Дисертації з теми "Political and societal involvements"
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1
Paré, Sophie. "L’engagement religieux, politique et sociétal des Kriegsenkel dans l’Allemagne contemporaine : Répercussions du national-socialisme dans l’histoire familiale et les biographies individuelles." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Angers, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023ANGE0084.
Анотація:
Le national-socialisme représente la période sombre de l’histoire allemande. Il a fait l’objet de nombreuses controverses dans les milieux académiques. D’abord tabouisé dans la société d’après-guerre, il fut mieux assumé officiellement dans les décennies suivantes, si bien qu’une culture du souvenir vit le jour à la fin des années 1980. Signe d'une remarquable volonté d’auto-critique, elle est à saluer. Pourtant, elle ne parvint pas à pénétrer vraiment la sphère privée : c’est ainsi que le passé nazi demeure encore un sujet douloureux dans les familles de nos répondants, qui se considèrent comme Kriegsenkel. Mais qui sont-ils? Kriegsenkel signifie littéralement« les petits-enfants de la guerre ». Le terme se réfère aux grands-parents, impliqués dans le régime hitlérien. Les Kriegsenkel, nés majoritairement entre 1960 et 1980, s’identifient à ce concept par choix. Il implique également l’idée d’une transmission transgénérationnelle de traumatismes provenant du second conflit. Au tournant des années 2000 émergèrent dans les pays germanophones des groupes de parole de Kriegsenkel, ce qui constitua un phénomène inédit. Cette étude présente les résultats d’une enquête qualitative, conduite auprès de Kriegsenkel, dont l’histoire familiale fut marquée par le Troisième Reich. Sont cependant exclus de notre panel les descendants de grands dignitaires nazis. Notre propos est d’explorer les retombées du national-socialisme dans la biographie des enquêtés, sous le prisme de leurs engagements religieux, politiques et sociétaux. L’enquête révèle comment s’articulent mémoire, Histoire et engagementsThe National Socialism represents a gloomy period of German history. It has been the subject of numerous controversies in academic circles. Initially considered a taboo in post-war society, it was better accepted officially in the following decades, so much so that a culture of remembrance saw the light of day in the late eighties. This remarkable sign of willingness to beself-critical is to be praised. Nonetheless, it never truly managed to penetrate the private sphere : that is why the Nazi past still remains a painful subject in the families of our respondents, who see themselves as Kriegsenkel. But who are they? Kriegsenkel literally means “The grandchildren of the War”. The term refers to the grandparents who were involved in the Hitlerian regime.The Kriegsenkel, most of whom were born between 1960 and 1980 identify with this conceptby choice. It also involves the idea of a transgenerational transmission of trauma stemming from the second conflict. At the turn ofthe 2000s Kriegsenkel talking groups emerged in German-speaking countries, which was an unprecedented phenomenon.This study presents the results of a qualitative survey of the Kriegsenkel whose family history was marked by the Third Reich. The descendants of leading Nazi dignitaries are however not included in our sample group. Our aim is to explore the fallouts of the National Socialism in the biography of respondents through the prism of their religious, political and societal involvements. The survey reveals how memory, History and involvement fit together
2
Akers, Laura, and Laura Akers. "Patterns in Individual Endorsement of Societal Metanarratives." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12522.
Анотація:
Culturally shared beliefs about societies and humanity play a prominent part in world events, from beliefs about the histories and destinies of nations to beliefs about the appropriate relationship between humanity and the natural world. Many of these beliefs are "metanarratives," simplified representations of past and future societal trends, which often have narrative elements, such as goals, dramatic features, a sense of suspense for group members, and affective judgments about the passage of events over time.
In this exploratory study, lifelong residents of the United States (N = 299 undergraduate students and 88 members of a web sample of older adults) indicated their degree of agreement with 73 metanarrative statements. Factor analysis of the students' personal belief scores for the 73 metanarratives revealed a pattern of clustering into six factors, indicating that people tend to believe in families of metanarratives. The six factors were Traditional Religion, American Secular Values, International Cooperation, Eco-Romanticism, Anti-Government Cynicism, and Rational Progress. The web sample largely replicated this structure, but with only four factors. The factors were highly correlated with political party affiliation and other psychosocial and demographic variables, including religiousness, Saucier "isms" factors, and MFQ moral foundations.
Participants were also asked about the extent to which some of their strongest beliefs were reflected in their personal activities: career choice, leisure time, spending money, voting, joining groups, reading and viewing, and discussion. The 73 metanarratives were coded for several narrative features: evaluative schema (such as Progress or Looming Catastrophe), presence of standard story elements (context, problem, outcome), presence of goals, and presence of references to cognitively exceptional elements (circumstances beyond the ordinary), such as the sacred, transcendental, unique, or extreme. For both samples, metanarratives with an evaluative schema indicating two possible paths were more motivating than those with only one outcome (e.g., stability or a cycle of recurring ups-and-downs). Further, those with goals were more motivating than those without, and for the web sample, those with cognitively exceptional elements were more motivating than those without. Further study of metanarratives should help to better illuminate the factors leading to individuals' decisions to participate in their larger societies.
