Дисертації з теми "Political contract"
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1
Edleman, Paul Richard Boroujerdi Mehrzad. "Grain contract farming in the United States two case studies /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
2
Gustafsson, Karl-Martin. "Development Policies as Social Contract : Political leadership in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-1525.
Анотація:
This thesis will show how authoritarian governments rest legitimacy on their ability to create socio-economic development. It will point to some methods used to consolidate power by authoritarian leaders in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. An authoritarian regime that successfully creates development is strengthened and does not call for democratic change in the short run. It is suggested that the widely endorsed Lipset hypothesis, that development will eventually bring democratic transition, is true only when further socio-economic development requires that the economy transfers from being based on industrial manufacturing to knowledge and creativity – not on lower levels of development. Malaysia and Singapore have reached – or try to reach – this level of development today, but restrictions on their civil societies have still not been lifted.
This thesis describes modern political history in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia in a Machiavellian tradition. The historical perspective will give a more or less plausible idea of how authoritarian regimes consolidated au-thority and what role development policies played in the leaders’ claims for authority. The conclusion will give a suggestion on how the political future in these three countries might evolve. It will point to the importance of an active and free civil society as a means to develop the nations further, rather than oppression.
This thesis will try to point to the dos and don’ts for authoritarian regimes. The ideas of Plato, Machiavelli and Hobbes provide the structures and methods that authoritarian regimes apply. It will be shown that a regime will disintegrate when it fails to comply with Plato’s and Machiavelli’s ideas. Although ancient, Plato and Machiavelli provide methods and structures that seem to carry relevance to the modern history of Southeast Asia.
I will point to how authoritarian rule can be maintained in the long run. What is required from the political leadership, what are their strategies and methods? What makes people to tolerate or topple authoritarian regimes? Why do some authoritarian regimes successfully create development while others do not? These are some of the questions this thesis will try to answer.
3
Bergman, Olivia Anna Kristina. "Designing policy feedback : experimental evidence on the everyday politics of the social contract." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/128636.
Анотація:
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, May, 2020Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 167-172).
For most of history, people had only infrequent personal contact with their governments. The modern social contract generates everyday interactions between citizens and states. In this dissertation, across three papers and three countries, I examine when and how such policy experiences shape attitudes toward government, using experimental methods grounded in a comparative perspective. I explore traditional policy design factors -- the defining aspects of policies that shape "who gets what", which I term 'macro design' -- alongside factors receiving less attention in the literature --
those that often shape "when and how", which I term 'micro design'. In the first paper, I compare the experience of filing taxes in the US and Sweden, showing that design focuses citizens' attention in very different ways: on tax compliance and payment in the US, on refunds in Sweden. In a nationally-representative survey experiment, I link a US-style tax environment with perceptions that the government is wasteful. In the second paper, I conduct a large-scale randomized field experiment that shifts administrative burdens away from citizens. Using a highly scalable digital intervention that simplifies the claiming of a means-tested benefit, I substantially increase reported satisfaction with both the bank and government among 195,414 low-income customers of an Australian bank. This is true even though effects on take-up, ascertained by linking bank data to government records, are modest.
In the third paper, I situate these findings within a new theory of how the design of policy experiences shapes government attitudes. I propose that two dimensions affect attribution of credit for policies: the valence of the experience, and the salience of the government's role. After outlining how macro and micro design factors shape experiences, I present a nationally-representative survey experiment showing that channeling benefits through the tax code results in government not getting credit where due. Together, these experiments illustrate the powerful effects of subtle design factors on citizens' views of government. More broadly, this dissertation suggests that, in addition to how policy content affects politics -- "who gets what" -- studying "when" and especially "how" citizens experience policies in their everyday lives illuminates attitudes underpinning democracy.
by Olivia Anna Kristina Bergman.
Ph. D.
Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science
4
Koch, Robert 1965. "The concept of fundamental breach of contract under the United Nations Convention on contracts for the International Sale of Goods (CISG) /." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20987.
Анотація:
The concept of fundamental breach plays a crucial role within the remedial system of the U.N. Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (CISG), because the remedies available to the parties to a contract of sale depend on the character of the breach. The Thesis analyzes the concept. It canvasses the different approaches employed by scholars and courts in determining fundamental breach and examines whether they can be justified by the rules of interpretation under the CISG. This examination shows that none of the approaches can be applied to all potential situations of fundamental breach and that their concurrent application is likely to produce conflicting results. This Thesis introduces a new methodology, which is based on a single concept applicable in all circumstances. Such methodology would also provide greater certainty and predictability to international sales transactions as required by the needs of the business world.
5
Schulman, Alexander Thomas. "The secular contract the divine, the human, and the politics of enlightenment /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1875992651&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
6
Ochieng, Cosmas Milton Obote. "The political economy of contract farming in Kenya : a historical-comparative study of the tea and sugar contract farming schemes, 1960-2002." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422519.
7
Richardson, James Colin. "Cultural identity and disorganised capitalism : broadening political interactions beyond the market-orientated social contract /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arr5229.pdf.
8
Guston, David H. "The social contract for science : Congress, the National Institutes of Health, and the boundary between politics and science." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12740.
9
Nkanyani, Rindzani. "The effects of change in political leadership on the psychological contract in the metropolitan municipality." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/64903.
Анотація:
City of Johannesburg (CoJ) has undergone a political leadership change in the past year. The study aimed to understand the level of authentic leadership and psychological contract, their relationship, and the influence of job embeddedness on these relationships at CoJ as perceived by employees. To conduct this investigation, a cross-sectional, descriptive, quantitative research was employed. Of the 501 sample targeted, there were 110 responses of which 93 were utilised for the final data analysis after data preparation. The analysis was conducted using IBM. SPSS version 24 of which there were five key principal findings: Setting-based number of authentic leadership dimensions; indifferent views on the level of authentic leadership; transitional psychological contract not evident; the significant relationship between authentic leadership and relational psychological contract; and how job embeddedness moderate the relationship between authentic leadership and relational psychological contract.
Based on these findings, the study concluded that employees perceive low authentic leadership on the new administration, high level of authentic leadership should lead to a relational psychological contract and that job embeddedness moderates the relationship between authentic leadership and psychological contract. These findings should be viewed within the context of the limitation of the study, which was: There was small sample size in the study; not all targeted entities could be reached to be included in the investigation, and some of those that were reached had challenges with IT restrictions into the survey platform.
Based on the conclusion of the study, the key recommendation of management for CoJ were continuous ALQ self-assessment, Johari window, management of the psychological contract. For academia were to conduct the study with face-to-face interviews (qualitative studies) to get an in-depth knowledge of authentic leadership and psychological contract, and the drivers of the current state at CoJ. Furthermore, it is recommended that a comparative study is conducted across South African metropolitans comparing the three scenarios to ascertain the influence and magnitude of change on authentic leadership, psychological contract for same political leadership, different political leadership with same policy (same party) and different political leadership with different strategy (different party).Mini Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2017.
km2018
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
MBA
Unrestricted
10
Harris, Anthony. "Essays on the political-economy of large-scale land deals." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8ea1c570-cddf-453a-adeb-3238b96c539c.
