Статті в журналах: "Political emotion"

1

Zorina, Anastasia. "Semantic Modeling of Ways to Verbalize Emotions in the Political Discourse of Germany." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 4(64) (April 3, 2024): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2023-64-4-156-170.

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The article deals with methods of verbalization of various emotions, considered on the material of authentic texts related to the political discourse of Germany. There is a predominance of the emotional component over the rational one in modern political communication, therefore there is a need for a comprehensive study of the technique of nominating various emotional states. The purpose of the analysis is to identify the features of the semantic aspect of the linguistic representation of emotions in German-language political texts. This study is carried out using the method of semantic modelling according to five parameters reflecting the main types of syntagmatic relations between the meanings of words within one speech segment (a word combination or a sentence): «signs of emotion», «activity of emotion», «manifestation of emotion», «carrier of emotion», «cause of emotion». The following conclusions were obtained in the course of this study: the parameters «signs of emotion» and «activity of emotion» are the most productive within the framework of German political discourse; within the parameters mentioned above, the phenomenon of metaphorization is noted, which can also be considered as one of the productive means of verbalization of emotions; according to the type of evaluation sign, the predominance of negative emotions is observed in the political discourse of Germany. The results of the research conducted in this article can be used in research and teaching activities related to the study of the features of the emotional aspect of modern communication from a linguistic point of view.

2

Van'ke, Alexandrina. "Political Emotion." Russian Politics & Law 53, no. 5-6 (November 2, 2015): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611940.2015.1146059.

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3

Burrow, Sylvia. "The Political Structure of Emotion: From Dismissal to Dialogue." Hypatia 20, no. 4 (2005): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2005.tb00534.x.

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How much power does emotional dismissal have over the oppressed's ability to trust outlaw emotions, or to stand for such emotions before others? I discuss Sue Campbell's view of the interpretation of emotion in light of the political significance of emotional dismissal, in response, 1 suggest that feminist contentions of interpretation developed within dialogical communities are best suited to providing resources for expressing, interpreting, defining, and reflecting on our emotions.

4

Gibson, James, Christopher Claassen, and Joan Barceló. "Deplorables: Emotions, Political Sophistication, and Political Intolerance." American Politics Research 48, no. 2 (January 14, 2019): 252–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18820864.

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While scholars have shown strong interest in the role of emotions in politics, questions remain about the connections between emotions and political intolerance. First, it is not clear which emotion (if any) is likely to produce intolerance toward one’s disliked groups, with different studies favoring hatred, anger, or fear. Second, it is unclear whether these effects of emotion are moderated by sophistication, as some conventional political thought argues. Do the less-sophisticated rely on emotions when making judgments, therefore being less tolerant than sophisticates, who rely on reason? Here, we test both hypotheses using a large representative sample Americans. We find that hatred, anger, and fear are significantly but only modestly related to political intolerance. Moreover, the effects of emotions on intolerance are not consistently stronger among the unsophisticated. These findings provide little support for the conventional assumption that the less-sophisticated rely on their emotions in making political judgments.

5

Berezin, Mabel. "Secure States: Towards a Political Sociology of Emotion." Sociological Review 50, no. 2_suppl (October 2002): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2002.tb03590.x.

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Emotion and politics is the study of the non-cognitive core of politics. Emotion and politics presents its own special set of difficulties. First, emotions are experienced individually but politics is by definition a collective phenomena. This means that the social analyst has to attempt to understand how an individual micro-level instinct, an emotion, contributes to collective macro-level processes and outcomes. Second, emotions are ontologically in the moment. Emotions and sound have similar properties. Music or noise either soothes or jars the central nervous system. Emotions too affect the central nervous system and even social scientists have begun to acknowledge the relevance of neurobiology to their studies. The physicality of emotion suggests that a robust analysis of emotion demands a multi-disciplinary approach, and not that emotions are outside of the purview of the social sciences. This chapter begins from the position that much theoretical, analytic and empirical work remains to be done in the study of politics and emotions. It represents a first attempt to explore, from multiple angles, how emotions matter to politics. The chapter proceeds on four levels: first, it develops the concepts secure state and community of feeling as analytic frames that unite politics and emotion; second, it explores how emotions are embedded in political institutions; third, it takes up the issue of emotion and collective action; and lastly, it suggests the conceptual issues that a political sociology of emotions might address.

6

Ward, Ann. "Political Emotions: Aristotle and the Symphony of Reason and Emotion." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (June 2007): 543–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070527.