3
Ng, Raye. "Corporate culture in Singapore : Chinese capitalism, societal characteristics and political economy." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.539507.
4
Kang, Jun Hee. "Do societal expectations/pressure drive unhappiness in south korea?" Thesis, Georgetown University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586276.
Анотація:
While South Korea is ranked high in education, economies and technological development, the level of South Koreans' happiness has not grown simultaneously. This fact contradicts the common sense that improvements in living standards, such as income or education, lead to gains in happiness or individual wellbeing. In order to examine the phenomenon of decreasing perceived individual wellbeing in light of increasing income levels, I analyze the relationship between societal expectations/pressure and happiness in South Korea, using data from the World Value survey conducted in 2010. The uniquely high concentration on human capital in South Korea has played a major factor for extreme competitiveness. Since the financial crisis in 1997, the competitive job market has produced few job opportunities, which has caused a high level of social pressure. The major finding of this study is that the impact of societal expectations on unhappiness increases as people get older and it is more powerful among people of lower income. Also, social pressure has a greater negative effect on happiness for females than males in South Korea. Even when controlling for independent variables, including job security, wages, and high living costs, I show social pressure to have a first order impact on perceived well-being among Korean citizens. From a policy perspective, low levels of happiness can ultimately cause social instability and loss of human capital. Expected policy implications are increasing the number of college entrance exams and fostering work life balance initiatives. In this sense, the findings of this paper can serve as a guideline for the South Korean government not only to improve the overall economic productivity of South Korean society, but also enhance the quality of life along important societal dimensions.
5
Saintsing, Matthew B. "A Tale of Two `Kenyas’: An African Case of Societal Securitization." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1439562121.
6
Derlich, Stephanie. "Civil society involvement in peace processes : The case of Afghanistan." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-105429.
Анотація:
Civil society inclusion in peace processes has been recognised to be crucial in achieving sustainable peace. The author first reviews the existing academic literature on this, before looking at how civil society, and especially civil society in non-western contexts and armed conflicts can be conceptualised. The variety of approaches and the limitations of Western actor-based concepts in non-Western contexts explains the choice of a function-based model of civil society being chosen to analyse it in the context of international peacebuilding efforts. Its involvement in formal peace processes and negotiations meanwhile is analysed using nine models of inclusion. The case that is chosen for this exploration is Afghanistan. As a multi-facetted country with a long history of armed conflict and foreign involvement, the developments in the past two decades provide an interesting case study. The inductive desk research, using secondary data, is guided by the questions; which concept of civil society has informed the peace building process in Afghanistan in the past twenty years, how civil society in Afghanistan can be conceptualized and how this has affected the peace building process. The findings paint a distinct picture of a country that has been shaped by armed conflict, tracing its roots back to the early days of modern Afghanistan and contrasting existing societal and political structures with Western concepts of civil society and state building. Civil society involvement is being analysed using exemplary stages of peace processes and external peace building efforts. The research concludes that civil society inclusion has been limited by Western concepts of civil society being unfittingly applied to far more complex local realities, thereby excluding relevant actors and limiting the legitimacy and ownership of the peace process, with the prospect of peace being a long way off.
7
MONTALBANO, GIUSEPPE. "Reshaping hegemony: societal interests and political power in the European post‐crisis financial governance." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201108.
Анотація:
A Neo‐Gramscian approach to the analysis of EU integration and policy-making. Mapping the participatory channels in the EU economic and financial policy-making. The formation of the European post‐crisis regulatory agenda. The reform of Basel II and the Capital Requirements’ package. The reform of the Lamfalussy process and the European supervision of the financial markets. The Single Supervisory Mechanism and the path towards the Banking Union. The debate on the Banking Structural Reform: a view on the on going negotiations.
8
Cooper, Jasmine M. "Reconsidering Well-Being: Optimization at the Societal Level." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1323.
Анотація:
This paper explores the concept of well-being both in theoretical and practical applications. When it comes to well-being policy, it is apparent that the government’s goal ought to be to maximize the well-being of the citizens within that particular society. In order to do so effectively, there must be a foundational understanding both of the concept of well-being itself, as well as how it functions in application. I argue that preference-based approaches to well-being, which often emply GDP as a key metric, fail to adequately reflect the well-being of a nation’s citizens. I suggest that the Capabilities Approach offers a superior approach to well-being both in theory and in practice. Though it is possible that there are other equal or better options, I find that the Capabilities Approach successfully reaches the genuine depths of a person’s well-being without allowing for one individual’s well-being to impede on another’s. While it is evident that the capabilities approach still faces a number of hurdles and room for development, I hope to have argued that it is a step forward from traditional as well as subjective approaches to well-being. With further research and development, it is evident that this shift will allow for development decisions that are unbiased, equally considering the interests of all citizens, and thus a step forward towards truly increasing the well-being of humans throughout the world.