Анотація:
The thesis consists of a short introduction and three self-contained analytical chapters on land policy in developing countries. Chapter 1 examines the agricultural investment choices of small-scale farmers in Ethiopia whose land will be expropriated to provide space for a large factory. I use data from a survey of households conducted before expropriation occurred, but after the policy was announced. I identify the anticipation effects of land expropriation using variation in whether households own plots located inside or outside the proposed project boundary. Households facing immediate expropriation hedge against future income risk by using less fertilizer on their plots, and and growing less risky crops. These households are more likely to grow sorghum (a safe crop) and less likely to grow wheat (a relatively riskier crop). Households also respond to the threat of expropriation by reducing long-term investments in soil quality. Using two-stage least squares I show that subjective beliefs about the likelihood of expropriation act as a channel through which the threat of expropriation affects investment decisions. The results are robust to a number of other specifications, including some that account for unobservable geographic variation in plot characteristics. Chapter 2 explores the consequences of land expropriation for small-scale farmers in Ethiopia. Expropriation of farmland is used by all levels of government in Ethiopia as a tool for providing new land for industrial investors, commercial agriculture and expanding cities. Farmers usually receive a cash payment in exchange for their land based on a fixed formula to establish the price of land. I evaluate the impact of such a policy on a group of small-scale farmers and assess the extent to which they make the transition to new livelihoods. On average, households lose 70% of their land and receive compensation payments that are about 5 times the value of their annual consumption expenditure. Using data collected before and after the intervention I examine the impact of expropriation and compensation on household consumption, productive assets, livestock holdings, savings and labour market participation. Households in the treatment group increase their consumption, start more businesses and participate more in non-farm activities than households that do not lose farmland. These households also reallocate livestock portfolios away from oxen and towards small ruminants and cattle, reflecting a shift away from growing crops. However, these shifts to new livelihoods are relatively small compared to the amount of compensation kept as savings: with the exception of a few households, most of the compensation payment is left in commercial banks earning a negative real return. Chapter 3 focuses on the recent increase in large-scale agricultural land deals across Africa and the nature of the contracts reached by governments and foreign investors. In recent years, multi-national firms and foreign governments have entered into long term contracts with host countries in which large tracts of land are purchased or leased for commercial agricultural production in exchange for promises of infrastructure development, job creation and rural infrastructure improvement. The profitability of these projects is uncertain, especially at a time of increased agricultural commodity price volatility in world markets. Based on stylized facts about land deals I present a theoretical model of land contracts reached by host governments and foreign investors that explains the policy tradeoff between investment timelines, revenue generation and uncertainty. When agricultural projects require fixed infrastructure investment and yield uncertain payoffs, firms benefit from being able to complete the fixed investment in stages. If firms can learn more about payoffs by holding off on investment, they effectively hold an option to abandon the project. The value of this option provides a channel by which uncertainty affects the terms of the land contract. When host governments determine the terms of the contract by setting an income tax, a royalty rate and an investment timeline, the value of this option will affect government's optimal policy choice. In particular, I find that if governments benefit a great deal from investment spillovers the optimal contract will be designed to encourage firms not to abandon a project. But, if governments benefit relatively little from investment spillovers, governments will choose contract parameters to extract the value of the firm's option to abandon the project. I end by examining the effect of increasing uncertainty on the government's optimal policy choice.
11
Ge, Jinfeng. "Essays on Macroeconomics and Political Economy." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-78857.
Анотація:
This thesis consists of three self-contained essays dealing with different aspects of macroeconomics and political Economy. The Relative Price of Investment Goods and Sectoral Contract Dependence I develop a quantitative model to explain the relationship between TFPs at the aggregate and sector levels and contracting institutions across countries. The incomplete contract enforcement induces distortions in the production process which come from the “hold up” problem between a final goods firm and its suppliers. Because investment goods sector is more contract dependent, its productivity suffers more from the distortion. In turn, countries endowed with weaker contract enforcement institutions face higher relative prices of investment goods. A Ricardian Model of the Labor Market with Directed Search I analyze how search friction affects the allocation in a Ricardian model of the labor market. The equilibrium shows that the matching pattern is partially mixed: Some tasks are only performed by skilled workers; some are only performed by unskilled workers; the remaining tasks are performed by both skilled and unskilled workers. The mixed matching pattern implies a mismatch in equilibrium. It turns out that the reason for the mismatch has its roots in search friction. In addition, I show labor market institutions have interesting implications for the unemployment rate and mismatch. A Dynamic Analysis of the Free-rider Problem I argue that special interest groups overcome their free-rider problem thanks to distorted government policy. As policy confers monopoly privileges on a group, it can also preserve and promote group’s organization. The key to sustaining the organization of the group is a dynamic incentive: when distorted policy generates rents for a group, each member of the group wish to make contributions not just to raise their rents today; they want to sustain their cooperation so that they will be able to influence policy in the future.
12
Han, Rui. "Luck egalitarianism : criticisms and alternatives /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2009. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B4413826X.
13
Queta, Jorge Lopes. "Da falta de autenticidade do sistema político guineense inaugurado no século XX ao dever da metamorfose mediante um restaurado Contrato Social Da (re)mitificação da nação forjada na luta." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/17797.
Анотація:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência PolíticaA circunstância do momento fundacional não outorgou a transmutação do estado tradicional para a sociedade política mediante a conjugação dos Contratos Sociais dos distintos Proto-sistemas políticos que consentissem a emergência de uma Comunidade política assente na ética Ubuntu. A República guineense constitui transcendência singular da contingência histórica que emergiu sem alma nem rumo. Consequentemente, sem consentir o metamorfismo que acautelasse a multiplicidade das Vontades particulares e articulasse os distintos Contratos Sociais, como determinar uma ordenação política adversa ao paradigma filosófico-político africano? Por conseguinte, em que molde consubstanciar a reunião da multiplicidade de lealdades que represente, adequadamente, a ideal vocação do desígnio e que provoque a mutação autêntica da Comunidade imaginada em Comunidade de significações partilhadas? Porque, entenda-se, a desvalorização da congregação dos distintos Contratos Sociais e a nãoincorporação da ética Ubuntu, lograrão revelar a falta de Autenticidade do sistema político guineense e obstarão à materialização da vocação para a realização do ideal República. Neste enquadramento hermético, considerando a deterioração da razão do devir Comunidade política subsequente da decadência moral e degenerescência política, evidenciase o facto de a substanciação da República ideal para a nação forjada na luta comportar limitações morfológicas superáveis exceto mediante a metamorfose política que ajuíze a ética Ubuntu.
The circumstance of the foundational moment did not consent the transmutation of the traditional state designed for the political society, meaning, the conjugation of the Social Contracts of the dissimilar political proto-systems that would allow the advent of a Political Community based on the appropriate the Ubuntu Ethics. The Guiné-Bissau Republic constitutes singular transcendence of the historical contingency that surfaced without soul. Consequently, without consenting the transformation that implies the multiplicity of the different Convinced Wills which would articulate the diverse Social Contracts, how to determine a political assembling averse to the African political-philosophical paradigm? Consequently, how would it be possibly to consubstantiate the assembly of the multiplicity of loyalties that would epitomize, appropriately, the vocative ideal of the purpose and would provoke the authentic transformation of the Imagined Community in a Common Significations Community? Since, the understanding that the depreciation of the congregation of the miscellaneous Social Contracts and the not incorporation of the Ubuntu Ethics, will reveal the lack of Authenticity of the Political System and, as well, will oppose to the consubstantiation of the vocation for the realization of an ideally Republic. In this hermetic framing, acknowledging the deteriorated reason of being Political Community, subsequent of the moral decadence and pollical degeneration, one shows up that the consubstantiation of the ideal Republic for the nation forged in the struggle holds morphological limitations surmountable except by political metamorphosis that incorporate the Ubuntu Ethics.
N/A
14
O'Toole, John Winfred. "The Right of Revolution: An Analysis of John Locke and Thomas Hobbes' Social Contract Theories." Thesis, Boston College, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1940.
Анотація:
Thesis advisor: Richard Cobb-StevensThe right of revolution in the social contract theories of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke is a curious topic. This paper discusses the differences and similarities between the two philosophers’ discussions of this topic. It is argued that Hobbes and Locke differ most drastically on the notion of who the sovereign is. While Hobbes prefers to establish the sovereign as a demigod, Locke understands the sovereign as a mortal, and thus fallible, man. It is because of this distinction that Hobbes and Locke disagree on the notion of the right of revolution. Furthermore, the American Founding Fathers, including James Madison and Thomas Jefferson, inherited Locke’s perspective on this matter when arguing for the independence of the colonies. Finally, it is the conclusion of this paper that this notion of the right of revolution continues today, when observing the numerous political revolutions around the world
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2011
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: College Honors Program
Discipline: Philosophy
15
Glennon, Colin. "Book Review of Fighting Foreclosure: The Blaisdell Case, The Contract Clause, and The Great Depression, by John A. Fliter and Derek S. Hoff." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/831.
Анотація:
Book Review of Fighting Foreclosure: The Blaisdell Case, The Contract Clause, and the Great Depression by John A. Fliter and Derek S. Hoff. University Press of Kansas. 2012. 224 pages. Cloth $34.95 ISBN: 978-0-7006-1871-2. Paper $19.95 ISBN 978-0-7006-1872-9.