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Political Emotions: Aristotle and the Symphony of Reason and Emotion, Marlene K. Sokolon, DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2006, pp. 217.Marlene K. Sokolon has provided an intellectually stimulating and highly original work on Aristotle's understanding of the emotions, mainly as presented in his treatise the Art of Rhetoric. The central thesis of Sokolon's book manifests itself in her analysis of the emotion of anger. According to Sokolon, for Aristotle anger is the paradigmatic human emotion, defined as the desire for revenge for a dishonourable and undeserving public insult against oneself or those one loves. Of this desire for revenge, Sokolon argues that “for Aristotle, unique human anger is not ‘at’ something, but more properly ‘with’ what some other person did or intends to do. Anger and the other political emotions are certain kinds of judgments or perceptions about sociopolitical circumstances. Anger judges specific kinds of events with an acknowledged political, or what we now call ‘cultural,’ meaning” (p. 55). Thus, Sokolon argues that for Aristotle the emotional experience of anger occurs in social and political contexts where there are evaluations of worth in situations involving relations of power. But if anger is the paradigmatic human emotion, this means that anger is not simply representative of various political emotions, but illustrates that human emotion as such is an essentially political phenomenon. Sokolon's thesis, therefore, is that for Aristotle, “man is by nature a political animal” not simply because he possesses reason, the apparent claim of the Politics, but also because he experiences emotions.

7

Grosland, Tanetha. "Unraveling Interior and Exterior Circumstances." Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 12, no. 1 (2023): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2023.12.1.69.

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The role of emotions in leadership and policy research is often ignored, indicating the need for an investigation of how researchers’ emotions and the interpretation of emotion in research impact the research process itself. Although at times contradictory and controversial, emotion is the one terrain that unites us in personhood; yet how emotions are understood is said to be defined and controlled by politics. Inspired by critical theories, especially those concerning emotion, this essay aims to theoretically interrogate missed emotion cues when conducting emotional research. This investigation grew out of two research stories of antiracist pedagogy that are laden with emotions. Contemporary observations indicate that the experience of researching emotions (un)consciously alters a researcher’s emotions and thus radically impacts how one ultimately researches emotion. This suggests that emotions in leadership research on political subjects have serious and profound impacts on researchers in ways that are often misunderstood. Concluding remarks note the significant role that research guided by critical theory plays in understanding how scholars’ emotions impact their leadership and policy research on political subjects.

8

Mirhady, David C. "Retrieving Political Emotion." Ancient Philosophy 22, no. 2 (2002): 440–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200222240.

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9

Ferrarin, Alfredo. "Retrieving Political Emotion." Ancient Philosophy 26, no. 1 (2006): 210–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200626152.

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10

Abstract, Nicky James. "Emotional Labour: Skill and Work in the Social Regulation of Feelings." Sociological Review 37, no. 1 (February 1989): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1989.tb00019.x.

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I define emotional labour as the labour involved in dealing with other peoples' feelings, a core component of which is the regulation of emotions. The aims of the paper are firstly to suggest that the expression of feelings is a central problem of capital and paid work and secondly to highlight the contradictions of emotions at work. To begin with I argue that ‘emotion’ is a subject area fitting for inclusion in academic discussion, and that the expression of emotions is regulated by a form of labour. In the section ‘Emotion at home’ I suggest that emotional labour is used to lay the foundations of a social expression of emotion in the privacy of the domestic domain. However the forms emotional labour takes and the skills it involves leave women subordinated as unskilled and stigmatised as emotional. In the section ‘Emotion at work’ I argue that emotional labour is also a commodity. Though it may remain invisible or poorly paid, emotional labour facilitates and regulates the expression of emotion in the public domain. Studies of home and the workplace are used to begin the process of recording the work carried out in managing emotions and drawing attention to its significance in the social reproduction of labour power and social relations of production.

11

Shields, Stephanie A. "The Politics of Emotion in Everyday Life: “Appropriate” Emotion and Claims on Identity." Review of General Psychology 9, no. 1 (March 2005): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/1089-2680.9.1.3.

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Emotions have a political dimension in that judgments regarding when and how emotion should be felt and shown are interpreted in the interests of regulating the organization and functioning of social groups. This article argues that claims to authenticity and legitimacy of one's self-identity or group identity are at stake in the everyday politics of emotion. A brief discussion of the study of sex differences in the 19th century illustrates how emotion politics can saturate even scientific inquiry. Three ways in which there is a political dimension to socially appropriate emotion in contemporary life are then discussed: (a) Is the emotion the “wrong” emotion for the situation? (b) How are competing standards for emotional experience and expression managed? and (c) What constitutes the boundary between “too much” and “too little” emotion? The author concludes by considering the relevance of emotion politics to research on emotion.

12

Salice, Alessandro, and Mikko Salmela. "What are emotional mechanisms?" Emotions and Society 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/263169021x16369909628542.

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The article offers an account of emotional mechanisms (EMs). EMs are claimed to be personal, often unconscious, distinctively patterned, mental processes whereby an emotion of a given kind is transmuted into an emotion of a different kind. After preliminary considerations about emotions as felt evaluations, the article identifies three families of emotional mechanisms. These processes are set in motion when a given emotion (for example, envy, shame or anger) generates feelings of inferiority and/or impotence in the subject resulting in a negative sense of self. These feelings prompt an evaluative reappraisal of the emotion’s intentional target. Based on the reappraisal, the subject comes to feel a different kind of emotion, which does not generate feelings of inferiority and/or impotence. Importantly, the second emotion entails a psychological disposition to be collectivised: the subject seeks confirmation of the revised evaluation by sharing the emotion with others. It is argued that these features set EMs apart from other emotion regulatory processes.

