Дисертації з теми "Political economics of Indonesia"
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1
Waliyo. "Nuclear electric generation : political, social, and economic cost and benefit to Indonesia /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1994. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA294723.
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2
Weinerman, Michael Alexander 1983. "Misleading Modernization: A Case for the Role of Foreign Capital in Democratization." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11986.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
x, 84 p. : ill.Modernization theory posits that economic growth and democratization are mutually constitutive processes. I extend a recent literature that finds this relationship to be spurious due to the existence of a number of international factors, specifically the role of foreign capital. Through two-stage least square (2SLS) regressions for as wide a sample as the data allow and two case studies (Indonesia and the Philippines), I find that the presence of US capital significantly influences domestic political institutions. This relationship, however, is non-linear and interrelated with exogenous shocks.
Committee in charge: Tuong Vu, Chairperson; Craig Parsons, Member; Karrie Koesel, Member; Will Terry, Member
3
Prayudi, Dedek. "Childbearing Trends in Indonesia since the 1998 Political Reform : Weighing the Roles of Economic Development and Socio-demographic Factors." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-78961.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Indonesia has experienced three different political eras: ‘old order’ under the regime ofpresident Soekarno, ‘new order’ under the regime of president Soeharto; and ‘reformationera’ in which democracy has been applied until now. The changes of economic and politicalconditions from one era to another have always gone hand in hand with the development ofthe country’s population. Many social scientists argue that old order is closely associated tohigh mortality and high fertility rate following the regime’s economic failure. On thecontrary, together with socio-economic improvement, family planning program, as one of theproduct of Soeharto regime, is often considered to be a great success in reducing thecountry’s Total Fertility Rate (TFR) from 5.6 in the mid 60’s to 2.4 in the late 90’s beforeanother economic crisis hit the country. As Soeharto resigned in 1998, the national socioeconomyhas been changing to a great extent. This writing weighs the role of economicdevelopment on Indonesian women childbearing behavior from 1999 to 2007 given thedemographic differences. In doing so, I analyze individual-level data which contains evermarriedwomen’s detailed life-course history of childbearing and test the parity-specificeffect of women’s economic status development on their childbearing behavior through eventhistory analysis (proportional hazard regression), given the socio-demographic differences inIndonesia. This thesis suggests that since 1999, the role of socio-economic developmentposes a stronger effect than cultural and religious differences in determining the trend ofwomen’s childbearing behavior. Especially education has very strong positive effect tochildbearing.
4
Putriana, Vima Tista. "Performance measurement of local government in Indonesia." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6808/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study is about public sector performance measurement in the context of developing economies; more specifically, the study focuses on local government performance measurement systems as applied in Indonesia. Although there have been numerous research studies examining performance measurement, most empirical work has been undertaken in the context of developed economies. Performance measurement research in the milieu of developing economies is still very much underdeveloped and the progress is considerably much slower than those in developed economies. This study adopts an interpretive approach and applied case study research method in order, to develop an understanding of a) what drives the new performance measurement b) how it is designed and c) how it is used? The findings show that performance measurement in the context of developing economies tends to be driven by different reasons than compared to those developed economies. The findings also indicated developing economies encounter various challenges in designing and implementing performance measurement which eventually affected the use and usefulness of performance measurement. This study thus contributes to improve our understanding of the design, implementation and use of performance measurement in the context of developing economies. More specifically, it improves our understanding regarding (i) internal and external driving forces for performance measurement initiatives in the developing economies, (ii) the effectiveness of design, implementation and use, (iii) technical, organisational and institutional factors influencing design, implementation and use and the complex interactive effects of these three categories of factors, (iv) the interdependence between design, implementation and use, and (v) the complex conflicts of interest among different stakeholders in this context.
5
Hisada, Toru. "Indigenous Development and Self-Determination in West Papua: A Case Study of the Socio-Political and Economic Impacts of Mining upon the Amungme and Kamoro Communities of West Papua." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2457.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since West Papua was colonized by Indonesia in 1963, West Papuans have endured one of the most disastrous experiences of cultural and environmental destruction, human rights abuses and mass killing of the twentieth century. In the Western Highlands of West Papua, where Freeport McMoRan, a mining company from Louisiana, United States (U.S.), operates, there have been long-standing disputes over environmental justice, human rights, the right to control development, and wealth distribution. Substantial research has been done on the negative impacts of the Freeport's operation on the Amungme and Kamoro communities who reside in the company's operating area. Yet, limited research has been done regarding Freeport's social policies and the possible solutions to the issues which are crucial for the further development of Amungme and Kamoro. Therefore, the thesis firstly examines Freeport's recent social policies which have attempted to address the two communities' concerns as well as the social problems the company has caused around its operating area. The examination suggests that genuine reconciliation between Amungme and Kamoro communities and Freeport is a crucial next step in achieving successful community development in the area. The thesis employs a case study of the South African reconciliation processes via Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to explore the prospects of achieving successful community development in Freeport's operating area of West Papua which might lead to prosperity for the Amungme and Kamoro peoples. In addition to this, the prospect of preventing the human rights violations by the Indonesian Military (Tentera Nasional Indonesia-TNI) is considered. The TNI, by carrying out the role of protecting the Freeport operation, has until today committed a large number of human rights violations against indigenous West Papuans around the mine thus preventing and inhibiting the future development of Amungme and Kamoro communities. Since major countries, including the U.S., the United Kingdom (UK), New Zealand and Australia, have until today, supported the Indonesia state and the TNI, the attitude of Pacific Island states towards the issue is examined. Finally, although the above processes are important, the study suggests the more important role of the Amungme and Kamoro themselves in taking responsibility for their plight and taking positive actions wherever possible to solve the issues surrounding them. Although the conflict continues to the present day, the research contained in the thesis outlines the situation in West Papua only up until November 2006.
6
Hisada, Toru. "Indigenous development and self-determination in West Papua : socio-political and economic impacts of mining upon the Amungme and Kamoro communities of West Papua /." Saarbrücken, Germany : VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2008. http://firstsearch.oclc.org/WebZ/DCARead?standardNoType=1&standardNo=9783639031560:srcdbname=worldcat:fromExternal=true&sessionid=0.