16
Višinskaitė, Renata. "Kontraktiniai santykiai įgyvendinant Europos Sąjungos struktūrinių fondų finansuojamus projektus Lietuvoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20120604_135058-01073.
Анотація:
Lietuvos viešojo ir privataus sektoriaus subjektai įgyvendina Europos Sąjungos struktūrinių fondų finansuojamus projektus, kurių įgyvendinimas yra sudėtingas administracinis procesas, ir kuriame santykiai tarp ES struktūrinės paramos įsisavinimo proceso dalyvių reguliuojami kontraktais. Šio proceso dalyvių sąveika kontraktų pagrindu yra probleminė ir sąlygoja tam tikrus neigiamus reiškinius. Oportunizmas kontraktiniuose santykiuose gali paveikti galutinius projektų rezultatus. Viešųjų pirkimų pažeidimai sudarant kontraktus, netinkamai parengtas kontraktas, kontrakto įsipareigojimų nevykdymas gali nulemti ES struktūrinių fondų lėšų pripažinimą netinkamomis, dalies ES struktūrinės paramos grąžinimą, ES struktūrinių fondų lėšų mokėjimo sustabdymą. Pastarasis procesas 2012 m. pradžioje buvo pradėtas taikyti Europos Komisijos Lietuvai. Taigi, darbo tikslas – išstudijuoti kontraktinių santykių įgyvendinant ES struktūrinių fondų finansuojamus projektus Lietuvoje problematiką.
Darbo pradžioje analizuojami kontraktų taikymo įgyvendinant ES struktūrinių fondų finansuojamus projektus Lietuvoje teoriniai pagrindai: kontraktų sąvokos, tipai ir jų taikymo viešajame sektoriuje teorija. Taip pat analizuojama užsakovo – vykdytojo teorija, kurios sąvokos pritaikomos kontraktinių santykių įgyvendinant ES struktūrinių fondų finansuojamus projektus Lietuvoje analizei, ir kuri puikiai atskleidžia kontraktiniuose santykiuose dažniausiai pasitaikančias problemas.
Sekančios darbo dalys (2, 3 ir 4)... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The private and public entities in Lithuania implement projects financed by the European Union Structural Funds. This action is a complex administrative process, in which the relationship between its participants is based on contracts. The interaction among the participants of this process, which is contract based, is problematic and leads to certain negative phenomena. The opportunism in contractual relationship may affect the final results of the project, moreover certain irregularities in public procurement while negotiating the contract, improper contracting, the violation of the contract may result in recognition expenses of the EU Structural Funds as ineligible. In addition, the returning of the EU structural support and the suspension of the funding of the EU Structural Funds is also undeclinable. The latter process was started in Lithuania by the European Commission at the beginning of 2012. Therefore, the main objective of the final thesis is to analyze the contractual relations in the implementation process of projects financed by the EU Structural Funds in Lithuania. The theoretical part of the paper deals with the application of the contracts in the implementation process of projects financed by the EU Structural Funds in Lithuania. For this reason, the concept and types of the contract, the theory of application contract in a public sector are analyzed. Additionally, the analysis of the principal – agent theory is presented, which concepts are perfectly adjusted... [to full text]
17
Han, Rui, and 韩锐. "Luck egalitarianism: criticisms and alternatives." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4413826X.
18
Snyder, David. "The war on terror tensions in the social contract post-September 11 /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/733.
19
Maslen, Hywel Gordon. "British Government and the European Voluntary Worker Programmes : the post-war refugee crisis, contract labour and political asylum, 1945-1965." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8730.
Анотація:
This thesis seeks to develop a fresh approach on immigration history in post-war Britain by focusing on public administration in a contract labour programme. The orthodox approach towards studies of immigration has been to concentrate upon the outcomes of state activity rather than the process. Consequently the experiences and reactions of volunteer workers have received much attention. This thesis offers new perspectives based on an analysis of the frameworks developed to deliver the Displaced Persons and European Voluntary Worker programmes after the Second World War. It is argued that the mundane aspects of government bureaucracy, normally unremarkable and unimportant, are indeed crucial to an understanding of how post-war labour and refugee policies were managed. With an abundance of government records extant, it is feasible to revise an important chapter of immigration history by exploring the architecture of public administration in an era of expanding bureaucracy. This study analyses the techniques and systems deployed by civil servants to provide a clearer understanding of the organisational character of a contract labour scheme that also granted political asylum to refugees. Although some political ambitions guiding the programmes were questionable, the method of their delivery suggests greater consideration was given towards participants than has previously been claimed. Emphasis is given to the origins of the immigration schemes within the wider framework of state activity, and towards the government machinery and resources available to implement policy. The state expanded dramatically during the Second World War and the civil service gained invaluable experience in managing complex new tasks. By analysing the application of this knowledge, it is possible to gain an insight into the culture of bureaucracy, explore how projects involving tens of thousands of individuals were conducted, and how the programmes affected the frame of reference of civil servants overseeing immigration and political asylum.
20
Lyon, Christopher. "Towards a relational approach to social justice : liberals, radicals, and Brazil's 'new social contract'." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2018. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/towards-a-relational-approach-to-social-justice--liberals-radicals-and-brazils-new-social-contract(c351f163-f711-4d26-8eff-884e58508c31).html.
Анотація:
Recent literature in various practical fields calls for a 'relational approach' to social justice, as a theoretical alternative that transcends limitations with liberal contractarianism to offer more penetrating analysis of social justice. I critically engage literature from radical intellectual-political traditions such as Marxism, feminism, and critical race theory to propose what can - and can't - form the basis of a cogent relational critique of liberalism and an alternative positive account. I hone this through dialogue with Rawlsian 'justice as fairness', as well as more recent developments such as relational egalitarianism. The most distinguishing feature of a relational approach is ontological: its social-theoretic account of injustice comprises supra-individual phenomena - relations, social groups, structure, historical causality - as opposed to individual locations hosting portions of a distribuend. Moreover, I define an intermediate position in the ideal vs non-ideal theory debate, arguing that a persuasive relational approach would 'start from injustice'; it would identify the primary desideratum incumbent on social justice theory as being that it enhances understanding of real injustice and thereby informs counteraction. One upshot is a closer relationship between political philosophy and social theory; in turn this reflects how a relational approach to social justice can enjoy symbiosis with the broader 'relational turn' in humanities and social sciences. The argument is furthered through exemplificatory reference to the empirical context of Brazil's post-redemocratisation experimentation with participatory democracy in the social assistance sector, as an aspect of the country's putative 'new social contract'.
21
KRAUS, JODY STEVEN. "CONTEMPORARY HOBBESIAN CONTRACTARIANISM." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184172.
Анотація:
Contemporary Hobbesian contractarianism began in the wake of John Rawls' revitalization of contractarianism in A Theory of Justice and the subsequent body of critical literature which has grown up around it. Philosophers have been impressed with Rawls' powerful application of a contractarian framework to traditional issues in moral and political philosophy but dismayed at the extensive normative precommitments of his particular contractarian theory. They have thus sought an equally powerful contractarian approach unwed to strong normative precommitments. Of all extant contractarian theories, Thomas Hobbes' theory in Leviathan uniquely constitutes such an approach. Like all contractarians, Hobbes specifies a hypothetical choice problem consisting of a choice environment, a choice problem, and a method of resolution. But Hobbes' choice environment purports to make virtually no substantive normative precommitments. The strength of Hobbesian contractarianism is that it seeks to generate substantive normative conclusions from premises established in a normatively minimalistic theoretical framework, and thus promises not to beg any fundamental normative questions. This dissertation considers in detail three comprehensive and game-theoretically sophisticated books which are central to the current corpus of contemporary Hobbesian contractarianism. These are Jean Hampton's Hobbes and the Social Contract Tradition, Gregory Kavka's Hobbesian Moral and Political Theory, and David Gauthier's Morals by Agreement. We explain the common denominators and points of divergence among these theories while undertaking an extensive critical investigation of each. Two fundamental themes emerge from these investigations. First, Hobbesian contractarianism tends to run afoul of collective action problems at various levels of its overall argument. Collective actions problems arise when the requirements of individual and collective rationality diverge. Second, the normative minimalism which is heralded as the primary virtue of Hobbesian contractarianism is also revealed as one of its fundamental problems. By minimalizing its normative precommitments, Hobbesian contractarianism undermines its ultimate goal of generating powerful normative conclusions.
