA RAUDVERE, ED., Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives, Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul Transactions, vol. 8 (Istanbul: Numune Matbaasi, 1998). Pp. 213. $66.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 3 (August 2001): 454–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801243062.

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This edited volume, the outcome of a conference held in 1996 in Istanbul, consists of seventeen articles, sixteen of which concern [ayn]Ali-oriented communities in the Middle East. Ten of the articles are focused on Alevis in Turkey, and the others discuss Ahl-i Haqq studies, the Druze, and the Alawites of Syria. The reader is immediately drawn to the gorgeous, vividly colorful artwork on both covers and the high-quality glossy paper used in this volume, both of which are rare in academic books published in the West. This book will be of interest mainly to Islamicists who are interested in [ayn]Ali-oriented religions, even though Tord Olsson's brief Epilogue is methodologically encompassing for a wider history of religions audience. Libraries should have it in their collections.

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Taş, Hakkı. "Can the Alevis Speak? The Politics of Representation in Early Writings on Alevism." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 26, no. 3 (June 16, 2015): 325–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2015.1045177.

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Yabanci, Bilge. "Home State Oriented Diaspora Organizations and the Making of Partisan Citizens Abroad: Motivations, Discursive Frames, and Actions Towards Co-Opting the Turkish Diaspora in Europe." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 21, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 139–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.21.2.2021.05.20.2.

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What motivates diasporas to support undemocratic rule in their countries of origin while enjoying democratic freedoms in their countries of settlement? This study adopts a meso-level approach to answer this question, and focuses on the Turkish diaspora in Europe as a case study. Lately, the diaspora governance literature has focused on official diaspora institutions and the policies of countries of origin. This study, alternatively, highlights “diasporic civic space” as an arena entrenching authoritarian practices “at home.” It investigates the conditions under which diasporic civic space can be co-opted by undemocratic countries of origin and the role of “home state oriented diaspora organizations” in this process of co-optation. The study shows that diasporic civic space can offer resources to undemocratic regimes to mobilize previously dormant diaspora communities and create a support base abroad that is driven by nationalism and partisanship. The empirical discussion unveils four factors behind the successful mobilization of diasporas by undemocratic countries of origin: (1) nationalist sentiments among the diaspora; (2) motivations to get a share from the perks that may be meted out by home country government; (3) feelings of insecurity, fear, and marginalization as immigrants; and (4) the desire to assert one’s identity and cultural ties vis-à-vis the majority in countries of settlement. The findings are based on the case of the Turkish diasporic civic space in Europe, which has recently been mobilized by a diaspora organization with political ties to the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Original data are drawn from semi-structured interviews conducted in 2018–2019 with members and representatives of major pro-AKP diaspora organization known as the Union of International Democrats (UID), as well as Alevi, Kurdish, and Islamist/conservative diaspora organizations in Sweden, Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Germany. The findings contribute to the understanding of undemocratic home states’ non-coercive and de-territorialized governance practices beyond their borders.

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Ulusoy, Kıvanç. "The European Impact on State–Religion Relations in Turkey: Political Islam, Alevis and Non-Muslim Minorities." Australian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 3 (September 2011): 407–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2011.595558.

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Ulusoy, Kivanc. "The ‘Europeanization’ of the Religious Cleavage in Turkey: The Case of the Alevis." Mediterranean Politics 18, no. 2 (July 2013): 294–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2013.799346.

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