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7
Fathimah, Fida. "The Extractive Institutions as Legacy of Dutch Colonialism in Indonesia : A Historical Case Study." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Industriell teknik, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376456.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
While some countries are thriving in political stability and economicprosperity, others are struggling with political instability and poverty. The fundamental difference between the successful and the failed nations boildown to their institutions, as stated by Acemoglu and Robinson in their influential institutional economics work, “Why Nations Fail”. Inclusive institution is the reason why some countries achieved economic success and prosperity because they allow the population to participate and take advantage of the economic activities while extractive institutions hinder it incase of failed nations. The purpose of this study is to explore more closely how extractive institutions persist in an ex-colonised country in spite of institutional drift andthe political disruptions of post-colonial governments avowedly vying to rid the present of the past. Indonesia is chosen as the subject for this historical desk research case study wherein the relevant history surrounding thecolonial period and the subsequent development will be explored andanalysed through the lens of secondary literature. In addition to being based on textual evidence, the institutional economics approach will be used as a theoretical framework to break down the social, economic, and political aspects of the history. Furthermore, the mechanism of how the institutions evolve will be seen through the political development framework. The result will show that patrimonialism is present as an extractive feature in both modern and colonial Indonesia and how it has been sustained after independence. This study also suggests other extractive features as a legacy ofthe Dutch colonialism that is separate from the native tradition and customs which are Javacentrism and racism in the form of social stratification between races as a result of colonial policies.
8
Verney, Eric. "Indonesie, terre d'avenir." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27468.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The history, culture and ethnic diversity of the Republic of the Indonesia make it a highly complex country. With an area as vast as the whole Europe, at the crossroads of the Indian and Pacific oceans, having abundant natural resources, a dynamic population which is the fourth in the world, Indonesia also benefits from a very resistant economy.Economic take off is supported by a strong political regime that has been led by President Suharto for thirty years now. Foreign investors are attracted by this new, very magnetic and promising market. Faced with a high demand for investments approvals, the government is liberalizing regulations dealing with direct and portfolio investments.
In 1995, Indonesia was the first host country for foreign investments, before the Chinese People's Republic, which amounted to 39.9 billions of dollars.
9
Tilley, Lisa. "The Condition of Market Emergence in Indonesia: Coloniality as Exclusion and Translation in Sites of Extraction." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/238574.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis elaborates a decolonial international political economy (IPE) as a means of examining the condition of market emergence in Indonesia. It presents the term ‘emerging market’ as the contemporary organising grammar which positions Indonesia in relation to international capital flows. This condition of market emergence is further understood in historical colonial perspective as the latest mode of producing Indonesia as an investible site for international capital. My expansion of decolonial IPE is made in this thesis through the analysis of difference-based ‘exclusion’ and ‘translation’, both as vital elements of coloniality and as processes which relate to accumulation and dispossession in an ‘emerging market’ context. I go on to make the case for bringing urban and rural terminable sites of extraction into the same frame of analysis. These are understood similarly here as internal frontiers along which social groups are materially and discursively excluded from the national emerging market project and thus rendered expropriatable. I further analyse the repeated dispossession of these expropriatable groups along with other means of enacting ‘translations’, or enforced alterations in ways of being. These translations are by no means passively accepted and my analysis further demonstrates various means by which these are negotiated and contested. This thesis therefore makes contributions to the literature on decolonial thought and IPE, at the same time as presenting an original examination of Indonesia in its present moment of market emergence.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
10
Wibowo, Farid Arif. "A study on the implementation of Public-Private Partnership (PPP) in the socio-economic, political, cultural and Islamic context of Indonesia." Thesis, Durham University, 2015. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11347/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Public-Private Partnership (PPP), as an arrangement to involve the private sector in the provision of public services, has been extensively adopted in both developed and developing countries. However, the adoption of PPP in developing countries is believed to be more challenging as it encounters unique local contexts. Accordingly, this research aims to explore the implementation of Public-Private Partnership (PPP) in Indonesia by seeing PPP as a practice situated by local settings that relate to socio-economic, political, cultural and religious contexts of Indonesia. Specific attention is paid to the process of PPP diffusion, the development of PPP rationales and the evolution of PPP. To investigate such issues, this study employs an open interpretive methodology, in which a grounded approach is used to extract findings and potential theories from the data. Qualitative methods are employed to collect and analyse the data. Accordingly, the research conducts in-depth interviews with 25 officials of the Indonesian government, international financial institutions and PPP consultants. In addition, to enrich the analysis and complement the main approach, the research also uses quantitative methods to take and analyse a survey involving more than 100 stakeholders of PPP in Indonesia. Key findings on PPP diffusion suggest the central role of the international financial institutions, notably the World Bank, in introducing PPP to Indonesia, facilitated by other channels such as the international community and local actors with Western educational backgrounds. In such a way, the diffusion may occur voluntarily, but it may also be coercive in that Indonesia is driven by conditions obligated by international agencies. On PPP rationales, the findings show that although the lack of government capacity to finance infrastructure provision is developed as the main government rhetoric in adopting PPP, other motives are revealed for implementing PPP. These motives include non-economic motivations such as maintaining access to donor agencies and exploiting benefits directed to personal and political interests. Moreover, findings on PPP evolution suggest that the Indonesian local setting has transformed PPP in Indonesia from a “sector issue” to a “reform issue”, a “planning issue” and, more recently, a “financing issue”. The research contributes to the PPP literature by offering a new framework to study the implementation of PPP, through which a thick description can be provided to show how PPP is both shaped by and shapes its socio-economic, political, cultural and religious settings, suggesting a number of unique characteristics of PPP implementation in Indonesia.
11
Wisnu, Dinna. "Governing Social Security: economic crisis and reform in Indonesia, the Philippines and Singapore." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1179867530.
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12
Djafar, Zainuddin. "Rethinking the Indonesian crisis : a study of the political dimensions of Indonesia's economic crisis, 1997-99." Thesis, University of Reading, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408873.