22
McCormick, Hugh. "The futurity compact : anticipation, interdependence and contract : the possibility and circumstances of justice over time." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ce50e871-e80f-4d5d-9fcb-96d44aecfd65.
Анотація:
This thesis is about justice between people born at different times: the way in which they interact and the extent to which those interactions can be a matter of justice. Its principal aims are: to present certain theories that describe what justice over time might look like; to present certain theoretical problems for this subject; and to understand the impact of these problems upon these theories. The thesis draws mainly upon: the work of David Hume, John Rawls and David Gauthier as sources of certain social contract theories; and the work of Wilfred Beckerman, Gustaf Arrhenius and Derek Parfit for certain problems faced by these theories. The central argument of the thesis is that the theoretical obstacles to the application of justice thrown up by the temporal dimension are not as significant as they might appear. In particular, there are good reasons to believe that social contract theories are more susceptible to intertemporal extension and less encumbered by temporally-related problems than previously thought. The conclusion of the thesis is that, issuing from a clearer view of certain theoretical obstacles to their inclusion, there is significant potential for future people to be considered within the scope of justice over time as described by certain social contract theories and that present people have self-interested reasons to take this project seriously.
23
Nitsch, Michael. "Democratic Theory and the Question of Character." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10337.
Анотація:
This dissertation uses the history of political thought to shed light on the disconnect between the prominent place of judgments about the character in American democratic life, and the marginalized place of those judgments in contemporary democratic theory. By tracing the origins of that disconnect back into the history of political philosophy, and by locating an alternative approach to questions of character in the political and ethical writings of Aristotle, the dissertation brings out important connections between contemporary democratic theory and key developments in the history of ideas, and it recovers an ancient account of character that turns out still to be relevant to the dynamics of modern citizenship. The dissertation begins by showing how character is key to Aristotle‘s distinction between "correct" and "deviant" regimes in the Politics: not only are correct regimes distinguished by the character of those who rule, but the distinguishing feature of citizen-rulers in more correct regimes turns out to be their ability to appreciate what is excellent in the character of their fellow citizens. I then trace the decline of Aristotle‘s approach in the work of Machiavelli, Hobbes, Rousseau, and Kant, showing how Machiavelli‘s famously unsettling account of the relationship between moral goodness, political leadership, and popular government made its way into the foundations of later democratic theory. Finally, I return to Aristotle, showing how his treatment of philia or "friendship" in his ethical writings provides an important prelude to the ideas from the Politics we will already have considered. By taking into account both the high and often noble aspirations that inform considerations of character but also their potential to derail into disenchantment or dangerous ill-will, Aristotle‘s approach offers a theory capable of engaging directly with both the promise and the pitfalls of character judgments in democratic life.Government
24
McCurry, Jennifer. "Migration, belonging and the 'place-based contract' : the civic and political participation of Polish migrants in Northern Ireland from a transnational perspective." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2018. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/39758.
Анотація:
This research explores the civic and political participation of Polish migrants in Northern Ireland from a transnational perspective. Examining how migrants construct belonging at multiple scales, it emphasises the role of place in shaping their civic and political participation, attitudes and interests. Despite a significant body of work examining the experiences of Polish migrants in the UK, their civic and political participation remains under-explored. Moreover, given Northern Ireland's status as a relatively recent immigration destination, little is known about how migrants engage in politics and civil society in the region. Employing a mixed methods approach that entailed in-depth interviews, an online survey and ethnographic participant observation, this research elicits a range of insights regarding migrants' motivations for participation in civil society, in formal politics and in political parties. It also sheds light on the barriers to participation which they experience. Drawing on Thomas's (2002) idea of a 'contract' as a means through which claims to citizenship are articulated, the research develops the idea of a 'place-based contract' to conceptualise how migrants construct belonging to civic and political communities, and how this shapes and facilitates their civic and political engagement. I argue that participation is facilitated by a sense of belonging to place which has legal, personal and societal dimensions, and which includes both practical and emotional elements. Highlighting how this process operates across multiple scales, I argue for the need to 'rescale the polity' in order to pay closer attention to how migrants form attachments to place at a scale 'below' the nation-state and how this facilitates engagement in different forms of civic and political activity. As such, the research urges that greater attention be paid to the geographical context in which politics is practised, as well as focusing on the interconnections between migration, political participation, citizenship, identity, belonging and place.
25
Stryjan, Miri. "Essays on Development Policy and the Political Economy of Conflict." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-131168.
Анотація:
Electoral Rules and Leader Selection: Experimental Evidence from Ugandan Community Groups. Despite a large body of work documenting how electoral systems affect policy outcomes, less is known about their impact on leader selection. We study this by comparing two types of participatory decision making in Ugandan community groups: (i) vote by secret ballot and (ii) open discussion with consensus. Random assignment allows us to estimate the causal impact of the rules on leader types and social service delivery. Vote groups are found to elect leaders more similar to the average member while discussion group leaders are positively selected on socio-economic characteristics. Further, dropout rates are significantly higher in discussion groups, particularly for poorer members. After 3.5 years, vote groups are larger in size and their members save less and get smaller loans. We conclude that the secret ballot vote creates more inclusive groups while open discussion groups favor the already economically successful. Preparing for Genocide: Community Meetings in Rwanda. How do political elites prepare the civilian population for participation in violent conflict? We empirically investigate this question using data from the Rwandan Genocide in 1994. Every Saturday before 1994, Rwandan villagers had to meet to work on community infrastructure. The practice was highly politicized and, according to anecdotal evidence, regularly used by the political elites for spreading propaganda in the years before the genocide. This paper presents the first quantitative evidence of this abuse of the community meetings. To establish causality, we exploit cross-sectional variation in meeting intensity induced by exogenous weather fluctuations. We find that an additional rainy Saturday resulted in a five percent lower civilian participation rate in genocide violence. Selection into Borrowing: Survey Evidence from Uganda. In this paper, I study how changes to the standard credit contract affect loan demand and selection into borrowing, using a representative sample of urban micro enterprises, most with no borrowing experience. Hypothetical loan demand questions are used to test whether firm owners respond to changes in loans' contractual terms and whether take-up varies by firms' risk type and other firm owner characteristics. The results indicate that contracts with lower interest rates and less stringent collateral requirements attract less risky borrowers, suggesting that there is scope for improvement of standard financial contract terms. Credit Contract Structure and Firm Growth: Evidence from a Randomized Control Trial. We study the effects of credit contract structure on firm outcomes among small and medium sized firms. A randomized control trial was carried out to distinguish between some of the key constraints to efficient credit use connected to the firms' business environment and production function, namely (i) backloaded returns (ii) uncertain returns and (iii) indivisible fixed costs. Each firm was followed for the 1-year loan cycle. We describe the experiment and present preliminary results from the first 754 out of 2,340 firms to have completed the loan cycle. Firms offered a grace period have higher profits and higher household income than firms receiving a rebate later on as well as the control group. They also increased the number of paid employees and reduced the number of unpaid employees, an effect also found among firms that received a cash subsidy at the beginning of the loan cycle. We discuss potential mechanisms behind these effects.
26
Langlais, Stéphane. "The Meaning of Leadership in Political Systems." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för organisation och entreprenörskap (OE), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-34711.
Анотація:
In today’ democracies, we, citizens, elect individuals to represent us, to talk on our behalf. In this way, political leaders embody the beliefs, wishes, and will of populations, and must act as citizens’ representatives. However, nowadays, a crisis of confidence seems emerge between citizens and politicians. The particular leadership pacing political systems can give to us an interesting point of view to understand this phenomenon. In this way, it is essential, for all of us, citizens, to understand what define us as such, what is our role, what kind of power is in our hands. It is also necessary to understand what the role of politicians elected as representatives is. More significantly, it is a necessity for all of us to have a critical look about what the core components of our societies are. Thereby, in this thesis, I give an enlighten point of view about the meaning of leadership in political systems. I hold six different perspectives in the aim of emphasizing the components of political systems, our role of citizens, and the role of political leaders. Those six perspectives are the following: the reasons explaining the emergence of societies, the role and the explanations about the existence of political parties, the characteristics of political leaders, the characteristics of citizens as political followers, the importance of the authenticity in political systems and finally the moral and ethical dimension as a necessity in the way to handle power.