9
Acik-Toprak, Necla. "Civic engagement in Europe : a multilevel study of the effect of individual and national determinants on political participation, political consumerism and associational involvement." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:94093.
Анотація:
Active and engaged citizens are the backbone of a strong democracy and a vibrant civil society. Yet recent trends of low electoral turnout in Europe and decreasing levels of civic engagement have called into question the legitimacy of governments and the stability of democracy in the long term, particularly in Europe. Against the background of such developments this research sets out to provide a comparative study of civic engagement and analyse the variations in civic engagement between countries. The study is mainly based on the analysis of the European Social Survey 2002, covering 35,000 individuals from 19 European countries and applies advanced statistical modelling techniques including Multiple Correspondence Analysis MCA) and Multi-level modelling. Although there is a good deal of research examining civic engagement using individual level data or aggregate level data, very few studies have combined both approaches. This study addresses this gap and applies multi-level modelling to examine the relative importance of an individual’s socio-demographic characteristics and his/her country in determining levels and types of civic engagement. Thus, it has the advantage of identifying whether civic engagement is significantly affected by country characteristics or the converse, whether a person’s characteristics (age, education, social class etc.) are all that is needed in order to account for the variations in civic engagement. The innovative application of MCA to explore indicators of civic engagement has led to the identification of three dimensions of civic engagement; political activities, political consumerism and associational involvement. Moreover, by projecting all activities on a two-dimensional map it become evident that citizens who tend to carry out ‘individual’ types of political consumerism such as ‘buycotting’, boycotting and signing petitions are also more likely to be involved in New Social Movement organisations. These significant results shed new light on activities usually regarded as ‘individualistic’ type of activities and suggest viewing them in the context of a wider array of collective actions. Furthermore, in addition to the standard contextual measures such as economic development, welfare regime, income inequality, and levels of democracy, this study introduced two innovative policy measures. To consider the impact of government policies on levels of civic engagement measures of governments’ support of the voluntary sector and civic education at school (comparing the education policies of 19 European countries from 1945-2002) were developed. The results confirmed the importance of both individual level characteristics as well as country level characteristics in explaining civic engagement in Europe. However, differences between countries were reduced to a greater degree when contextual factors were introduced. Particularly the welfare state, showed the greatest effect. This implies that socio-economic conditions and in particular social policy and the degree to which it reproduces egalitarian structures determine to a great extent citizen involvement. In other words the results of this study suggest that the national context matters and that governments can and do shape the nature and levels of civic engagement.
10
McCarthy, Liam Patrick. "The operationalisation of political and societal securitization theory, and its application to post-colonial Indonesia." Thesis, Swansea University, 2006. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42546.
Анотація:
This thesis is both a conceptual analysis of securitization and an analysis of the political and societal security threats that plagued the Sukarno and Suharto regimes in hidonesia. It charts securitization's place within the current security hterature and examines the critiques of these sectors. It addresses the criticism that political security is too broad and lacking a distinct identity of its own. Using the work of Alagappa and Ayoob allows us to expand our understanding of political securitization, the nature of the threats to the sector, define a clear referent object, and apply securitization logic to the study of authoritarian regimes. Secondly, with respect to societal securitisation, this dissertation will develop the current literature to incorporate social psychology theory, which provides us with a clearer understanding of not only how and why social groups, and thus social identities, form but also why it is people need these groups in the first place, and also why inter group conflict can occur. This in turn provides a more robust conception of societal security. The thesis then uses these operationalised security concepts and uses them to analyse postcolonial Indonesia. It argues that the central principles of both the Sukarno and Suharto political regimes had within their guiding principles the antecedents that would lead to their ultimate failure. It also argues that the oppressive policies of the New Order towards ethnic minorities, rather than destroying the targeted groups actually defined and strengthened notions of what it was to be Indonesian.
11
Thompson, Mark Colin. "Emerging socio-political representation in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3569.