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13
Harple, Todd S., and tharple@hotmail com. "Controlling the Dragon: An ethno-historical analysis of social engagement among the Kamoro of South-West New Guinea (Indonesian Papua/Irian Jaya)." The Australian National University. Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, 2002. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20030401.173221.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines how the Kamoro (also known as the Mimika) people of the south-west coast of Papua (former Irian Jaya), Indonesia have adapted to major political and economic changes over a long history of interactions with outsiders. More specifically, it is an ethnohistorical analysis of Kamoro strategies of engagement dating back to the seventeenth century, but focusing on the twentieth century. Taking ethnohistory to most generally refer to the investigation of the social and cultural distinctiveness of historical consciousness, this thesis examines how perceptions and activities of the past shape interpretations of the present. Though this thesis privileges Kamoro perspectives, it juxtaposes them against broader ethnohistorical analyses of the outsiders with whom they have interacted. For the Kamoro, amoko-kwere, narratives about the ancestral (and eternal) cultural heroes, underlie indigenous modes of historical consciousness which are ultimately grounded in forms of social reciprocity. One key characteristic of the amoko-kwere is the incorporation of foreign elements and their reformulation as products of indigenous agency. As a result of this reinterpretation expectations are raised concerning the exchange of foreign material wealth and abilities, both classified in the Kamoro language as kata. Foreign withholding of kata emerges as a dominant theme in amoko-kwere and is interpreted as theft, ultimately establishing relationships of negative reciprocity between the Kamoro and the powerful outsiders. These feelings are mirrored in contemporary Kamoro conceptions of their relationships with the Indonesian State and the massive PT Freeport Indonesia Mining Company who use a significant amount of Kamoro land for deposition of mining waste (tailings) and for the development of State and company infrastructure.
14
Dugis, Vinsensio. "Australian-Indonesian relations : a study of political, economic and defence cooperation (1986-1996) /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armd866.pdf.
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15
Rosser, Andrew. "Creating markets: The politics of economic liberalism in Indonesia since the mid-1980s." Thesis, Rosser, Andrew (1999) Creating markets: The politics of economic liberalism in Indonesia since the mid-1980s. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1999. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/50874/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the dynamics that have shaped the process of economic liberalisation in Indonesia since the mid-1980s. In contrast to scholars working within the rational choice tradition, I argue that economic liberalisation needs to be understood, not in terms of the victory of economic rationality over political and social interests, but rather the way in which political and social interests shape processes of economic reform in both a positive and negative sense. More specifically, I argue that it needs to be understood in terms of the extent to which economic crises shift the balance of power and influence within society away from coalitions opposed to reform and towards those in favour of reform. In the Indonesian context, I argue that the main coalitions that need to be examined in this respect are the politico-bureaucrats and the conglomerates who have generally opposed reform and mobile capitalists who have generally supported reform.
The substantive chapters of the thesis use this perspective to explain the pattern of economic liberalisation in Indonesia since the mid-1980s. It is argued that economic liberalisation between the mid-1980s and mid-1997 was partial in nature because, although the mid-1980s economic crisis substantially enhanced the structural leverage of mobile capitalists and weakened the position of the politico-bureaucrats and the conglomerates, it did not threaten the latter’s political dominance. Within this context, whilst the Indonesian government forced to promote economic liberalisation, it did so only in those areas where the politico-bureaucrats and the conglomerates did not have major interests at stake or where they would actually benefit from liberalisation. By contrast, economic liberalisation since the collapse of the rupiah in 1997-1998 has been much more extensive because this time economic crisis has opened up opportunities for opposition elements to challenge the political dominance of the politico-bureaucrats and the conglomerates. At the same time, however, economic liberalisation has not been total because, although the politico-bureaucrats and the conglomerates have been severely weakened by the rupiah crisis, they have not been entirely destroyed. Furthermore, although mobile capitalists have now achieved a position of unprecedented power, they have been unable to seize direct control of the state apparatus.
In this context, I suggest that there is nothing inevitable about a transition to a fully-fledged liberal market order in Indonesia. Without a strong pro-reform coalition in direct control of the state apparatus, the country may head not in the direction of liberal markets, but rather towards one of three alternative outcomes: chaos, autarky, or Thai-style “money politics”.
16
Syakhroza, Akhmad. "Influence of politics on the budgeting process : a study of the fertiliser manufacturing industry in Indonesia." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1043.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study investigates the influence of politics on the budgeting process within the fertiliser manufacturing industry in Indonesia. Prior budgeting studies have focused on one of the following three theoretical frameworks - economic, psychological, and social. This study expands the research corpus by assessing the effect of politics on the budgeting process. The objectives of this study arc: (a) to investigate the effect of politics in the relationship between managerial roles and budgeting process – budgetary participation, budgetary communication, and budgetary control including budgetary monitoring and budgetary evaluation, and (b) to assess the impact of structural and individual power on the budgeting process. The study uses a mixed research methodology survey method supplemented by interviews. The survey questionnaire is adapted from previous studies. The sample for this study consists of four fertiliser-manufacturing enterprises in the state owned sector of Indonesia. The respondents of the survey questionnaire were middle managers responsible for unit budgets in the sample companies. Respondents were asked to rate on a seven-point scale their agreement or disagreement with issues concerning the budgeting process, managerial roles and politics. Survey interviews, based on the questionnaire, were developed for a select group of respondents, consisting of middle and senior managers. The results of the study, both survey questionnaire and interviews, indicate that politics has significant influence on the budgeting process. Further, it showed that the influence appeared different, depending whether structural or individual power is involved. The major implications of this study centre on the strong moderating effect of politics on the relationship between the budgeting process and managerial roles: this seems to be a relevant construct and should be developed further. Hopefully, the study will advance the thinking of scholars in this area and create interest in replicating this method of analysis and validating the findings. The conceptual model should also be applied to the role of politics on the budgeting process in other industries to assess the external validity of the model.
17
Muluk, Safrul. "The Indonesian army and political Islam : a political encounter 1966-1977." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33307.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The main objective of this study is to analyze the political struggle between the Indonesian army and Islamic political parties in the New Order era between 1966--1977. The historical background of the involvement of the army in politics and the attempt of political Islam to establish an Islamic state is a central issue that characterized the relationship between these two groups. When the New Order came to power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over politically organized Islam. With the army emerged as the most significant political force, there was no choice for political Islam except to reformulate its political agenda in order to suit national development program undertaken by the military backed government. The future of political Islam and the involvement of the army in the social and political arena in Indonesia field has since then been central to the development of political system in that country.
18
Prawiradinata, Muhamad Salmun. "Stability, elites and development policy in the new order Indonesia 1966-1983." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111321.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
One of the most striking characteristics of Third World countries is
political instability. Although not all Third World states are politically unstable,
witness for example Saudi Arabia and Nepal, many nations of both
democratic and authoritarian leanings have experienced strong political
challenges in maintaining established political order and national unity. These
political challenges can take the forms of mass demonstration, riots or even
coups.