13

Holmes, Mary, Nathan Manning, and Åsa Wettergren. "Political economies of emotion." Emotions and Society 2, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/263169020x15843026211134.

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14

Johnston, Christopher D., Howard Lavine, and Benjamin Woodson. "Emotion and Political Judgment." Political Research Quarterly 68, no. 3 (July 27, 2015): 474–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912915593644.

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15

BIRO, Daniel. "Emotions in the political discourse of Romania. A corpus-driven analysis of multiword expressions." Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Brașov, Series IV: Philology. Cultural Studies 13 (62), no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31926/but.pcs.2020.62.13.1.2.

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Emotions in political language use can have considerable repercussions on a society, especially on the expression of solidarity and ostracism, which are closely connected to the emotions of trust and aversion. Driven2 by a sub-corpus of spoken presidential texts from 1992 to 2004, this analysis constructs on the basis of multiword expressions emotion profiles of the political actors. To do so, it draws from Robert Plutchik’s wheel of emotions3 and the Romanian Emotion Lexicon (RoEmoLex)4 and focuses on hints for trust and aversion. The findings indicate a high degree of expressions of trust while aversion is nearly non-existent. Moreover, an increase of emotions during the three presidential terms of Ion Iliescu and Emil Constantinescu is remarkable from a diachronic perspective and constitutes a transition from the topics of internal stability and security to global cooperation and responsibility.

16

Albertson, Bethany, and Shana Kushner Gadarian. "Did that Scare You? Tips on Creating Emotion in Experimental Subjects." Political Analysis 24, no. 4 (2016): 485–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpw022.

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The appropriateness of experiments for studying causal mechanisms is well established. However, the ability of an experiment to isolate the effect of emotion has received less attention, and in this letter we lay out a guide to manipulating and tracing the impact of emotions. Some experimental manipulations are straightforward. Manipulating an emotion like anxiety is less obvious. There is no magic “political anxiety pill” and placebo that can be randomly assigned to participants. While the magic political anxiety pill is still elusive, we advocate using multiple manipulations, extensive pretesting, and mediation models. These approaches have allowed us to situate a discrete emotional experience in a complex political environment.

17

Boddice, Rob. "History Looks Forward: Interdisciplinarity and Critical Emotion Research." Emotion Review 12, no. 3 (July 2020): 131–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1754073920930786.

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The history of emotions has become a thriving focus within the discipline of history, but it has in the process gained a critical purchase that makes it relevant for other disciplines concerned with emotion research. The history of emotions is entangled with the history of the body and brain, and with cultural and political history. It is interested in the how and why of emotion change; with the questions of power and authority behind cultural scripts of expression, conceptual usages, and emotional practices. This work has reached a level of maturity and sophistication in its theoretical and methodological orientation, and in its sheer quantity of empirical research, that it contributes to emotion knowledge within the broad framework of emotion research.

18

Sabucedo, Jose-Manuel, Mar Durán, Mónica Alzate, and Idaly Barreto. "Emotions, Ideology and Collective Political Action." Universitas Psychologica 10, no. 1 (June 25, 2010): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.11144/javeriana.upsy10-1.eicp.

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Having overcome the prejudice that equated emotion with irrationality, collective action theories are beginning to incorporate emotional variables. Nonetheless, these are restricted to negative ones, fundamentally anger. This is due to the fact that collective action is associated exclusively with protest, when this does not necessarily have to be the case. The aims of the present work are twofold: a) to analyse the structure of emotions with regard to the Spanish Government's decision to negotiate with ETA; and b) to verify the impact of these emotions and of ideology on the intention to participate in demonstrations supporting or protesting against said decision. The results show that emotions can be organised into three factors: anger, enthusiasm and anxiety. Anger and enthusiasm account for a high percentage of variance in the attention to demonstrate. Ideology, although to a lesser extent, also has a significant influence

19

Shen, Dianchen. "How do emotions like trust and fear shape East- Asian Security Dynamics." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 18 (August 11, 2023): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v18i.10976.

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This article explores the subtle yet significant role of emotions in international relations, particularly focusing on East Asia's development and security dynamics. Emotions are not innate but shaped by external sociopolitical influences, and their understanding involves a combination of feelings and attitudes. The politics of emotion involves battles over entitlement and relevance of feelings, with individual, media, and state actors playing distinct roles. Emotional politics utilizes emotions as a political tool, strategically projecting emotional performances to achieve political goals. Populist politics exploit feelings of uncertainty, fear, and worry to advance their agendas. East Asia's political and social changes and ongoing conflicts involve highly emotional phenomena, such as fear and trust. This essay aims to demonstrate how emotions shape East Asian security as a fundamental political force through individual, state, and media dynamics.

20

Bolton, Sharon C. "`EMOTION HERE, EMOTION THERE, EMOTIONAL ORGANISATIONS EVERYWHERE'." Critical Perspectives on Accounting 11, no. 2 (April 2000): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/cpac.1998.0236.