Анотація:
The aim of this study is to assess the extent to which the Saudi Arabia National Dialogue and activities of King Abdulaziz Center for National Dialogue (KACND) represent a viable attempt to address socio-political issues; whether the ongoing National Dialogue process accurately reflects the aspirations and concerns of contemporary Saudi society; what its impact on socio-political development may be; and how it relates to wider regime strategies and to the evolution of the Saudi polity. The thesis examines KACND’s institutions, practices and impacts, as well as Saudis’ perceptions of all these. It does so by embedding the analysis in a survey of the evolution of broader Saudi socio-political dynamics; drawing in particular on Gramsci, it asks whether the system is moving from a form of patrimonial state to one of ideological hegemony, and whether the KACND is a catalyst in this transition or may even be part of the apparatus that is driving this transition, including its indirect or unintended effects. To that end, the thesis examines the mutual relationship between KACND and the key Saudi social constituencies, with their attendant issues. In particular, it explores the extent to which the KACND’s activities directly and indirectly impact on internal cross-constituency communication and discourse in the Kingdom. The thesis explores the legitimisation of state-society dialogue in Saudi Arabia, focusing on the direct and indirect consequences of the National Dialogue process with reference to the role and activities of KACND. It examines the expanding activities of KACND, including the evolving range of issues discussed as part of the institution’s activities, and the scope of participants. It highlights the shift from ideology-based National Dialogue Meetings such as on national unity and women’s rights, to service-based National Dialogues such as on employment and health. It also examines the newly established Cultural Discourse and assesses the impact of this initiative as a space for ideological debate. The study is based on extensive fieldwork in Saudi Arabia from 2009 to 2011, referencing information and official documentation not previously available, and drawing on findings from a wide range of focus groups, interviews, and participant observation with National Dialogue participants, KACND officials, government ministers, lawyers, journalists, scholars and members of minority constituencies
12
Manget-Johnson, Carol Anne. "Dread Talk: The Rastafarians' Linguistic Response to Societal Oppression." unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07182008-150257/.
Анотація:
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2008.Title from file title page. Mary Zeigler, committee chair; Marti Singer, Lynée Gaillet, committee members. Electronic text (113 [i.e. 112] p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Oct. 1, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-110).
13
Coymak, Ahmet. "Associations Of Religious Identification, Secular Identification, Perceived Discrimination, And Political Trust With Ethnic And Societal (national) Identification." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610734/index.pdf.
Анотація:
The current thesis extends research in the area of multiple social identities and identity conflict by focusing on both intergroup and intraindividual process underlying structures of identities, namely, religious, ethnic, and societal (national)
identifications. In addition, it examined the influence of political trust, and perceived discrimination the relationship between ethnic and societal identification for disadvantaged ethnic groups in Turkey. Two studies were conducted to evaluate the process of identity organization both inter group and in group. While, the first study addresses intergroup differentiations of these identities, second study focused on intraindividual process of these identities'structure. Supporting hypothesis stemming from Social Identity Theory and Optimal Distinctiveness Theory, political trust and perceived discrimination have roles of mediation in the relationship ethnic and societal identification, by contrast with secular and religious identities in the relationship. Results were discussed for their implications to politic context of the Turkey.
14
Sepúlveda, Cofré Rut. "Partiet som utflöde av samhället : En argumentationsanalys av det nyuppkomna partiet Feministiskt Initiativ." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-15153.
Анотація:
This thesis is a study of Parties as an outflow of societal changes where the aim has been to find out how parties are affected by societal changes and how they justify to new party formation. This is done by using a theory called Parties as an outflow of societal changes which is a theory developed by Swedish researchers in Political Science. To confirm the theory it is necessary to do an argumentation analysis of one external developed party’s electoral program. In this case the party selected is Feminist Initiative which brings a different view on how the society of Sweden should look like. Selected parts of the argumentative analysis will be examined with the purpose to give a perspective on how Feminist Initiative values the changes in society and how they describe their role as a new party. The main question of this study is; Are new parties an outflow of societal changes? The basic arguments includes that along with societal changes in Western Europe also changes the view of a representative democracy in which political parties play a central role. It is clear that societies have changed in different ways with the rampage of the globalization. Media’s role in the political realm has also increased and influences more in society. In the case of Sweden political parties have raised with different ideals, goals and visions of how Swedish society should look like. The result should confirm the thesis that changes in society contributes to party formation.
15
Kunze, Sven Philip [Verfasser], and Axel [Akademischer Betreuer] Dreher. "Geospatial Analyses of Natural Disasters: Economic Impacts, Societal Responses, and Political Bias / Sven Philip Kunze ; Betreuer: Axel Dreher." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1236403134/34.
16
Hyöty, H. (Helena). "”Toiset rakastavat, toiset vihaavat.”:Ilmari Kiannon tuotannon julkinen reseptio Suomessa." Doctoral thesis, Oulun yliopisto, 2015. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789526209623.