27
Homan, Melicent L. "The Will Still Speaks When Nature Is Silent." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1085509509.
28
Wishart, Alexandra Z. A. "No Such Thing as Collective Goods: The Political Utility of Low Level Civil War in Northern Uganda." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/36.
Анотація:
With the extant work on civil war duration as a starting point, this project uses the Ugandan case to identify and address theoretical aporias in our existing understanding of the determinants of duration. The vast majority of existing work begins with the assumption that the rebel force is the determining factor in the duration of conflict. Challenging this assumption, I argue that civil war duration should be understood as a function of the calculations made by both the rebel units and the established state, a dynamic that has implications for the way in which we think of the preferences of the state. Finally, that incentive structures exist, given the nature of post-colonial states that lower the utility of peace for elected leadership and reduce their willingness to provide peace as a collective good to the broader population as civil war can be used as one of Jeffrey Herbst’s buffer mechanisms.
29
Akita, Edward M. "Hegemony, Patriarchy and Human Rights: The Representation of Ghanaian Women in Politics." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1273265823.
30
Bergenheim, Anna. "Koloniseringen av Fröer: En studie av de globala frösystemens effekt på det thailändska jordbruket." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22571.
Анотація:
Uppsatsen behandlar hur de globala frösystemen kan ses som en typ av kolonisering av fröer. Uppsatsen utgår från Sarah Radcliffes definition av kolonialismen och menar att man inte endast kan se kolonialismen som en enskild händelse i tiden, utan att det är en pågående händelse som fortfarande äger rum och påverkar den värld vi lever i. Uppsatsen undersöker främst hur koloniseringen pågår i kunskapsproduktionen. Den gör sig tydligt i de globala frösystemen som är starkt påverkade av diskursen om modernitet som definierar vetenskaplig kunskap som modern och därför önskvärd, medan traditionella kunskaper ses som bakåtsträvande och därmed icke önskvärda. Detta visar sig i de globala frösystemen där allt fler stater övergår till ett jordbruk som är exportinriktat och där ”moderna” jordbruksmetoder används, på bekostnad av traditionella jordbruksmetoder som är anpassade till det lokala klimatet. Det gör att bönder hamnar i en utsatt situation då de ”moderna” jordbruksmetoderna kräver dyra resurser för att upprätthållas, samt att miljön degraderas då metoderna som nämndes inte är anpassade till den lokala miljön. Uppsatsen använder sig av kontraktsteori för att belysa hur frösystemen innebär en maktassymetri genom att de kontrakt som skrivs inom de globala frösystemen endast skrivs av en minoritet som sedan påverkar majoriteten som måste följa kontraktet. Därför krävs det att kontrakten inom de globala frösystemen skrivs om med en större inkludering och därmed ge utrymme för andra typer av kunskaper än endast den vetenskapliga.This essay will discuss how the global seed systems can be viewed as a form of colonization of seeds. It will be based on Sarah Radcliffe’s definition of colonialism and suggests that you cannot only view colonialism as a separate event in time, but an on-going process still taking place, affecting the world we live in. The essay will mainly examine how the colonization is at work in the knowledge production. This is evident in the global seed systems that are strongly affected by the discourse of modernity that defines scientific knowledge as modern and therefore desired, while traditional knowledge is viewed as backwards and therefore non-desirable. This is showcased in the global seed systems where an increasing number of states move from an agriculture that is export-oriented and where “modern” agricultural methods are used, at the expense of traditional agricultural methods that are adapted to the local climate. This exposes the farmers to a situation where the “modern” agricultural methods demand expensive resources to maintain, while the environment suffers since the methods mentioned are not adapted to the local climate. The essay will make use of contract theory toilluminate how the seed systems means a power asymmetry through the contracts written within the global seed systems that are only written by a minority, which then affects the majority that must follow the contract. Therefore it is necessary for the contracts within the global seed systems to be rewritten, with a larger inclusion, and hence grant space for other forms of knowledge than merely the scientific.
31
Pettersson, Joanna. "Rättigheter och skyldigheter i grundlagarna : I ljuset av den politiska filosofin." Thesis, University of Gävle, Ämnesavdelningen för filmvetenskap, historia, litteraturvetenskap, medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap och statsvetenskap, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-5770.
Анотація:
The purpose of this essay has been to compare different constitutions, and their outlook on citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty. This has been done in the light of the political philosophy, in order to give the answer to four questions. These questions are: Which rights and obligations can be seen in the constitutions, and how can it be interpreted. Can there be signs of any political philosophy in the constitutions? Are there any differences between the constitutions regarding citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty? If so, what are the differences? Can the rights be seen in a further extent than the obligations in the constitutions?
I have conducted a qualitative comparision study and analyzed the political philosophers and made a classification scheme of their views. Further I made a comparison between the constitutions of the countries, and their view on citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty. This was later inflicted in to the classification scheme, to see if the countries could fit in to the political philosophers views, and also to find out if there would be any differences in values between the countries constitutions.
To bind together the outlook on citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty between the citizen and the state, I have used a social contract theory, to get better understanding regarding the relationship between the legal system and the citizen.
My conclusions of this essay is that the political philosophers views of citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty was sometimes similar, but the differences were clear in the light of the classification scheme. The countries constitutions were also similar, but I found that the constitutions could fit in different places in the classification scheme, giving the result that citizenship and rights, were important in all of the constitutions, but obligations and natural duty was not.
32
Carvalho, Frank Viana. "O pensamento político monarcômaco: da limitação do poder real ao contratualismo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-30072008-125008/.
Анотація:
No amplo contexto social, político e religioso da França quinhentista, as \"Guerras de Religião\", sobretudo a Saint-Barthélemy, motivarão a produção de textos revolucionários pelos huguenotes. Surgem ali os grandes escritos monarcômacos franceses. Dentre todos estes, três se destacam justamente porque conseguirão transcender as questões político-religiosas e realizar uma abordagem sistematizada de temas mais universais da manifestação política do poder. Dessa forma, conseguirão superar em muito o âmbito da controvérsia então desenvolvida e lançar uma renovada visão em aspectos estruturais do regime de governo, sendo até chamados de \'triunvirato monarcômaco\' por um dos especialistas no assunto. São eles a Franco-Gallia, da autoria de François Hotman, Du Droit des Magistrats, de Théodore de Bèze, e as Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, de Philippe Du Plessis-Mornay. Eles abordarão de maneira significativa os temas da limitação dos poderes reais, o direito de resistência à tirania e a teoria contratual nas relações entre governantes e súditos. As numerosas edições e publicações destes trabalhos e os comentários de influentes pesquisadores transmitem o valor destas obras. Dessa forma, torna-se um imprescindível desafio ampliar os estudos desses livros e realizar uma análise do seu conteúdo para se ter uma clara noção do desenvolvimento do pensamento político monarcômaco.In the broad context social, political and religious of the renaissancist century (XVI) in France, the \"Wars of Religion,\" especially the Saint-Barthélemy, motivated the production of texts by the revolutionary Huguenots. There arose the great writings French \"monarcomachs\". Among all these, three stand out precisely because they will achieve the issues transcend political and religious and conduct a systematic approach to more universal themes of the demonstration of political power. Thus, succeed in overcoming the very scope of the controversy developed and then launch a renewed vision in structural aspects of the system of government, and even called \"monarcomach triumvirs\" by one of the experts on the subject. They are the Franco-Gallia, by Francois Hotman, Du Droit des Magistrats, by Théodore de Bèze, and the Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, by Philippe Du Plessis-Mornay. They address in a meaningful way the issues limitation of real powers, the right of resistance against tyranny and the theory of contract in relations between rulers and subjects. The numerous editions and publications of these works and the comments of influential researchers transmit the value of these books. Thus, it becomes a crucial challenge expand the studies of these books and do an analysis of their content to have a clear concept of the development of political monarchomach thought.