19
Majani, Saiful. "Religious democrats: democratic culture and Muslim political participation in post-Suharto Indonesia." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1054572222.
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20
Juhannis, Hamdan. "Mohamad Roem's political activities and Islamic political vision (1908-1983)." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0018/MQ56702.pdf.
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21
Azdan, M. Donny. "Water policy reform in Jakarta, Indonesia : a CGE analysis /." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373993667.
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22
Rahmawati, Arifah. "Papuan enthno-political conflict : causes, contexts, and policy implication /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FRahmawati.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Security Building in Post-Conflict Environment))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Douglas Porch. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-77). Also available online.
23
Alhumami, Amich. "Political power, corruption, and witchcraft in modern Indonesia." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39273/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the relationships between political power, corruption, and witchcraft in modern Indonesia through an analysis of the discursive construction of these concepts in Indonesian society. The subject is approached through an observation of how public discourses of corruption and sorcery are used by people in an instrumental way to talk about and understand political processes in the country. The central argument of the thesis is that Indonesian society experiences contemporary politics in a context that combines values and practices of political modernity and secular rationality with those of witchcraft, sorcery, and the occult. The thesis demonstrates how Indonesian politics has been transformed into a modern-secular democracy by juxtaposing traditionalism and modernism. Both are interconnected features of contemporary Indonesian modernity. The thesis focuses on corruption and sorcery discourses within the context of the political democracy that has been established in Indonesia following the collapse of the New Order state. There is currently a great deal of expectation that the system of democracy will promote public participation - in the sense that people become involved in political processes, that civil society becomes more effective and that the holders of state powers become more accountable - which should in turn curb corruption. Unfortunately, corruption appears to be pervasive within the new democratic polity, and both corruption and sorcery persist alongside the dynamics of political contestations and power struggles. In the light of continuing corruption practices, many groups of Indonesian society initiate anti-corruption movements by mobilizing social and political resources through collective action. Anti-corruption initiatives are taken by both state institutions and civil society associations, and seek to improve public governance and promote political reform. Nevertheless, non-state actors—NGOs and civil society agencies—appear to have become the major voices of public criticism against corruption and they have taken the lead in promoting anti-corruption reforms. These actors involve educated people from the urban middle classes: social and political activists, intellectuals, artists, poets, journalists, as well as religious leaders associated with Islamic organizations: the Nahdhatul Ulama (NU), the Muhammadiyah, and the Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). It is argued that the ideas and practices of anti-corruption have found new spaces of expression under the new democratic system, and that Indonesian civil society and NGO activists are determined to continue their struggles to fight corruption for the betterment of the nation despite a great deal of opposition which is mostly political. They believe that the new system of political democracy will be much more beneficial for all Indonesian people if corruption can be eliminated from state agencies and political institutions.
24
LAU, Wun Yin Wilson. "Terrorism : a new threat for Indonesia? : an analysis on the national security of Indonesia in the post-Suharto period." Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2004. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/pol_etd/6.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Indonesia is the fourth most heavily populated nation in the world with over 210 million inhabitants. Almost half of all Southeast Asians live in Indonesia, and it is also the world’s most populated Muslim nation. These features make it a crucial country in the Southeast Asian Region, as well as in the world. Therefore, the national security of this country is very important to the region and the world.
Security or national security covers dealing with the threat(s) to the state, so, in order to study this issue, we need to identify what kind of threat is behind the scenario.
Indonesia’s post-independence political history has been dominated by two long serving presidents. During Sukarno’s period (1949-1965), external or conventional military threats ranked the highest priority in the agenda of national security; but after the fall of Sukarno in 1965, under Suharto’s New Order (1966-1998), the focus was changed to internal threats, such as secessionist movements, religious conflicts, radicalism and so on. The security goals of the New Order government were to maintain sovereignty, unity, integrity and stability though economic development and military suppression. However, in May 1998, anti-government demonstrations (Reformasi Movement) make Suharto step down. Within 2 years, the presidency of Indonesia changed 3 times, from Suharto to Habibie; from Habibie to Wahid; and from Wahid to Megawati. In addition, after the September 11th incident, the whole international environment has changed as well. Therefore, is there any change to the national security parameters of Indonesia in such a new era?
The purpose to this research project is to find out what has happened to Indonesian national security priorities in the post-Suharto period. To a certain extent, the security goals of those post-Suharto governments are almost the same as during the Suharto period---maintaining national unity and integrity plus restoring Indonesia’s international creditability, in order to achieve a stable country. However, after the September 11th incident, the world has been pushed on to a “war on terror” led by United States, and the explosion on the island of Bali in October 2002 have suddenly put Southeast Asia on the frontline of the “war on terror” and heightened concerns about the threat of terrorism to Indonesia’s national security and its national credibility. Therefore, will terrorism become a new threat to Indonesia? How deep is the impact that terrorist activities can make on Indonesia?
In order to answer the above questions, this thesis will be focusing on three aspects; firstly, how terrorism intensifies the pre-existing internal security threats of Indonesia. Secondly, the emergence of ‘new terrorism’ in the contemporary Indonesian political economy. Thirdly, the limitations on or difficulties for the Indonesian government in tackling terrorism.
25
Sharma, Anisha. "Essays on the allocation of labour and capital in Indonesia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:28a660e8-a87f-420f-9b09-16000a22281a.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation comprises three essays on the allocation of labour and capital in a large developing country, Indonesia. In the first essay, I examine the impact of the 1998 East Asian recession on child schooling outcomes in Indonesia. Using panel data on 7-15 year-olds, I exploit the heterogeneous impact of the recession across urban communities as measured by the variation in rice price increases, under the assumption that communities where rice prices increased the most were those where real wages declined the most. I find that for the youngest children (aged 7-12 years) there is a large negative impact of higher rice prices on school attendance and no effect on labour market participation. For older children (aged 13-15 years), schooling enrolment does not respond to rice prices but labour market participation declines sharply in the worst-hit communities. I find no evidence of adverse long-term consequences on human capital formation. In the second essay, I test the hypothesis that there exists a significant earnings differential between similar workers in the formal and informal sectors. Using panel data on salaried and self-employed individuals, I find that after controlling for firm size and individual-specific heterogeneity, there is no formal sector earnings premium, except in the public sector. The results are robust to the presence of unpaid family workers, measurement error, and non-random attrition in the survey. This questions the commonly held belief that labour markets in developing countries are segmented because of legal institutions that protect high formal sector earnings. In the third essay, I estimate the effect of a large exchange rate depreciation on the performance of importers. The ability to manage volatility in the cost of imported inputs is likely to depend on a firm's access to external sources of finance as well its ability to hedge against exchange rate movements. Using data from a census on Indonesian firms, I find that while domestic importers face lower value-added due to a rise in their costs of production, foreign-owned importers fare better: they are more likely to sustain higher value-added, hire more labour and use more materials than domestic owned firms. This suggests another channel through which FDI can add value to a firm in a developing country, particularly with the increasing importance of trade in intermediate goods.