Анотація:
Abstract My dissertation studies public reception of the works of Ilmari Kianto (1874–1970). The guiding principle of my study is contextual analysis, which is a fruitful approach to the primarily social themes of Kianto’s works. The reception of contemporaries of Kianto did not focus so much on the aesthetic properties of his works but rather on their significance in the societal context of the era in which they were published. Later research into Kianto’s reception has focused on his currently canonised descriptions of Finnish folk life, Punainen viiva (The Red Line) and Ryysyrannan Jooseppi (Jooseppi from Ryysyranta) that are his most valued works from an aesthetic point of view. The purpose of my doctoral dissertation is to bridge the gap that both literary history and research literature have left behind. My study shows that all Kianto’s works – including his lyrics and novels – are invariably tied in with the most pressing societal, political and ethical issues of their time. Based on his works and how they were publicly received, Kianto can be perceived as being a significant participant in the debate on social questions and he brought many social issues to the attention of the public. When Kianto demanded freedom of religion and legalisation of civil marriage in his works, he received considerable support from his contemporaries, but this also led to blasphemy charges. Furthermore, my dissertation shows that the later public image of Kianto does not do any justice to the views of his contemporaries because the image highlights his reputation for being a ruthless “butcher” on the side of the Whites in the civil war, which is a view based on a certain widely distributed propaganda article. Observed through his public reception as a whole, Kianto was generally seen as being a spokesman for the poor and as a pacifist through his book Elämän ja kuoleman kentältä (From The Field of Life and Death), which he completed after the civil war in 1918 but which was rejected by publishers and published first in 1928. Kianto’s sentencing to a correctional institution for attempted high treason during the Finnish Winter War was the most tragic event for his literary reputation, which meant that he was expelled from the Writer’s Union and disfavoured all the way through until the 1950’sTiivistelmä Väitöskirjani käsittelee Ilmari Kiannon (1874–1970) tuotannon julkista reseptiota Suomessa. Tutkimustani on ohjannut kontekstuaalinen analyysi, joka on ollut Kiannon teosten voittopuoleisesti yhteiskunnallisten teemojen kannalta hedelmällinen lähtökohta. Kiannon aikalaisvastaanotossa eivät korostuneet niinkään teosten esteettiset ominaisuudet, vaan teosten merkitys ilmestymisaikansa yhteiskunnallisessa kontekstissa. Myöhempi Kiannon tutkimuksellinen reseptio on keskittynyt tuotannon esteettisesti korkeatasoisimmiksi arvostettuihin ja suomalaisen kirjallisuuden kaanoniin nousseisiin kansankuvauksiin, Punaiseen viivaan ja Ryysyrannan Jooseppiin, jotka ovat jättäneet varjoonsa Kiannon muun tuotannon. Kiannon koko tuotannon läpikäyvää reseptiota käsittelevän väitöskirjani tarkoitus onkin täyttää sitä aukkoa, joka sekä kirjallisuushistorialta että tutkimuskirjallisuudelta on Kiannon osalta jäänyt. Tutkimukseni osoittaa, että Kiannon teokset nivoutuvat aina lyriikkaa ja romaanituotantoa myöten aikansa polttavimpiin yhteiskunnallisiin, poliittisiin ja eettisiin kysymyksiin. Kiantoa voidaankin teosten ja vastaanoton pohjalta pitää aikansa merkittävänä yhteiskunnallisena keskustelijana ja monien sosiaalisten ongelmien esilletuojana. Kiannon teosten vaateet lainsäädännön päivittämisestä modernin ajan ihmisen aatemaailmaa vastaavaksi muun muassa uskonnonvapauden ja siviiliavioliiton laillistamisen puolesta saivat aikalaisvastaanotossa runsaasti vastakaikua, mutta toivat myös jumalanpilkkasyytteitä. Tutkimukseni osoittaa myös, että Kiannosta jälkipolville muotoutunut julkisuuskuva ei tee oikeutta Kiannon koko aikalaisvastaanotolle, josta on jäänyt elämään lähinnä Kiannon maine säälimättömänä valkoisena ”lahtarina” yhden tietyn ahkerasti levitetyn propaganda-artikkelin takia. Koko vastaanoton kautta tarkasteltuna Kianto nähtiin yleisesti köyhälistön puolestapuhujana ja sisällissodan jälkeen jo vuonna 1918 valmistuneella teoksellaan Elämän ja kuoleman kentältä myös sodan vastustajana, joka joutui kustantajien hylkäämäksi ja sai ko. teoksensa julkaistua vasta vuonna 1928. Kiannon talvisodan aikaan saama kuritushuonetuomio sotapetoksen yrityksestä oli Kiannon kirjailijamaineen kannalta traagisin tapahtuma, joka merkitsi hänen erottamistaan Kirjailijaliitosta ja vuosikymmenen kestänyttä hylkimistään vastaanotossa aina 1950-luvulle asti
17
Cruea, Mark Douglas. "The Virtual Hand: Exploring the Societal Effects of Video Game Industry Business Models." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1320430304.
18
Sjölén, Gustafsson Markus. "Difference and social cohesion : A Study of Different Identities' Effect on Societal Cohesiveness." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-355541.
Анотація:
This paper has had the ambition to answer the question does people’s perception of group difference affect their sense of societal cohesiveness? Using survey data from a Swedish 2015 study conductedby the SOM-institute this study looks at people living in Sweden’s perceptions of differentgroup identities to see which elements come at play in forming an over-all sense of societal cohesion.This study combines theories on social capital in relation to group identities to create anadvanced model to test the data in. The analysis confirmed that people’s discernment of other groups indeed affects the level of societal cohesiveness, and that respondents who felt a stronger emotional connection towards groups with another economy, education and culture were more likely to feel like a part of the Swedish society and to be more trusting of others.