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21

Flam, Helena. "EMOTIONAL `MAN': II. CORPORATE ACTORS AS EMOTION-MOTIVATED EMOTION MANAGERS." International Sociology 5, no. 2 (June 1990): 225–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026858090005002007.

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22

Ingram, Jason. "Political Emotions: Aristotle and the Symphony of Reason and Emotion." Philosophy & Rhetoric 42, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25655340.

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23

Ingram, Jason. "Political Emotions: Aristotle and the Symphony of Reason and Emotion." Philosophy & Rhetoric 42, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/philrhet.42.1.0092.

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24

Koziak, Barbara. "Political Emotions: Aristotle and the Symphony of Reason and Emotion." Perspectives on Politics 5, no. 03 (August 16, 2007): 620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592707071721.

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25

McKenzie, Jordan, Rebecca E. Olson, Roger Patulny, Alberto Bellocchi, and Kathy A. Mills. "Emotion management and solidarity in the workplace: A call for a new research agenda." Sociological Review 67, no. 3 (January 22, 2019): 672–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026118822982.

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Research focusing on the management of emotion features prominently in studies of employee attrition, gender inequality and workplace satisfaction, but rarely in research on worker solidarity. Against a backdrop of increasing individualisation within late modern society, research about workplace management of emotion has become bifurcated along sociological or organisational psychology lines. Within the sociology literature, management of emotion is theorised as a commercialised, relational and (often) alienating experience. Within organisational psychology literature and research, the emphasis is on harnessing individual traits and skills (e.g. emotional intelligence) to regulate emotions for increased productivity and employee retention. In this article, the authors call for a new research agenda that prioritises the examination of solidarity between workers alongside the analysis of emotion management. This call is based in a critical reading of the sociological and organisational psychology scholarship addressing the management of emotions. Through the example of teaching work, the authors provide a critique of scholarship on workplace strategies that promote highly individualised understandings of managing emotions through resilience training and other simplified techniques. They argue that workplaces should recognise the dangers of uncritically adopting individualised strategies for managing emotions, and propose a research agenda that seeks to understand how emotion management can affect worker solidarity.

26

Underwood, Mair, and Rebecca Olson. "‘Manly tears exploded from my eyes, lets feel together brahs’: Emotion and masculinity within an online body building community." Journal of Sociology 55, no. 1 (April 12, 2018): 90–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318766610.

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Discussions of crying and love are not what one might expect to find when examining interactions between recreational bodybuilders online. Gendered emotion ideologies, especially related to muscular masculinities, usually forbid men from exhibiting emotional vulnerability in front of other men, as emotional detachment is one of the ways gender hierarchies are maintained. Building on Connell’s concept of ‘hegemonic masculinity’ and Hochschild’s concept of ‘emotion management’, this article analyses emotional exchanges within an international community of male recreational bodybuilders: fans of Aziz Shavershian, known as ‘Zyzz’. We examine the meaning of emotions within the Zyzz fandom’s local hierarchy of masculinities, the expressive freedoms afforded by the context of their emotional interactions, and the strategies employed by Zyzz and fans to traverse masculine emotion ideologies that usually prevent men from expressing love and affection.

27

Agur, Colin, and Lanhuizi Gan. "Actors, Partisan Inclination, and Emotions: An Analysis of Government Shutdown News Stories Shared on Twitter." Social Media + Society 7, no. 2 (April 2021): 205630512110088. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211008816.

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Scholars have recognized emotion as an increasingly important element in the reception and retransmission of online information. In the United States, because of existing differences in ideology, among both audiences and producers of news stories, political issues are prone to spark considerable emotional responses online. While much research has explored emotional responses during election campaigns, this study focuses on the role of online emotion in social media posts related to day-to-day governance in between election periods. Specifically, this study takes the 2018–2019 government shutdown as its subject of investigation. The data set shows the prominence of journalistic and political figures in leading the discussion of news stories, the nuance of emotions employed in the news frames, and the choice of pro-attitudinal news sharing.

28

Bickford, Susan. "Emotion Talk and Political Judgment." Journal of Politics 73, no. 4 (October 2011): 1025–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381611000740.

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29

Leach, Colin Wayne. "The Person in Political Emotion." Journal of Personality 78, no. 6 (October 12, 2010): 1827–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6494.2010.00671.x.

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30

Moss, Jonathan, Emily Robinson, and Jake Watts. "Brexit and the Everyday Politics of Emotion: Methodological Lessons from History." Political Studies 68, no. 4 (April 27, 2020): 837–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321720911915.

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The 2016 European Union referendum campaign has been depicted as a battle between ‘heads’ and ‘hearts’, reason and emotion. Voters’ propensity to trust their feelings over expert knowledge has sparked debate about the future of democratic politics in what is increasingly believed to be an ‘age of emotion’. In this article, we argue that we can learn from the ways that historians have approached the study of emotions and everyday politics to help us make sense of this present moment. Drawing on William Reddy’s concept of ‘emotional regimes’, we analyse the position of emotion in qualitative, ‘everyday narratives’ about the 2016 European Union referendum. Using new evidence from the Mass Observation Archive, we argue that while reason and emotion are inextricable facets of political decision-making, citizens themselves understand the two processes as distinct and competing.