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Elk, Robert E. "A study of the effects of the Southeast Asian intrusive power system on the foreign policy of Indonesia /." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64076.
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Sumengen, Elif Deniz Gulenc. "Education Dynamics in a Developing Country| Evidence from Indonesia." Thesis, State University of New York at Stony Brook, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10145874.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
There is an urgent need for upper secondary-level and above educated people in Indonesia. According to a recent report, Indonesian companies cannot fill 50% of their entry level positions. To increase the educational attainment, government has been implementing various polices, such as school construction program, compulsory education and allocating 20% of its budget to education, but inadequate enrollment at upper secondary and tertiary levels and the quality of education still remain as big problems. To shed a light on these urgent and recent problems, I ask four questions: a) What is the effect of school quality on tertiary attainment? b) Which school level does the quality matter more? c) Which factors prevent high ability individuals to get tertiary attainment? d) How important is parental background for educational attainment at each stage of the educational path? Previous work focused on school quality’s effect on lower secondary education, and a lack of upper secondary-level and above educated people is an issue only brought up recently and analyzed in this paper. I show that primary school quality has a direct effect on tertiary attainment besides its indirect effect due to the accumulation of school quality at each level. To generate my dataset, I use four waves of Indonesia Family Life Survey. My model accounts for unobserved heterogeneity to handle self selection issues in education. This is one of the few studies in a developing country modeling long term educational decisions. I analyze the role of family background, location, personal characteristics, number of schools used in each community, primary school quality, as well as student’s ability and motivation for transitions to lower secondary, upper secondary, and tertiary education in Indonesia. With a focus on tertiary educational attainment, I show that long term factors and early fundamental education play a big role. These findings further support the importance of promoting cognitive ability and high quality education early in life; especially for those who are coming from more disadvantaged environments.
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Drometer, Marcus. "Essays in Political Economics." Diss., lmu, 2009. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:19-96230.
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SKHIRTLADZE, SOPHIKO. "Essays in Political Economics." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/7325.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Questa tesi è composta di quattro capitoli, aventi come comune denominatore lo studio dell’economia dei media. Il primo capitolo fornisce una rassegna della letteratura teorica riguardante l’economia politica dei media con maggiore enfasi sulle economie emergenti. Il secondo capitolo analizza il ruolo dell’economia politica di “media capture”. È presentato un modello dinamico d’interazione tra media e audience che contempla la possibilità di compensazioni illecite da parte del governo in carica. Il modello sviluppato produce una serie d’intuizioni interessanti circa la relazione tra caratteristiche dell’industria dell’informazione, “media capture”, ed esiti elettorali. Il terzo capitolo studia come il meccanismo d’incentivazione per i potenziali candidati politici è influenzato dall’industria dell’informazione. È presentata un’estensione del modello cittadino-candidato proposto da Osborne e Slivinski (1997) e Besley e Coate (1997) attraverso l’introduzione di costi eterogenei associati alla candidatura elettorale. L’ultimo capitolo esamina la relazione tra i mezzi d’informazione e concentrazione politica guardando all’introduzione e alla diffusione di internet ad alta velocità agli inizi del ventunesimo secolo negli Stati Uniti. L’evidenza di causalità presentata dimostra come la diffusione di internet abbia aumentato fenomeni di estremismo ideologico negli Stati Uniti nella storia recente da parte dei rappresentanti politici.This thesis consists of four self-contained chapters. The four chapters have the common denominator that they all deal with political economics of media. In the first chapter I review theoretical literature on politics of media with focus on emerging economies. In the second chapter I analyze political economy of media capture. I introduce dynamic model of media and audience relationship with the possibility of side payments from the incumbent government. The model developed here produces a number of interesting insights in the relationship between features of the media industry, media capture, and political outcomes. In the third chapter I study how the incentive mechanism for potential political candidates to emerge and run for the office is shaped by the media environment. I extend the original citizen-candidate model proposed by Osborne and Slivinski (1997) and Besley and Coate (1997) by introducing heterogeneous costs associated with running for the office. The last chapter examines links between media and political polarization by looking at the introduction and diffusion of high speed internet at the onset of the 21st century in the United States. I provide causal evidence that internet diffusion has increased ideological extremism of US representatives in the recent history.
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Rockey, James Charles. "Essays on political economics." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446187.
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Venkatesh, Raghul S. "Essays in political economics." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91957/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In Chapter 1, I develop a theory of activism and polarization in the context of electoral competition. I establish that the relationship between ideological polarization of activists and political polarization depends critically on the activists' willingness to engage in the campaign. Specifically, when the willingness to engage is within a threshold, increased partisanship among activists reduces political polarization – meaning candidates compromise rather than diverge. Welfare results suggests that partisan gap could hurt voters when activists have a high willingness to engage. In Chapter 2, I analyze a modified version of the classic Crawford-Sobel (CS) model of strategic communication between an informed Sender and uninformed Receiver, with the following two innovations: both players now take actions, and they are strategic substitutes. Contrary to the CS setup, the modified game does allow for perfect information revelation. When the Sender is able to compensate sufficiently for every state, there is full information revelation. When this is violated, there are only partial revelation equilibria. Under partial revelation, the Sender reveals information up to a threshold state, and pools beyond this threshold, resulting in loss of information. Welfare analysis suggests that a partial revelation equilibrium with higher threshold is both ex-ante Pareto efficient and interim efficient. In Chapter 3, we develop a model of alliance formation between players with the following features: substitutability in actions; a need for information sharing; preference heterogeneity; and, resource constraints. The main result is the following: with public communication, there is full information aggregation as long as preferences of players are sufficiently cohesive. We derive a precise bound to characterize cohesiveness, and provide an informational rationale for alliance formation.