19
Lance, Justin Earl. "An Institutional Approach to Understanding Leftist Party Change in Brazil: Corporate Campaign Contributions, Leadership Moderation, and Societal Interests." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1276807052.
20
Bench, Sheree Maxwell. ""Woman Arise!": Political Work in the Writings of Lu Dalton." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2002. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4518.
Анотація:
In 1872, Mormon plural wife, educator, and suffragist Lucinda Lee Dalton began writing fiery political essays and insightful poetry for the Woman's Exponent from her small community in southern Utah. Through her writings Dalton endeavors to shape the opinions of Exponent readers by working within public discourse toward the goal of equality for women. At times both optimistic and troubled, she uses the rhetorical strategies of humor, irony, reason, identification, and persuasion to educate men and women on disparities and to encourage women to participate actively in their own emancipation. She often engages in a dialogical process with other writers by crafting both polemic and poetic responses to specific writings in order to work toward greater insight on critical issues. As an essayist Dalton defends her religion, calls for the expansion of women's political and economic opportunities, and asserts that the elevation of women is crucial to achieving the potential of both sexes. As a poet she is a compelling writer who reveals in her poems her apprehensions and aspirations, her faith and feminism. Much of her poetry reflects the same commitment to reform that is clear in her essays, and she uses both genres do effective political work. This thesis uses a pluralist approach to recover Lu Dalton as an important early Mormon writer. It articulates her merit as a representative voice by evaluating the historical context and rhetorical function of her published writings in which she actively calls for broad societal reform, writing on women's roles, political rights, and relationship with God and men.
21
Cunha, André Emanuel Valente Roseta. "The art of security:human security and why China needs it." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/5886.
Анотація:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais na especialização de Segurança e InformaçõesA China é um país em transição. Depois de o Partido Comunista Chinês ter tomado controlo do aparelho de Estado em meados do século XXI, a China passou de um país relativamente imprevisível e turbulento para uma das maiores economias mundiais no início do século XXI. Mas à medida que crescem os receios regionais quanto à modernização das forças armadas Chinesas e da sua ascensão aparente ao estatuto de superpotência, descontentamento interno relativamente ao papel do PCC na tomada de decisão, poluição descontrolada, tensões étnicas e corrupção política ameaçam atingir aquilo que a elite mais deseja: estabilidade social. Usando uma perspectiva da Segurança Humana filtrada de contradições metodológicas, esta tese procura agregar, descrever e analisar os riscos de uma vasta gama de vulnerabilidades que ameaçam as aspirações de longo-prazo da China, os seus imperativos de segurança, a legitimidade política da elite, o modelo de transição e, sobretudo, as expectativas da população.
China is a country in transition. After the Chinese Communist Party took control of the State apparatus in the middle of the XX century, China went from an unpredictable and rather turbulent country into a world’s major economy by the beginning of the XXI century. But as regional fears arise over the modernization of the Chinese military and the country’s apparent rise into the status of superpower, internal disgruntlement over the role of the CCP in policymaking, rampant pollution, ethnic tension and political corruption threaten to hit the leadership in what it desires the most: social stability. By using a Human Security perspective expunged from methodological contradictions, this thesis seeks to collect, describe and assess the risks of a wide range of vulnerabilities that threaten China’s long-term aspirations, security imperatives, the leadership’s legitimacy, the model of transition and, above all, the hopes of the population.
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Lacouture, Matthew Thomas. "Liberalization, Contention, and Threat: Institutional Determinates of Societal Preferences and the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Morocco." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2130.
Анотація:
Why do revolutions happen? What role do structures, institutions, and actors play in precipitating (or preventing) them? Finally, What might compel social mobilization against a regime in the face of potentially insurmountable odds? These questions are all fundamentally about state-society (strategic) interactions, and elite and societal preference formation over time. The self-immolation of Muhammad Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid on December 17, 2010, served as a focal point upon which over twenty years of corrupt, coercive authoritarian rule were focused into a single, unified challenge to the Ben Ali regime. The regime's brutality was publicized via social media activism and satellite television, precipitating mass mobilization across Tunisia and, eventually, throughout the region and beyond. In light of the rapid and unforeseen nature of these events, scholars writing about the causes of the Arab Spring have focused their critiques on scholarship that they felt overemphasized the role of institutions and elite-level actors over 'under the radar' changes within society. This paper essentially agrees with this point of view, but is not content to simply 'throw out' institutionalism. As Timur Kuran (1991) argued in the wake of the unforeseen collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, one cannot understand revolution without understanding the 'true' preferences of social actors. In this way, the inevitability of revolutionary surprises seems a given so long as analysts continue to look from the top-down. Yet, this paper contends that institutions do still matter. They matter because different institutional arrangements incentivize and constrain regime strategies, which, in turn, inform the strategic calculations and preference orderings within society. These two societal variables are determined - in part - by the degree of regime flexibility, and they affect whether, how, and where social actors choose to vent their dissent.