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GOULD, DEBORAH. "Concluding Thoughts." Contemporary European History 23, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 639–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000356.

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Fifteen plus years into the ‘emotional turn’ in the study of contentious politics, the question is no longer ‘do emotions matter’ but rather ‘do emotions evernotmatter?’ Or, stated positively, can we grasp the phenomena that we group together under the name of collective political action without paying attention to feelings, emotions, affect? As others have argued, the factors that social movement scholars deem important for mobilisation – e.g. political opportunities, organisations, frames – have force precisely because of the feelings that they elicit, stir up, amplify, or dampen. We turn towards emotion, then, in order to understand the workings of the key concepts in the field. In addition, we need to explore feelings because they often are a primary catalyst or hindrance to political mobilisation, attenuating the role of other factors. Then there are the many other aspects of collective political action, beyond the question of mobilisation per se, where emotions play important roles, from ideological struggles to alliance formation to activist rituals to collective identity formation to community building. So, again, are emotions ever unimportant, are they ever a simply trivial aspect of what happens in and around contentious politics? Historians of emotion might take the argument further. If, as Rosenwein argues, ‘emotions are about things judged important to us’,2if emotions are indications of what matters, of what is valued and devalued, how can scholars interested inanyaspect of social lifenotconsider emotions?

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Myers, C. Daniel, and Dustin Tingley. "The Influence of Emotion on Trust." Political Analysis 24, no. 4 (2016): 492–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpw026.

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Political scientists frequently wish to test hypotheses about the effects of specific emotions on political behavior. However, commonly used experimental manipulations tend to have collateral effects on emotions other than the targeted emotion, making it difficult to ascribe outcomes to any single emotion. In this letter, we propose to address this problem using causal mediation analysis. We illustrate this approach using an experiment examining the effect of emotion on dyadic trust, as measured by the trust game. Our findings suggest that negative emotions can decrease trust, but only if those negative emotions make people feel less certain about their current situation. Our results suggest that only anxiety, a low-certainty emotion, has a negative impact on trust, whereas anger and guilt, two emotions that differ in their control appraisals but induce the same high level of certainty, appear to have no effect on trusting behavior. Importantly, we find that failing to use causal mediation analysis would ascribe apositiveeffect of anxiety on trust, demonstrating the value of this approach.

33

Miller, Patrick R. "The Emotional Citizen: Emotion as a Function of Political Sophistication." Political Psychology 32, no. 4 (May 12, 2011): 575–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2011.00824.x.

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34

Hooghe, Marc, and Gita Deneckere. "Op het elan van de democratie : Emoties als mobilisatiefactor in de Belgische politieke geschiedenis." Res Publica 44, no. 1 (March 31, 2002): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v44i1.18450.

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In recent years, several authors have stated that emotions have come to play a more important role in political life, especially in political mass mobilisation. Ouring the 1990s, Belgium and other Western countries have indeed witnessed some spectacular examples of emotion-driven mobilisation. In this article, we argue that emotions are not an innovation in political mass-mobilisation. Various examples from the Belgian political history of the 19th and 20th centuries demonstrate that emotions have always been a key factor for explaining the occurrence, the form and the outcome of political protest. The mobilising role of emotions cannot be considered as aquantitative innovation, and therefore the expression 'new emotional movements' does not seem warranted. We make the claim that these recent mobilisations are not typical because of their reliance on emotions, but rather because of their tendency toward de-institutionalisation.

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Cíbik, Matej. "Freedom, Resentment and Anger: Emotions in Political Societies." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 29, no. 2 (2022): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2022-2-125.

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The paper seeks to explain how displays of emotion in the public sphere help to shape and structure our thinking about politics and how they challenge and transform the most fundamental philosophical concepts we use. The analysis focuses especially on the concept of freedom and the reactions accompanying its perceived lack or loss, including resentment, anger, fear and frustration. The aim is to show that no political theory is complete without analyzing emotions in the public sphere and assigning them their proper place. However, assigning emotions their proper place in political theory not only means recognizing their significance but also understanding the limits of their significance. The second part of the paper thus argues that assessing emotions relies at least in part on judgements concerning their ‘appropriateness’. The paper then concludes with a version of Rawlsian reflective equilibrium, modelling the relation between displays of emotion in the public sphere and political theory.

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Brownlie, Julie, and Frances Shaw. "Empathy Rituals: Small Conversations about Emotional Distress on Twitter." Sociology 53, no. 1 (May 22, 2018): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518767075.

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There is growing research interest in the sharing of emotions through social media. Usually centred on ‘newsworthy’ events and collective ‘flows’ of emotion, this work is often computationally driven. This article presents an interaction-led analysis of small data from Twitter to illustrate how this kind of intensive focus can ‘thicken’ claims about emotions, and particularly empathy. Drawing on Goffman’s work on ritual, we introduce and then apply the idea of ‘empathy rituals’ to exchanges about emotional distress on Twitter, a platform primarily researched using big data approaches. While the potential of Goffman’s work has been explored in some depth in relation to digital performances, its emotional dimension has been less fully examined. Through a focus on Twitter conversations, we show how reading small data can inform computational social science claims about emotions and add to sociological understanding of emotion in (digital) publics.