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Yustika, Ahmad Erani. "Transaction Cost Economics of the Sugar Industry in Indonesia /." Kiel : Wissenschaftsverl, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/480269734.pdf.
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Halldorsson, Jon Ormur. "State, class and regime in Indonesia structural impediments to democratisation /." Thesis, University of Kent, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/38734269.html.
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Mawardi, Ahmad Imam. "Socio-political background of the enactment of Kompilasi Hukum Islam di Indonesia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0002/MQ43914.pdf.
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Wellstead, K. James. "Evolving Governance Spaces: Coal Livelihoods in East Kalimantan, Indonesia." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/19910.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Coal mining carries significant impacts for surrounding livelihood practices. Yet, in order to explain how specific impacts become grounded within a particular community, attention must be given to the complex assemblage of socio-political and economic forces operating at the local scale. As such, this paper builds upon 3 months of field research in 2010 to describe the impact of decentralized extractive resource governance at coal mines near the rural coastal village of Sekerat, East Kalimantan. Employing evolutions in political ecology research, the analysis focuses on the evolving governance ‘space’ in order to explain how institutional analyses of resource extraction governance and livelihood governance can be integrated to understand how scalar processes construct a range of real and perceived impacts which condition the decision-making modalities of local villagers. A case is then made for giving greater consideration to the importance of temporality and materiality to explaining how land-based and wage-labour livelihood practices have become ‘reified’ within the local village.
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Chua, LuFong 1978. "Konfrontasi : rethinking explanations for the Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation, 1963-1966." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8260.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 79-81).
This thesis is a study of the causes of "Konfrontasi" or Confrontation, the low-intensity war waged by the Republic of Indonesia, under the leadership of President Sukarno, against the Federation of Malaysia, which became independent in 1963. The Confrontation lasted between 1963 and 1966. The thesis compares three categories of hypotheses or arguments for its causes - threat, ideology, and domestic politics - and evaluates each type of argument in tum. The "threat" argument claims that Malaysia posed a security threat to Indonesia, and that the Confrontation was the outcome of a security dilemma between both states. The "threat" of Malaysia has some substantive elements necessary to justify Indonesian aggression, but it is shown to be largely an exaggerated claim, and does not provide a sufficient motive for the conflict. The "ideology" argument claims that the Indonesia Confrontation was driven by the ideology of the Indonesian Revolution and the central role of Indonesia in leading a struggle of New Emerging Forces against the Old Established Forces of neo-colonialism, colonialism and imperialism. It is shown that this argument has more substance than the "threat" argument, since Indonesian ideology traces its existence independently to earlier Indonesian historical experience, and Confrontation could not have been rationalized without recourse to ideological principles. However, this thesis also shows how the "ideology" hypothesis for Confrontation is over-determined, as Indonesian ideology did not necessarily make Confrontation an inevitable and necessary outcome. Ideology was necessary, but insufficient for motivating the decision to confront Malaysia. Finally, the "domestic politics" argument draws its claims from the idea that the Indonesian Confrontation was a "diversionary war" against the Malaysia, where the latter filled the role of "scapegoat," "bogeyman" or "safety valve." According to this argument, the Confrontation was started in order to contain serious internal disunities in the Indonesian government, most notably between the army and the ascendant communist party, and to unite these conflicting elements in a nationalist cause. This thesis finds the greatest evidence and theoretical support for this "domestic politics" explanation of Confrontation, and finds this account to be the most consistent and satisfactory argument.
by LuFong Chua.
S.M.
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Simpson, Jon Mark. "The political determinants of access to higher education in Indonesia /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487687485811293.
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Widodo, Teguh. "Performance-based budgeting : evidence from Indonesia." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7501/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis investigates the implementation of performance-based budgeting through a case-study of Indonesia. It examines the use by government officials/practitioners of performance information in the planning and budget-making process at the national level within Indonesia. In particular, the thesis assesses the impact that performance results have on budget allocations vis-a-vis other factors affecting budget allocation decisions. It also identifies the key challenges for government officials in seeking to implement a performance-based budgeting regime, especially, the challenge of moving the actual practice of budgetmaking model further away from a traditional incremental approach. The research for the thesis has involved a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis, with three different data collection methods deployed. Interviews were conducted with fifty three government officials from the Ministry of Planning, the Ministry of Finance, seven other ministries/agencies and Parliament. A questionnaire was also designed and administered with seventy nine line ministry/agency officials. Finally, statistical analysis of performance scores and budget data was undertaken for 435 spending programmes covering 86 line ministries/agencies over the period 2011- 2014. A key conclusion from the study is that Indonesia has made significant efforts in the direction of using performance information in its budgetary planning processes. The Ministry of Planning, the Ministry of Finance, and line ministries/agencies have been particularly active in leading change in this respect. That said, the evidence gathered from the interviews, questionnaire responses and statistical analysis clearly show that, as elsewhere around the world, the impact of performance information on resource allocation decisions has, so far, been quite limited, and that incrementalism continues to dominate budgetary decision-making. While performance information is becoming increasingly important for managerial purposes within line ministries/agencies, the more challenging goal of breaking well-established budget-setting practices and instituting a more performance-driven allocation model is largely still to be achieved.
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Syaroni, Mizan. "The Majlisul Islamil Ala Indonesia (MIAI) : its socio-religious and political activities (1937-1943)." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21270.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis investigates the activities of the Majlisul Islamil A`la Indonesia (MIAI), an Islamic federative organization of pre-independent Indonesia, elaborating in particular on the federation's socio-religious and political stance. Operating for only six years (1937--1943), the MIAI represented Muslim groups, as a counterpart to the "secularists," within the nationalist movement during both the final years of Dutch rule and the early stages of the Japanese occupation. The MIAI was established for the specific purpose of unifying the Islamic organizations---political and non-political, traditionalist and modernist alike---while at the same time reviving Muslim political and socio-religious strength after the decline of the Sarekat Islam, which had for almost fifteen years dominated the nationalist scene.The mission of the MIAI was seen by Muslims as a response to the threat posed by external forces. It reacted in particular against Dutch policies considered discriminatory by Muslims concerning matters involving Islamic belief and practice, such as marriage and education. The federation also took a strong stand regarding Christian polemic aimed at Islam and took part in Indonesian Muslim response. That the establishment of the MIAI was favored by most Islamic organizations attested to the strong sentiment among Indonesian Muslims for a common front, regardless of their differences on socio-religious and political issues. Together with the GAPI (Gabungan Partai Politik Indonesia or the Federation of Indonesian Political Parties) and the PVPN (Persatuan Vakbonden Pegawai Negeri, or the Association of Government Employees), the MIAI took part in demanding political reform on behalf of Muslim groups. Indeed, notwithstanding its short life span, the MIAI was a pioneer for national unity in general and Indonesian Muslim unity in particular.