This paper proposes a model for the development of contentious social mobilization under authoritarianism. In order to do so, two models - one game-theoretic, and the other rooted in the contentious politics subfield of political sociology - are synthesized toward elucidating how altered societal preferences affect strategic interactions between the regime and society over time and during acute contentious episodes. The synthesized model is then illustrated through narrative case studies of two North African states that experienced divergent outcomes in the wake of the Arab Spring: Tunisia and Morocco. The limited spaces and institutions for the expression of dissent in Tunisia gradually changed societal preferences over time. In 2010, Tunisians' preferences shifted from various socioeconomic demands and other issue-specific grievances toward a galvanized demand for the fall of the regime. In Morocco, on the other hand, social actors, by and large, continued to prefer limited reforms to a complete upheaval of the political system. This paper contends that this divergence in preferences and therefore outcomes was in part determined by the variation in the two regimes' respective strategic mixes of concessions and/or coercion. To the extent that such strategies and institutions were more flexible - i.e. were more permissive of (limited) political contention and contestation - social movements were less likely to become emboldened against the regime.
23
Gresham, Mitchell. "Who Owns A Handgun?: An Analysis of the Correlates of Handgun Ownership in Young Adulthood." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu147881245017819.
24
Schneiderman, Maya Danielle. "THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN SOCIETAL RESPONSE TO THE HARM OF TOBACCO VERSUS THE HARM OF CLIMATE CHANGE: THE ROLE OF PARTY DISCOURSE ON THE POLARIZATION OF PUBLIC OPINION." Ohio University Art and Sciences Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouashonors1528314554965568.
25
Greene-Sanders, Dominique T. N. "The Plausibility of a Slippery Slope: Guantanamo Bay as an Example of Direct/Indirect Participation in Torture and the Corruption of Societal Morality." UNF Digital Commons, 2014. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/536.
Анотація:
Although torture is considered universally reprehensible by law, including international law and human convention, it occurs routinely as an acceptable and efficient method for interrogation and intimidation. The questions that follow are: What kind of person engages in/commits acts of torture? If legalized, how would torture affect morality when an individual can be instrumentally utilized as a mere means-to-an-end? How does torture affect the victim, the torturer, and society as a whole? In order to answer these questions, I will use events at the Guantanamo Bay Detention Center to argue in favor of the plausibility for the concept of a non fallacious slippery slope against torture by means of theoretical and real world evidence. I will argue that each act of torture that is deemed acceptable in the eyes of any society not only corrupts the societal morality of that nation, but it also produces an increase in direct and indirect participation in such acts.
26
Rottenbacher, Jan Marc. "The discrimination against domestic helpers, and social-spatial segregation in the beaches of Lima." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/100766.
Анотація:
This study analyses the influence of political conservatism on support for discrimination against domestic labourers and positive attitudes toward socio-spatial segregation in the use of Lima’s beaches in a sample of university undergraduate students. Right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) were assessed. Intolerance to ambiguity was evaluated as a measure of cognitive rigidity. A path analysis proposes that SDO and intolerance of ambiguity exert a direct influence on support for discrimination against domestic labourers. Also, SDO and RWA exert a direct influence on positive attitudes toward socio-spatial segregation in the beaches. Finally, a positive correlation between discriminatory attitudes and a positive attitude toward socio-spatial segregation was observed.En una muestra de estudiantes universitarios, se analiza la influencia de la ideología política conservadora sobre el apoyo al trato discriminatorio hacia las empleadas domésticas y sobre la actitud favorable hacia la segregación socioespacial en el uso de los balnearios de Lima. Se utilizaron medidas de autoritarismo de ala derecha (RWA) y de orientación hacia la dominancia social (SDO). La intolerancia a la ambigüedad se utilizó como indicador de rigidez cognitiva. Un diagrama de sendero propone que la SDO y la intolerancia a la ambigüedad ejercen influencia directa sobre el apoyo al trato discriminatorio hacia las empleadas domésticas. Asimismo, la SDO y el RWA ejercen influencia directa sobre el apoyo hacia la segregación socioespacial en el uso de los balnearios. Se observó, además, una asociación directa entre actitudes discriminatorias frente a las empleadas domésticas y una actitud favorable hacia la segregación socioespacial.
27
Johansson, Viktor. "How to study the Occurrence of Cascading Effects in Critical Infrastructure : Evaluating and Developing a Method for gathering data on critical infrastructure dependencies." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-160656.