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Ross, Andrew A. G. "Realism, emotion, and dynamic allegiances in global politics." International Theory 5, no. 2 (June 4, 2013): 273–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175297191300016x.

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This article appeals to classical realism for new insights into the role emotions play in shifting the terrain of political allegiance in global politics. Although undetected in readings emphasizing rational statecraft, realists such as Hans Morgenthau and Reinhold Niebuhr were centrally concerned with human emotions and their political impact. While following the intellectual currents of their time in regarding emotions as fixed impulses, these realists’ deep appreciation for the contingencies of history also led them to cast emotions as socially conditioned mechanisms of adaptation. By revisiting the texts of classical realism, this paper develops a fresh account of how emotion responds to and engenders change in the social world – in particular, change in the location of political allegiances. I then show how Morgenthau and Niebuhr applied these ideas not only to the nation-state but also to the most vexingtransnational phenomena of their time – communism and liberal internationalism. In conclusion, the paper speculates that these reflections on dynamic allegiances at the transnational level offer realists and other international relation theorists insight into the emotional appeal, adaptability, and organizational complexity of contemporary non-state movements and actors.

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Cottingham, Marci D., and Rebecca J. Erickson. "The Promise of Emotion Practice: At the Bedside and Beyond." Work and Occupations 47, no. 2 (December 4, 2019): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888419892664.

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Emotion scholars have documented the relevance of emotional labor for understanding exhaustion, burnout, and other negative outcomes among workers in care-based occupations. Yet, an emotion management framework that centers emotional labor is not without limitations. The authors use audio diary data from 48 acute care hospital nurses to illustrate how an emotion practice approach can empirically capture complex emotional processes beneath and beyond individual acts of emotional labor. This analysis highlights the interplay of context and self in shaping the occupational outcomes of care workers and illustrates how emotions are simultaneously conscious and embodied, dynamic and structured, individual and collective.

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Wang, Chunfeng. "Implementation of ideological political education concepts on PTSD students: based on educational psychology." CNS Spectrums 28, S2 (October 2023): S12—S13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s109285292300278x.

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Background Psychological trauma refers to the level of exposure during catastrophic events, including wars, sexual assault, earthquakes, etc. After experiencing, witnessing, or encountering these catastrophic events, we will experience varying degrees of emotional reactions such as fear, helplessness, or shock. This study will start with the post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) of college students and analyze the positive impact of ideological and political education concepts on students’ psychological resilience.Subjects and MethodsThis study divided 120 PSTD college students who were affected by earthquake disasters into two groups, each consisting of 60 people. The experimental group received traditional psychological resilience positive emotion regulation therapy, while the control group received life cognitive therapy in ideological and political education based on traditional psychological resilience positive emotion regulation therapy. The study was measured using the Connor Davidson resilience scale (CD RISC).ResultsThe experimental results showed that the experimental group of college students experienced fewer PTSD symptoms and more positive emotions than the control group of college students.ConclusionsIn summary, the experimental group of college students showed a weakened tendency towards automatic processing of earthquake-related words (earthquake disaster words, earthquake rescue words), while experiencing more positive emotions and implicit biases; In the process of cognitive and emotional regulation, the experimental group of college students more effectively used cognitive reappraisal strategies to regulate their cognition and emotional processing of earthquake trauma.AcknowledgementStage Results of the 2022 university-level Scientific Research Project of Hunan University of Information Technology (No. XXY022QN08).

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de León, Ernesto, and Damian Trilling. "A Sadness Bias in Political News Sharing? The Role of Discrete Emotions in the Engagement and Dissemination of Political News on Facebook." Social Media + Society 7, no. 4 (October 2021): 205630512110597. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211059710.

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In this study, we address the role of emotions in political news sharing on Facebook to better understand the complex relationship between journalism, emotions, and politics. Categorizing Facebook Reactions (particularly, the Sad, Angry, Love, and Wow Reactions) according to the discrete emotions model, we evaluate how positive versus negative political content relates to emotional responses, and how this consequentially influences the degree to which articles are shared across social media in the context of an election. We focus on the landmark 2018 Mexican elections to enable a nuanced conversation on how cues of user emotion predict the far-reaching dissemination of news articles on Facebook during a moment of heightened political attention. Our findings demonstrate a negativity bias in news sharing and engagement, showing an outsized prevalence of anger in response to political news. In addition, we provide evidence of a novel sadness bias in the sharing of political coverage, suggesting that emotions considered as deactivating should be reevaluated in the context of social media.

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Steiger, Russell L., Christine Reyna, Geoffrey Wetherell, and Gabrielle Iverson. "Contempt of congress: Do liberals and conservatives harbor equivalent negative emotional biases towards ideologically congruent vs. incongruent politicians at the level of individual emotions?" Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 1 (February 8, 2019): 100–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i1.822.