33
Sundvik, Sebastian. "Framväxten utav en oligarki : Elitism och kontraktsteori i en rysk kontext." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-173124.
Анотація:
When the Soviet Union fell it marked the end of an era the ones totalitarian communist state collapsed and, in its place, a new state called Russa emerged with a new leader Boris Yeltsin as the great reformer who had a mission of making Russia a country similar to those int the west. This dream was not to last long soon after his arrival the economy crashed, inflation had skyrocketed, and crime and unemployment struck the country. Boris Yeltsin started privatizing vast numbers of previously state-owned industries which helped create a new elitist class in the oligarchs. The purpose of this essay is to analyze the post-soviet state of Russia and its social and economic elements to determine when an oligarchic structure emerged and how this oligarchy was able to establish a social contract with the Russian people. This will be done with the help of the essays two theories surrounding elitism and conractualism. The result this essay reached was that there are two significant decisions taken by the Yeltsin administration which led to the creation of an oligarchic state these are the two privatization waves. These privatizations made a few men very powerful and we can see the extent of their power and influence in the presidential election of 1997. Were they managed to get Yeltsin reelected even though his popularity was at its lowest by using their massive influence such as their media empire. When Putin got elected it represented a new era of Russian politics, he promised to end the chaos of the 1990s and reestablish security in Russia and put the oligarchs in line. He was able to do this much because of the rising oil prices and the use of Russian nationalism to his advantage. He was able to restore a social contract with the Russian people in turn for less freedom he would guarantee them security and stability
34
Karlsson, Gustafsson Elsa. "Varför ska medborgare medskapa i ett kommunalt klimatarbete? : En fallstudie om Umeå kommuns medskapande klimatarbete." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185118.
Анотація:
Cities cover 3% of the world’s surface but they emit 72% of all globally produced greenhouse gas emissions. Cities are therefore an essential part when trying to overcome climate change. To address this crisis Climate-City Contracts [Klimatkontrakt] was adopted in Sweden 2020 by nine Swedish cities, four governmental agencies and Viable Cities. The goal is to form climate neutral cities. To achieve this the cities will start co-creation processes together with its citizens. The processes will aim to find new solutions to combat climate change. This bachelor thesis provides a unique perspective of how that can be achieved in Umeå, which is one of the cities that signed the contract. The research aim is to examine public officials, in Umeå municipality, views of co-creation within the framework of Klimatkontrakt Umeå 2030. Thus creating a greater understanding of how public officials within Umeå perceive the possibilities for citizens to become a co-creating actor. To achieve the research aim interviews were conducted with four public officials in Umeå municipality. The interviews showed that the public officials can see many positive effects as a result of future co-creation processes. Different target groups will also become the focal point when Umeå will co-create with its citizens. The process can also take many forms, such as different kinds of dialogues, which may lead to a reorganization which allows Umeå to better co-create with its citizens.
35
Ramos, Sergio Motejunas. "A economia política e os contratos coletivos de trabalho nos EUA, México e Brasil: aspectos comparativos." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-11092008-161454/.
Анотація:
A presente pesquisa pretende ser útil nos esclarecimentos da maneira pela qual a experiência advinda do processo de industrialização na Inglaterra, e aperfeiçoada pelos estadunidenses, denominada contrato coletivo de trabalho, poderia servir de parâmetro para o Brasil e México, em termos da contribuição que este instrumento tem dado ao bem-estar social dos trabalhadores. As relações históricas de trabalho no contexto da economia política e na contemporaneidade destes relacionamentos com blocos econômicos diversos são analisadas, bem como as implicações para as relações de trabalho, em especial para os contratos coletivos. As análises feitas visam contribuir para uma melhor compreensão histórica do conflito do capital versus trabalho para elucidar a maneira pela qual seria conveniente atentar para uma melhor compreensão do equilíbrio necessário para valorizar estas relações. Propõe analisar a situação econômica básica versus o processo político e a dinâmica do relacionamento das classes sociais trabalhadoras tendo em vista a influência da doutrina monetarista-liberal de Milton Friedman, chamada de neoliberal, incluindo-se aspectos do peso secundário que a América Latina tem no cenário estratégico dos grandes países capitalistas, por isso as análises foram realizadas tendo em vista preliminarmente uma distinção metodológica fundamental entre direito objetivo e direito não objetivado para que se compreendesse sob a luz dessa distinção as influências recíprocas da economia e da política sobre o homem no horizonte das indefinições da práxis social. Procurou-se, também, o espírito da investigação histórico-estrutural, imiscuir-se nas influências externas comuns, questionando as facetas do internacionalismo trabalhista e suas ramificações, e a maneira como se desenvolveram comparativamente.The present study should be of interest for the understanding how the experience of labor collective bargain contract, allowed by the industrialization process in England and improved by the North Americans, should be used as parameter for Brazil and Mexico, in terms of the contribution that this instrument has been giving to the workers\' social welfare. It analyzes also the history of the political economy and its contemporariness and the relationships with several capitalist blocks and the implications for the collective bargain contracts. It seeks for a best understanding the conflicts between capital versus labor, trying to elucidate the way should be better to comprehend the necessity of equilibrium, to promote the best value to the workers. It analyzes moroever the basic economy status versus the political process and the dynamics of the relationship of the working classes, considering the influence of the monetarist-liberal doctrine of Milton Friedman, called as neoliberal, included aspects of the secondary influence that Latin America has in the great capitalists\' strategic scenery. The analyses were done in terms of the fundamental methodological distinction between the objective law and nonobjectified law as a way to comprehend, under the focus of this distinction, the reciprocal influences from economics and politics concerning the man in the indefinite horizon of social praxis. The spirit of the historical-structural investigations also attempts for a critical look of the external influences, questioning about labor internationalism faces and their ramifications that has been developed comparatively
36
Linhares, Bianca de Freitas. "Cultura política e percepção tributária : uma análise sobre a sustentação da democracia brasileira." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/30634.
Анотація:
A desconfiança tem sido uma característica constante em vários países democráticos. Um forte motivo para esse comportamento é que em diversas sociedades os cidadãos não mostram satisfação com atividades governamentais, tais como disponibilização ou o acesso a bens e serviços. Mas, para que governos possam ofertar esses bens e serviços, é necessário que a população cumpra alguns deveres na relação Sociedade-Estado. Faz parte dessas obrigações o pagamento de impostos, previsto na teoria do contrato social, que define direitos e deveres mútuos para os atores acima referidos. O dever do Estado é buscar o bem comum. Contudo, pesquisas de opinião têm revelado a fragilidade da relação supracitada, o que pode colocar em risco a estabilidade democrática. Esta tese se propõe a pesquisar, a partir da teoria da cultura política, as relações entre a percepção tributária e as bases de sustentação da democracia (o apoio e a satisfação dos brasileiros em relação à democracia no Brasil), aspectos fundamentais para a manutenção do contrato social e do equilíbrio democrático. A pesquisa tem natureza quantitativa, com uso de bancos de dados de diferentes pesquisas realizadas em âmbito nacional. Os resultados do estudo sugerem que a atual percepção tributária da população brasileira favorece atitudes e comportamentos deletérios para as bases democráticas do país.Distrust has been a constant characteristic in many democratic countries. A big reason for this behavior is that citizens in different societies do not show satisfaction with government activities, such as availability or access to goods and services. But, for governments can offer such goods and services, it is necessary that the population meets some duties in the relation State-Society. Part of those obligations is to pay taxes, predicted by social contract theory, which defines mutual rights and duties for the actors mentioned above. The state's duty is to seek the common good. However, polls has revealed the fragility of the relationship above, which can endanger democratic stability. This dissertation aims to explore, from the theory of political culture, relations between taxes perceptions and the bases of sustentation for democracy (the support and the satisfaction of Brazilians regarding democracy in Brazil), essential aspects for the maintenance of the social contract and democratic balance. The research is quantitative, using databases from different surveys conducted nationwide. The study results suggests that the current tax perception of the population favors deleterious attitudes and behaviors to the democratic foundations of the country.
37
Müller, Markus L. "Essays on political contracts /." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2009. http://e-collection.ethbib.ethz.ch/show?type=diss&nr=18240.