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Hapsari, Maharani. "The Political Economy of Forest Governance in Post-Suharto Indonesia." Gadjah Mada University Press, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/15874.
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Elmhirst, Rebecca Jane. "Gender, environment and culture : political ecology of transmigration in Indonesia." Thesis, Imperial College London, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10044/1/8414.
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Gilligan, Daniel. "The economics of agricultural labor exchange with evidence from Indonesia." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/198.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2004.Thesis research directed by: Agricultural and Resource Economics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Olsson, J. Mikael. "Austrian Economics as Political Philosophy." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-111489.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Austrian school of economics is an unorthodox approach to economics whose adherents have mostly been libertarian in their political outlook. This dissertation explores the connections between Austrian economic theory and libertarian political philosophy, and casts doubt on the claim often propounded that Austrian economics itself naturally leads to libertarianism. Instead it is claimed here that Austrian economics is an open-ended theory that can lead to very different political conclusions, depending on the normative principles with which it is combined. Therefore it is crucial to analyze both the economic theory and the ethics of any political thinker of the Austrian school, and the bulk of the analysis must lean on the latter since the economic theory itself does not lead to the types of libertarianism that is put forward by the most famous economists and philosophers of the Austrian school. The ethical theories of four Austrian school proponents are analyzed in this dissertation: Ludwig von Mises, F. A. Hayek, Murray Rothbard and Hans-Hermann Hoppe. The conclusion is that there are several problems with their theories, although the problems are of different kinds, ranging from metaethics to empirical application and operationalization.
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SILVEIRA, BERNARDO SANTOS DA. "TWO ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ECONOMICS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2007. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=10614@1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOREsta dissertação consiste em duas partes independentes. A primeira delas é uma avaliação empírica de ciclos políticos orçamentários nos municípios brasileiros. Nessa parte, investigamos primeiramente se as receitas e despesas municipais variam com a proximidade das eleições para prefeito. Em seguida, estimamos os efeitos dos níveis de competição política e transparência governamental sobre a magnitude dos ciclos orçamentários. Nossos resultados sugerem a existência de fortes ciclos orçamentários nos municípios do Brasil, embora seja difícil identificar uma relação causal entre tais ciclos e o calendário eleitoral. Além disso, encontramos evidência de que maior competição política e menor transparência governamental geram incentivos para que os prefeitos em exercício invistam mais nos últimos anos de seus mandatos. Na segunda parte da dissertação, procuramos estimar o impacto de propaganda eleitoral sobre o desempenho dos candidatos a prefeito e governador no Brasil. Estudos anteriores estabeleceram a idéia de que gastos de campanha e propaganda política teriam impacto muito modesto sobre os resultados de pleitos eletivos. No entanto, esses estudos sofrem de problemas sérios de identificação, como omissão de variáveis relevantes e causalidade reversa. Em nosso trabalho, exploramos uma fonte de variação exógena na distribuição dos tempos de propaganda entre os candidatos produzida pela legislação eleitoral brasileira. Nossos resultados indicam que a propaganda política por meio de rádio e televisão exerce um forte efeito sobre o desempenho dos candidatos.
This thesis consists on two independent parts. The first one is an empirical evaluation of political budget cycles in Brazil. The research question is twofold. We ask the factual question of whether municipal level receipts and expenditures vary with the proximity of elections for mayor. Then, we investigate the effects of political competitiveness and govern transparency on the size of the budget cycles. Our results suggest the existence of strong budgetary cycles in the Brazilian municipalities, though it is difficult to identify a causal relationship between such cycles and the electoral calendar. Also, according to our findings, higher political competitiveness and lower govern transparency generate incentives for the incumbent mayors to invest more in the last year of their terms. In the second part of the thesis, we estimate the impact of political advertising on candidate performance in Brazilian mayoral and gubernatorial elections. Previous studies have established a minimal effects conventional wisdom that campaign spending and advertising have little impact on elections outcome. However, such studies suffer from omitted variable bias and reverse causality. We explore a quasi-natural experiment produced by Brazilian electoral legislation, and show that TV and radio advertising have a strong effect on candidates´ electoral performance.
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Perotti, Roberto. "Three essays in political economics." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13886.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Economics, 1991.Title as it appears in the M.I.T. Graduate List, June 1991: Three essays in political economy.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-123).
by Roberto Perotti.
Ph.D.