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Prior research suggests that conservatives are more fear-motivated, disgust-sensitive, and happy than liberals. Yet when it comes to political targets (e.g., politicians), both liberals and conservatives can get very emotional. We examined whether the ideological differences in emotion seen in past research apply to emotions towards specific ideologically similar vs. dissimilar targets, or whether these emotions are instead equivalent between liberals and conservatives. Across two studies, liberals and conservatives rated their anger, contempt, disgust, fear, and happiness towards Democratic and Republican congresspersons. We compared participants’ levels of each emotion towards their respective ideologically dissimilar and ideologically similar congresspersons. Liberals and conservatives both experienced stronger negative emotions towards ideologically dissimilar congresspersons than they did towards ideologically similar ones. Neither liberals nor conservatives differed in negative emotions towards politicians overall (i.e., on average). However, there were ideological differences in emotional bias. In Study 1, liberals exhibited a greater contempt bias (i.e., a larger gap in contempt ratings between ideologically similar and ideologically dissimilar politicians) than conservatives did. In Study 2, liberals exhibited greater contempt, anger, disgust, and happiness biases than conservatives did. The need to consider context in the study of ideological differences in emotion is discussed.

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Feinstein, Yuval, and Maha Shehade Switat. "Keep a Stiff Upper Lip or Wear Your Heart on Your Sleeve? Ethnic Identity and Emotion Management among Arab/Palestinians in Israel." Sociology 53, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518768173.

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This study examines how emotion management is linked to subjective identity among members of ethnic minority groups in ethnically mixed workplaces. Data were drawn from interviews with Arab/Palestinian citizen residents of Israel. The results reveal three distinct strategies of emotion management: (1) Arab/Palestinians, regardless of their subjective identity, tend to conceal emotions during interactions with majority group members; (2) individuals who identify as ‘Arab’ also tend to regulate social interactions to avoid the emotional risks that accompany interactions with majority group members; (3) those who choose a ‘Palestinian’ label are more likely to actively express their ethnic identities despite the emotional risks associated with this type of identification. The findings suggest that emotion management is influenced not only by a person’s assignment to a social minority category (the emphasis of previous research), but also by a person’s subjectively defined identity.

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Ilić, Vladimira. "Empathy as a strategy of bridging the gap between politicians and the people of Serbia." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 9, no. 4 (February 26, 2016): 955. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v9i4.8.

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This paper strives to emphasize one of the roles of emotion in the political activities of political actors. In the last few years, the viewing of politicians as Others by the citizens of Serbia is becoming more and more apparent. Politics itself is viewed through the actions of politicians, which are accompanied by a more and more passive attitude towards politics in general. The paper considers empathy as one of the strategies of overcoming the lack of confidence that citizens have toward domestic politicians, or rather the attempted closeness of politicians and the citizenry and the emotional binding of (certain) politicians to the voters. Empathy is approached as the emotional ability of a person to empathize with another person or group, wherein it is considered not as an emotion but as a capability which leads to certain experiences which we call emotions. Certain politicians demonstrate it, as a strategy of displaying good will, through their public speeches and culturally standardized behavior which is, further, considered as political communication directed towards the public. Aside from the speech and behavior of politicians, the paper analyzes the reactions of the citizens to it in the form of internet comments. As this paper is part of a wider study on the use of emotions, the aim is to use this example to point out that emotions can not only be but are an important aspect of political communication and politics as such.

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Liu, Xiao-Yu, Nai-Wen Chi, and Dwayne D. Gremler. "Emotion Cycles in Services: Emotional Contagion and Emotional Labor Effects." Journal of Service Research 22, no. 3 (March 17, 2019): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1094670519835309.

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Service organizations encourage employees to express positive emotions in service encounters, in the hope that customers “catch” these emotions and react positively. Yet customer and employee emotions could be mutually influential. To understand emotional exchanges in service encounters and their influences on customer outcomes, the current study models the interplay of emotional contagion and emotional labor, as well as their influence on customer satisfaction. Employees might catch customers’ emotions and transmit those emotions back to customers through emotional contagion, and employee emotional labor likely influences this cycle by modifying the extent to which emotional contagion occurs. Data from 268 customer-employee dyads, gathered from a large chain of foot massage parlors, confirm the existence of an emotion cycle. Deep acting, as one type of emotional labor used by employees, hinders the transmission of negative emotions to customers, whereas surface acting facilitates it. Both customer emotions and employee emotional labor thus have critical influences on service encounters. The findings highlight the importance of understanding the potential influence of customer preservice emotions and the presence of an emotion cycle during service delivery.

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Brinkmann, Svend, and Ester Holte Kofod. "Grief as an extended emotion." Culture & Psychology 24, no. 2 (September 25, 2017): 160–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354067x17723328.

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In recent years, human scientists have generalized the so-called hypothesis of the extended mind to human emotional life. The extended mind hypothesis states that objects within the environment function as a part of the mind and are centrally involved in cognition. Some emotion researchers have argued along these lines that there are bodily extended emotions, and (more controversially) environmentally extended emotions. In this article, we will first briefly introduce the idea of the extended mind and extended emotions before applying it to the emotion of grief specifically. We explain by introducing the notion of a cultural affective niche within which grief is scaffolded and enacted. An affective niche couples the person and the environment and enables the realization of affective states.