38
Hill, Mark J. "Founding and re-founding : a problem in Rousseau's political thought and action." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b41e1417-05c9-4c46-bcad-f0f0bdc83dde.
Анотація:
protein chemistry, unnatural amino acids, chemical biology, proteomicsThe foundation of political societies is a central theme in Rousseau's work. This is no surprise coming from a man who was born into a people who had their own celebrated founder and foundations, and immersed himself in the writings of classical republicans and the quasi-mythical histories of ancient city-states where the heroic lawgiver played an important and legitimate role in political foundations. However, Rousseau's propositional political writings (those written for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland) have been accused of being unsystematic and running the spectrum from conservative and prudent to radical and utopian. It is this seeming incongruence which is the subject of this thesis. In particular, it is argued that this confusion is born out the failure to recognize a systematic distinction between "founding" and "re-founding" political societies in both the history of political thought, and Rousseau's own work (a distinction in Rousseau which has rarely been noted, let alone treated to a study of its own). By recognizing this distinction one can identify two Rousseaus; the conservative and prudent thinker who is wary of making changes to established political systems and constitutional foundations (the re-founder), and the radical democrat fighting for equality, and claiming that no state is legitimate without popular sovereignty (the founder). In demonstrating this distinction, this thesis examines the ancient concept of the lawgiver, the growth and expansion of the idea leading up to the eighteenth century, Rousseau's own philosophic writings on the topic, and the differing political proposals he wrote for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland. The thesis argues that although there is a clear separation between these two types of political proposals, they remain systematically Rousseauvian.
39
Ryan, Daniel Patrick. "Essential principles of contract and sales law in the Northern Pacific Federated States of Micronesia, the Republics of Palau and the Marshall Islands, and United States Territories and political entities /." abstract and full text PDF (UNR users only), 2009. http://0-gateway.proquest.com.innopac.library.unr.edu/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3387821.
40
Lundin, Jenny. "Finns det något positivt med positiv särbehandling? : A case study of the progress of equality of the sexes in the Swedish armed forces." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1604.
Анотація:
The aim and purpose of this paper is to identify and investigate the effects of affirmative action as a tool to improve the equality of the sexes in a male dominated organisation such as the Swedish armed forces. The study takes a qualitative approach, using feminist theory as a point of departure. Primarily socially based differences between men and women are identified and the resistance towards change is taken into account.
To understand the impact of affirmative action I have observed the political debate on the subject and contrasted it to the ongoing debate from within the armed forces. Extensive interviews have been held with both men and women from varying ranks and ages to understand what the overall opinion of the method is.
My results show that there is a widespread animosity towards affirmative action as a method of improving equality. Both in the political debate and within the organisation in question. It is perceived as a method that rather compromises the balance and the equality that already exists in the Swedish armed forces, since women can be accepted on lower merits than men.
The theoretical framework helps us to understand both the reaction towards the first women that were allowed into the organisation and the response to the latest efforts taken in improving the equality between the sexes.
41
Dubb, Alexander. "Dynamics of social reproduction and differentiation among small-scale sugarcane farmers in two rural wards of Kwazulu-Natal." University of the Western Cape, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4250.
Анотація:
Magister Philosophiae - MPhilDynamics of Social Reproduction and Differentiation among Small-Scale Sugarcane Farmers in Two Rural Wards of KwaZulu-Natal A. Dubb M.Phil thesis, Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies, University of the Western Cape. Outgrower or contract-farming schemes have long been considered an important „pro-poor‟ method of incorporating small-scale farmers into agro-commodity chains, oft defined by their capital intensity and consequent high barriers of entry. Nonetheless, critics have observed that such schemes often operate under highly imbalanced relations of power between farmers and processors, generate substantial inequality, and negatively impact on household food security. In the province of KwaZulu-Natal, home to much of South Africa‟s sugar industry, the number of small-scale sugarcane outgrowers increased rapidly from near nothing in the late 1960s to around 50,000 in the early 2000s; an increase born out of industry-subsidized miller initiatives, disguised as micro-credit, to bring commercially inalienable Bantustan land under cane production. However, in the past decade small-scale sugarcane growers have faced a precipitous decline following the restructuring of the sugar industry in the 1990s and the onset of drought in the 2000s. This study seeks to trace the origins and shifting structural foundations of small-scale sugarcane production and investigate its impacts on dynamics of social reproduction and accumulation in two rural wards of the Umfolozi region, in the wake of the sale of the central mill by the multinational corporation Illovo to a consortium of largescale white sugarcane growers. Utilizing survey data from 74 small-scale grower homesteads and life-history interviews, it is argued that regulatory restructuring resulted in deteriorating terms of exchange and the retraction of miller oversight in production, cane-haulage and ploughing operations, hence devolved to commercially unstable local contractors. Growers have subsequently struggled to compensate for consequent capital inefficiencies through intensified exploitation, largely due to the successful impact of social grants in mitigating the desperation of family and hired labour, and further face considerable barriers to expansion in land. While proceeds from sugarcane continue to represent an additional source of coveted cash-income, sparse off-farm income opportunities have gained prominence as a basis for stabilizing consumption and some re-investment in cane. The centrality of incomediversification for simple reproduction and limited accumulation has rendered the dynamics of social differentiation to be both unstable and reversible, and has closely tied sustained cane production to the labour content of non-cane income sources. Meanwhile, with less direct oversight in production, millers face the challenge of retaining their implicit „grab‟ on customary land, throwing into relief the contradictions inherent in attempts „from above‟ to foster a nominal „peasant‟ class „from below‟.
42
Ludwig, Gundula. "Feministische Staatstheorie." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-220680.
Анотація:
Feministische Staatstheorie analysiert den Staat in seinen vergeschlechtlichten und vergeschlechtlichenden Dimensionen. Konzepte des Kanons der Politikwissenschaft (wie Gesellschaftsvertrag, Staatsbürgerschaft, Recht, Gewalt) werden erweitert, indem deren Vergeschlechtlichung sichtbar gemacht wird. Ebenso werden neue Konzepte wie bspw. Maskulinismus, Privatheit, Reproduktions- und Verwandtschaftspolitiken in die Staatstheorie aufgenommen, um staatliche Machtausübung umfassend theoretisieren zu können.
43
Maiga, Sigame. "Les institutions politiques de Jean-Jacques Rousseau." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3081/document.
Анотація:
C’est en 1758 que Rousseau constate qu’il ne peut achever rapidement les Institutions Politiques, et décide d’en séparer le Contrat social et Lettre à d’Alembert sur les spectacles. En 1761, Il finit de travailler sur une partie des textes de l’Abbé de Saint-Pierre qui lui permis d’avoir une approche claire avec les relations internationales. Ce texte dit extrait du projet de paix perpétuelle de l’abbé de Saint-Pierre se veut une solution de sortie de crise politique dans laquelle les États européens s’étaient engouffrés. Les premières notions telles l’idée d’une citoyenneté européenne ou d’une confédération voyaient le jourIt is in 1758 that Rousseau finds that he can quickly complete the Political Institutions, and decided to separate the Social Contract and Letter to d'Alembert on the shows. In 1761 he finished work on a part of the texts of the Abbot of St. Peter which allowed him to have a clear approach to international relations. This text says excerpt of perpetual peace project of the Abbot of Saint-Pierre wants a political crisis solution in which European states were engulfed. The first such concepts the ideas of European citizenship or a confederation were emerging
44
Adjoi, Obengui Guy Donald. "Religion locale et pouvoir politique au Gabon : cas du rite Ndjobi chez les Mbede." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LORR0157/document.