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Meloni, Luís Eduardo Negrão. "Essays in empirical political economics." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-19022016-120257/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis is a collection of three independent essays in empirical political economics. The first chapter investigates if the presence of appointed mayors in a subset of municipalities during the Brazilian dictatorship led to elite capture. This is done comparing measures of inequality after redemocratization between municipalities that had appointed mayors with municipalities where mayors were elected directly. The main results are consistent with the hypothesis of elite capture and indicate income inequality increased more in municipalities that had mayors appointed by the regime. The second chapter investigates the extent to which media vehicles are prone to political capture in the context of the Brazilian dictatorship. This is done by investigating the effects of Rede Globo, the main Brazilian television station, on electoral outcomes of mayoral elections during the Brazilian dictatorship, mainly on the share of votes obtained by ARENA, the ruling party during the dictatorship. The main effects documented in this chapter show that during the first years of the military dictatorship, Globo has a positive effect on ARENA\'s vote-share. In the latter years, however, the effect becomes negative and, on average, overlaps the positive result. It is provided evidence that this break in the effect of Globo is associated with a change in the company\'s position towards the regime and in the content of the shows broadcast by Globo. The third chapter investigates if teachers with strong partisan stances are capable of influencing electoral outcomes through shaping their students\' voting behavior. This is done by exploiting unique datasets on party-affiliated voters, on public high school teachers and on election results and voter characteristics in the state of São Paulo, Brazil. The main findings of this chapter are suggestive of a positive and significant effect of the presence of affiliated teachers on the electoral performance of the corresponding party, especially in elections based on plurality voting systems.Esta tese é composta por três ensaios empíricos em economia política. O primeiro capítulo investiga se a presença de prefeitos nomeados em um subconjunto de municípios durante a ditadura brasileira levou à captura por parte da elite. Isso é feito comparando medidas de desigualdade após a redemocratização entre municípios que tiveram prefeitos nomeados e municípios onde os prefeitos foram eleitos democraticamente. Os principais resultados deste capítulo são consistentes com a hipótese de captura e indicam que a desigualdade de renda aumentou mais em municípios que tiveram prefeitos nomeados pelo regime e que isso se deve principalmente a um aumento na parcela de rendimentos auferidos pelos mais ricos. O segundo capítulo investiga em que medida os veículos de comunicação são propensos a captura política no contexto da ditadura brasileira. Isso é feito investigando os efeitos da Rede Globo, a principal emissora de televisão brasileira, sobre os resultados eleitorais das eleições para prefeito durante a ditadura brasileira, especialmente sobre o percentual de votos obtido pela ARENA, o partido de situação durante a ditadura militar. Os principais efeitos mostram que durante os primeiros anos da ditadura, a Globo tem um efeito positivo sobre o percentual de votos obtidos pela ARENA. Nos últimos anos, no entanto, o efeito torna-se negativo e, em média, sobrepõe-se o resultado positivo dos primeiros anos. São fornecidas evidências de que esta quebra no efeito da Globo está associado a uma mudança na posição da empresa em relação ao regime e no conteúdo dos programas transmitidos por ela. O terceiro capítulo investiga se professores com fortes posições partidárias são capazes de interferir nos resultados eleitorais a partir de influência exercida sobre o voto dos seus alunos. Para isso são utilizados dados sobre filiação partidária de eleitores, sobre professores das escolas públicas e sobre resultados eleitorais e características dos eleitores no Estado de São Paulo, Brasil. As principais conclusões deste capítulo sugerem um efeito positivo e significativo da presença de professores filiados sobre o desempenho eleitoral do partido correspondente, especialmente em eleições majoritárias.
47
Adamson, Jordan. "The Economics of Political Violence." Thesis, Clemson University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10271914.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We live in what is probably the most peaceful time in hundreds, if not thousands of years (Pinker 2012). This peace has major implications for human welfare, yet the causes of peace are not well understood (N. P. Gleditsch et al. 2013). My dissertation helps us understand those causes by examining how internal political institutions and external political competition affect violence.
48
Rifai, Nurlena. "Muslim women in Indonesia's politics : an historical examination of the political career of Aisyah Aminy." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69679.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis deals with the political participation of Muslim women since the colonial period into the New Order period. It is a study of the Indonesian women's movement in its different trends: the roles of women in gaining and defending Indonesian independence as well as in Indonesia's politics in the Liberal Democracy, Guided Democracy, and New Order periods. It investigates the reasons for the relatively limited participation of women in politics. This low level of political participation is indicated by the ratio of women membership in the House of People's Representatives (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat), in the Consultative Assembly (MPR, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), and in the central boards of political organizations. This thesis also focuses on the political career and discourse of Aisyah Aminy, and examines her involvement as a case study. The prominence of Aisyah Aminy lies in her ability to transcend the barriers which usually obstruct Muslim women from getting involved in politics.
49
Wibisono, Makarim. "The political economy of the Indonesian textile industry under the New Order government." The Ohio State University, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/20920285.html.
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Gumilang, Howard Putra. "Economic and environmental impacts of trade liberalization: the case of Indonesia." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86586.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the environmental impacts of trade liberalization given the rising environmental awareness of the general public. Unfortunately, existing studies have yet to arrive at a consensus in this area. This thesis provides further discourse in this area with a case study of Indonesia and its participation in free trade agreement with Japan (IJEPA) and ASEAN (AFTA). A static global CGE model, known as Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) was used to assess the economic and environmental impacts of growth and trade liberalization. Projection of the Indonesian economy to the year 2022 suggested that it will grow rapidly over this period. Comparison of trade liberalization scenarios with a counterfactual base, however, indicates that Indonesia's participation in these trade agreements will only have a marginal positive impact on Indonesia's industrial output. Nevertheless, it did result in a noticeable increase in trade flows and there were signs of trade diversion occurring. In 2022, it was projected that Indonesia will see a large deterioration in its environment due to the growth in output. Counter factual analysis of trade liberalizations indicated that it has only a marginal environmental impact. Generally, air pollution emissions increased while water pollution decreased following tariff reforms. In conclusion, the study suggests that Indonesia's participation in the AFTA and IJEPA agreements are not likely to bring drastic changes to her economic and environmental performance.Au cours des dernières années, la pression publique a attisé l'intérêt concernant l'impact environnemental découlant de la libéralisation des marchés. Malheureusement, les études se penchant sur ce sujet ne sont pas encore arrivé à un consensus. Cette recherche a pour objectif d'augmenter la compréhension dans ce domaine de recherche par l'utilisation d'une étude de cas basée sur l'Indonésie et de sa participation dans le traité de libre échange avec le Japon (IJEPA) et celui de l'Association des Nations du Sud-Est Asiatique (AFTA). L'étude de cas utilise un modèle monétaire d'équilibre général, multisectoriel et intertemporel, connu sous le nom anglais de Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP), pour évaluer l'impact environnemental de la croissance et de la libéralisation des marchés. Les prévisions pour l'économie Indonésienne jusqu'en 2022 indique une croissance importante pendant cette période. Cependant, en comparant le scénario d'ouverture des marchés avec celui sans ouverture des marchés, la participation de l'Indonésie dans cet accord de libre échange indique un faible impact sur la production industrielle de l'Indonésie. Malgré peu d'effet sur la production, une augmentation significative des échanges et une modification du type d'échanges se produit. En 2022, le modèle prédit une détérioration de l'environnement du pays causée par une croissance de la production. Une comparaison avec le statu quo indique que la libéralisation des marchés n'a qu'un effet négligeable sur l'environnement. En général, la pollution atmosphérique augmente alors que la pollution de l'eau diminue suite à la réforme des tarifs douaniers. En conclusion, l'étude suggère que la participation de l'Indonésie dans les accords de l'AFTA et l'IJEPA ne génère pas de changements drastiques dans les performances économiques et environnementales du pays.