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Gennaro, Gloria, and Elliott Ash. "Emotion and Reason in Political Language." Economic Journal 132, no. 643 (December 30, 2021): 1037–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ej/ueab104.

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Abstract This paper studies the use of emotion and reason in political discourse. Adopting computational-linguistics techniques to construct a validated text-based scale, we measure emotionality in six million speeches given in U.S. Congress over the years 1858–2014. Intuitively, emotionality spikes during times of war and is highest in speeches about patriotism. In the time series, emotionality was relatively low and stable in earlier years but increased significantly starting in the late 1970s. Across Congress members, emotionality is higher for Democrats, for women, for ethnic/religious minorities, for the opposition party and for members with ideologically extreme roll-call voting records.

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Poma, Alice, and Tommaso Gravante. "THE EMOTIONAL DIMENSION OF MEXICAN CLIMATE ACTIVISM: A SOCIOCULTURAL APPROACH." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 29, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-29-1-103.

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Since many disciplines started to examine emotions in the nineties, studies that focus on emotions and protest have increased, despite the difficulties of systematizing the complex matrix of emotions that activists feel, as well as the limitations that emotion labels create. In this article, we show how using a sociocultural approach to analyze emotions and protest allows us to overcome these limitations that belong to the classical view of emotions. We will do this by analyzing the emotional dimension of the new wave of the climate movement in Mexico (2019-2022). The article focuses on how several long-term and medium-term emotions that activists feel affect their climate activism, influencing, for instance, the framing of the problem, the perception of the threat, and how emotions interact with each other. This article helps highlight both the potential and the difficulties of the sociocultural approach to emotion and protest in the context of the climate crisis.

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von Scheve, Christian. "The Social Calibration of Emotion Expression." Sociological Theory 30, no. 1 (March 2012): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0735275112437163.

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This article analyzes the role of emotions in social interaction and their effects on social structuration and the emergence of micro-social order. It argues that facial expressions of emotion are key in generating robust patterns of social interaction. First, the article shows that actors’ encoding of facial expressions combines hardwired physiological principles on the one hand and socially learned aspects on the other hand, leading to fine-grained and socially differentiated dialects of expression. Second, it is argued that decoding facial expression is contingent upon this combination so that reciprocal attributions of emotional states, situational interpretations, and action tendencies are more effective within rather than across social units. Third, this conjunction affects the conditions for emotional contagion, which is argued to be more effective within social units exhibiting similar encoding and decoding characteristics, and thus aligns emotions and action tendencies in a coherent, yet socially differentiated way.

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González-Hidalgo, Marien, and Christos Zografos. "Emotions, power, and environmental conflict: Expanding the ‘emotional turn’ in political ecology." Progress in Human Geography 44, no. 2 (January 27, 2019): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132518824644.

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Building on the framework of emotional political ecology, we seek to expand ways of studying the relationships between emotion, power, and environmental conflict. Our review of work in feminist studies, human geography, social psychology, social movement theory, and social and cultural anthropology suggests the need for a theoretical framework that captures the psychological, more-than-human, collective, geographical, and personal-political dimensions that intersect subjectivities in environmental conflicts. We stress the need to explicitly consider ‘the political’ at stake when researching emotions in environmental conflicts, and develop a conceptual framework for facilitating nuanced conceptualisations and analyses of subjects and power in environmental conflicts.

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Strezhneva, M. "Emotion and Affect in World Politics." World Economy and International Relations 68, no. 1 (2024): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2024-68-1-127-136.

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In the world (but not yet in Russia specifically) there is already an extensive and rapidly growing amount of literature on the role and place of emotions both in international relations (IR) and in the foreign policy of states. This gives grounds to talk about the “emotional turn” within the framework of IR as a research discipline. But it is also well known that emotions are studied not only by IR, but in psychology, in various areas of neuroscience and in sociology as well. This article deals with some ontological and epistemological issues, arising from the results of multidirectional efforts of many academics to conceptualize the international political role of emotions on the basis of the leading international relations theories. The immediate goal is the exploration in the chosen subject area of the methodological problem of the integration of social science knowledge with achievements from the field of natural sciences. It is proposed to pay particularly close attention in this sense to the paradigm of affective neuroscience. The phenomenon of emotion, in principle, does not fit well with categories, which until now the IR has been focused on. Methodological imperatives of objective research push for the exclusion of subjective emotional experience from the scope of consideration. Constructivists, in their turn, treat emotion as a cognitive belief rather than as a bodily state. But in the article, the emotion is represented as a phenomenon which is both mental and physical. This is a monist view, going back to Spinoza. The research leads to the conclusion that, although social constructivism has good potential for studying the emotions in IR, when intentionally ignoring the biological nature of emotions, social constructivists can weaken their own position in comparison with those academic opponents, who are committed to instrumental rationalism in their approach. Constructivists thus limit with no good reason their own agenda when studying emotions and hinder the development of a transdisciplinary approach to the study of emotions in IR in particular.

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