Анотація:
Entre Sociologie politique et Anthropologie religieuse, cette thèse tente de comprendre l’interaction entre « Religion locale et pouvoir politique» dans la perspective de consolidation du pouvoir en Afrique, plus précisément au Gabon. Elle met l’accent sur la gestion du pouvoir politique en Afrique et analyse les rapports du rite initiatique Ndjobi avec le pouvoir politique dans la communauté Mbede. Ce champ thématique est déconstruit jusqu’à la nation gabonaise à travers l’initiation et l’implication des politiques locaux aux religions locales. Le rite Ndjobi serait une contre-offensive locale visant à réparer l’univers social et à protéger les Mbede. C’est un élément fondamental au maintien de l’ordre à travers le symbolisme de l’Okèlè é Ndjobi qui est l’affirmation par laquelle un initié prend à témoin le sacré et la vérité de la déclaration qu’il profère devant le panier contenant les reliques du Ndjobi. Pour un chef traditionnel, ce rite serait un moyen de compenser une déficience constitutionnelle de son pouvoir politique afin d’entretenir chez ses sujets initiés respect et surtout crainte. Le serment du Ndjobi serait un contrat politique de confiance à un chef de village, à un responsable politique initié à ce rite. A travers cette déconstruction, cette religion locale pourrait être appréhendée comme un support du pouvoir politique gabonais à l’échelle nationale. Les serments se font avec des paroles ; mais en Afrique noire, ces paroles ne sont pas légères. Elles permettent d’agir sur soi, sur les autres et sur le monde concerné comme une contrainte comparable à une épée de Damoclès. Cette contrainte s’exerce d’une manière subtile et imposée avec quelques négociations intra-politiques liées à la « politique du ventre » pour que l’initiation ne s’apparente pas à un acte subi et sorcellaire aux yeux de la population. La sorcellerie comme une sanction du rite Ndjobi est vécue par l’ensemble des Mbede et des initiés politiques, comme une menace permanente d’agression visant leurs corps, leurs biens et leurs familles. En effet, certains chefs traditionnels dit « Nga Mpugu» choisissent la ruse, la fraude, les crimes rituels, la possession matérielle comme moyen politique afin non seulement de contrôler la population, mais aussi de manipuler les envies de pouvoir de leurs adeptes et de leurs proches collaborateurs. En Afrique, « gouverner c’est prévoir » et prévoir, c’est mettre en place un mécanisme permettant d’éviter d’être surpris par l’ennemi qui peut être un proche. Ce serait, en fait, la mise en fonction d’une « Démocratie traditionnelle ». C’est dans ce sens que cette thèse peut s’inscrire dans la perspective de compréhension et d’analyse du politique en Afrique noire à travers les religions locales comme fondement du pouvoir politique malgré l’arrivée actuelle des obédiences religieuses modernes et des parrainagesOn horseback between political Sociology and political Anthropology, this thesis try to understand the interaction enter "local Religion and political Power» with the prospect of consolidation of the power Africa, more exactly in the Gabon. It underlines the management (direction) of the power politics and analyzes the relationship enter the initiation rite Ndjobi and the political power in the community Mbede. This thematic field is deconstructed up to the Gabonese nation through the initiation and the implication of the politics premises within this religion. The rite Ndjobi would be a local counter-offensive to repair the universe social and to protect Mbede. It is a fundamental element in the maintenance of law and order through the symbolism of Okèlè é Ndjobi that is the assertion by which an initiated calls in to witness the sacred and the truth of the statement which he utters in front of the basket containing the relics of Ndjobi. For a traditional leader, this rite would be a way to compensate for a constitutional deficiency of its political power to maintain at its introduced subjects respect and especially been afraid, fault of whom its power could widely be imaginary. The oath of Ndjobi would be a political reliable contract to a village headman, to a politician introduced to this rite. Through this demolition, this local religion appears as a support of the Gabonese political power on a national scale and even money regional. Even if the oaths are made with words; but in Black Africa, these words are not light. They allow to act on one, on the others and on the world concerned as a constraint comparable to a sword of Damocles. The constraint practiced in a way subtle and imposed with some intra-political negotiations bound to the «politics of the stomach " So that the initiation undergone is not similar to an act of the witchcraft in the eyes of the population. The witchcraft as a penalty of the rite Ndjobi is lived by all the Mbede and the political initiated, as a threat perms of aggression aiming their bodies, at their goods and at their families. Indeed, every traditional leader says "Nga Mpuhu" always chooses the guile, the fraud, the ritual crimes, the material ownership as political way to make not only control the population, but also to manipulate the desires for power of her followers and for her close collaborators. In Africa, "you saddle today and ride out tomorrow" and plan, it is to set up a mechanism allowing to avoid being was a surprise by the enemy who, generally, is always a close relation. It would be, in fact, the putting according to a "traditional Democracy ". It is in this direction that this thesis can serve of complementary element with the prospect of understanding and analysis of politics in Black Africa through the religions local as foundation of the political power in spite of the current arrival of the modern religious obedience and the sponsoring
45
Wallén, Daniel. "Sweden´s moral responsibility to protect Romanian victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation in Sweden." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-28019.
Анотація:
Trafficking in persons is a serious crime and a serious violation of human rights. Every year, thousands of men, women and children fall into the hands of traffickers, in their own countries and abroad. Trafficking in human beings (THB) can be about forced labour, sexual slavery and/or commercial sexual exploitation, but this this paper focuses on the latter category. One country in Eastern Europe with an exceptionally high proportion of women and children trafficked into Sweden each year is Romania. The purpose of the following study is therefore to investigate what moral responsibility – if any – Sweden has to protect the female part of the victims from Romania being trafficked for sexual purposes in Sweden. They are not Swedish citizens, and that makes it a complicated question. In making an effort to come up with answers, we will have a look at what Sweden is doing for these people today, and what the options look like going forward, if indeed the responsibilty is ours. This is an academic thesis with one normative and one empirical aspect. Normative theoretical principles of global justice, ethics and human dignity from American philosopher Martha Nussbaum are tested on an empirical problem; a case study about the situation for Romanian trafficking victims in Sweden and Norway. Apart from the theory and case study, I have exclusively used applied ethics, secondary sources and an analytical tool to analyze and dissect the problem, reaching the conclusion that Sweden does have a moral responsibility, and that we therefore should continue to work in these people´s favour. However, more so that now by assisting solution solving in Romania, where the biggest problems exist and the best solutions can be expected, if handled intelligently and with ethics in mind.
46
Li, Alexander. "The U.S. Social Contract with Pakistan: A Theoretical Analysis of U.S. Drone Use in Relation to Sovereignty." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2024.
Анотація:
This thesis explores the U.S.-Pakistani relationship in the War on Terror in an effort to better understand the U.S.-Pakistani power dynamic. In particular, this thesis analyzes the United States’ relationship with Pakistan via a Hobbesian understanding of social contract theory: a state’s right to sovereignty. It then utilizes this framework to analyze the U.S. use of drones on Pakistani soil. This paper suggests a protectionist model has been adopted by the United States, thereby making these drone strikes violations of the social contract. As a result, this paper argues that because of this, the United States will have to uphold the state’s responsibility to protect in order to maintain their social contracts with other states.
47
Brook, Heather. "Proposing politics : Pateman, marriage and the sexual contract /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arb8713.pdf.
48
Kratzer, Russell E. "Qingdao Nong Min Gong Lao Dong He Tong Fa Shi Shi Zhuang Kuang De Diao Yan: She Hui Bao Xian Wen Ti Tu Chu." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243614276.
49
Legnani, Nicole Delia. "Love Interest: Figures and Fictions of Venture Capital and the Law in Conquista." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11471.
Анотація:
Inspired by the visual allegory ("Conquista, embarcáronse a las Indias" fol. 73 of the Nueva corónica), Legnani contends that the development of the laws of peoples (jus gentium) by 16th century Spanish jurists should be analyzed within the corpus of commercial law (lex mercatoria) employed by sea merchants, bankers and mercenaries throughout the 15th and 16th centuries. This dissertation explores the movement from figure to fiction in discourses of capital and violence.Romance Languages and Literatures
50
Jankell, Alex. "Working right with worker rights : Corruption and worker right violations, a quantitative analysis." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-446076.
Анотація:
The rights that govern a person's workplace relationship, worker rights, are an important part of everyday lifefor many people on earth. As these rights are violated, the safety of the workers livelihood is threatened and as such the lack of security undermines the social contract in society. The social contract approach to corruption, as championed by Bo Rothstein, holds that as the social contract is rejected, corruption ensues. This study examines the relationship between worker rights violations and corruption using OLS regressionwith a range of control variables. The essay finds that there is a relationship between the degree of worker right violations and corruption, but only in higher welfare countries. In the studied countries with the lowest welfare, the relationship does not manifest itself. The essay also finds that in comparison to other factors of rule of law worker right violations is perhaps not the most important one when finding determinants of corruption.