Анотація:
This thesis evaluates and develops a method for studying the occurrence of cascading effects between critical infrastructures. The thesis also analyzes how the results of previous research using the method may have been affected by certain aspects of the method. Applying different inclusion thresholds and exploring how material could be gathered differently, the thesis provides some tentative answers to the value of using newspaper articles when studying cascading effects. In addition, the thesis offers recommendations for future research and policy on the protection of critical infrastructures.
28
Nonninger, Dirk. "The establishment and use of cross border criminal intelligence under a European Criminal Intelligence Model in a period of modernism and post modernism societal change in the EU, and issues of accountability and human rights in the dissemination of such criminal intelligence exchange." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2017. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1224/.
Анотація:
Policing in Europe has become more complex, due to the nature of organised crime being more and more trans-national and a growing Europeanization in policing as a result of the creation of European agencies like Europol and Eurojust taking over activities which before the Lisbon Treaty remained within the sole responsibility of single Member State. Informal law enforcement cooperation between Member States is being transferred into formalised cooperation by European agencies with a specific mandate and specific powers. This development also requires a mechanism to streamline national and European law enforcement priorities. In 2005 the United Kingdom proposed the European Criminal Intelligence Model (ECIM) as the tool to achieve this task. In general terms the ECIM is based on the principles stemming from the concept of intelligence-led-policing as proposed by Ratcliffe (2005). However, until today the implementation of the ECIM is not finalised. This dissertation will address the conditions for such a model to be successful, especially with regard to the operationalisation of strategic findings at EU level within a national or trans-national setting. In this regard, the question of the meaning of ‘intelligence’ for the ECIM is examined, especially taking into account that the concept of ‘intelligence’ in law enforcement still is a rather new discipline. In addition, this thesis will discuss the societal framework in which the ECIM is to be deployed with a focus on the respective consequences if our society has changed from modern to a postmodern society. In relation to the ECIM a reflection on this aspect is of crucial importance as a shift in the societal paradigm would also question the value of a ‘grand narrative’ like the ECIM, a single, monolithic tool that would be able to address the problems in tackling trans-national organised crime as if made from one piece in a European context which is defined by diversity.
29
Ujkani, Venera. "The Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats Idea Development 2010-2018 : Comprehending the Parties Migration Policy Development Through Rational Action, Societal Discourses and Critical Junctures." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-84656.
Анотація:
The aim of this study is to analyse the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development in the issue of migration in 2010-2018. The inquiry consists of the following two research questions. How has the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats positions regarding migration developed in 2010-2018? How can institutional theories explain the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development? The study is encompassed by three theoretical perspectives also recognised as rational-choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism and discursive institutionalism. In regard to the methodological approach, the study employs the comparative case study design with the most-similar system and is essentially an idea analytical study. The main results reveal that both the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats have adjusted their migration policies but to different degrees. The Swedish Democrats promote similar policies in 2010 as in 2018 with smaller alterations while the Moderate Party has customised larger alterations, distinguishing the party’s migration policy from 2010 and 2018. These policy alterations are primarily explained as a result of rational action, societal discourses and critical junctures.
30
Lindeby, Susanna. "Processes of feelings in a society with a violent past : A qualitative study of the communication for Societal healing in the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Sri Lanka and Ghana between 2002-2011." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-13006.
Анотація:
The research investigates in what extent and how communication for meeting feelings is provided in Truth Commission work. It examines if and in what way feelings are addressed in the communication officially published by the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Ghana and Sri Lanka, occurring between 2002-2011. The research is also looking at the healing processes in a time perspective to find out if there is a communication for Societal healing to be continued in a longer term. My conclusion is that two cases of three in my research, the TRCs in Ghana and East Timor, have communication clearly directed to meet feelings caused by the war. One of the three cases (East Timor) has a communication with a clear ambition to heal over a longer period, to continue after the existence of the Truth Commission. The research suggests that communication with a clear ambition to reach out widely in the society, a communication directed to meet and process feelings over a longer period, can make Societal healing more effective. It also concludes that, in the future, Societal healing, as a field in conflict resolution, will be more based on representational media than today, provided through web communication.
31
Siverskog, Anna. "Demokrati ur politikers och ungdomars perspektiv : - En diskursanalytisk studie om demokratiska förutsättningar i Norrköpings kommun." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Social and Welfare Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-10072.
Анотація:
The democratic conditions in national states have change radically at the same time as the society has changed. Because of social and economic globalization processes, the states and government has lost power for the benefit of transnational and global institutions. That affects the democracy since the nation state earlier defined the domain of citizenship. At the same time, citizens’ confidence towards political parties and politicians has gone down. These trends have lead to a situation that is spoken about as the crisis of democracy. The globalization has however also created new possibilities for political arenas and way to be politically organized.
This thesis is about democracy; about being able to influence one’s own situation and the society one live in. It’s also about the protracted struggle between different groups to be able to do this. This field is very wide and the possible ways to examine it are endless, but the part that will be in focus here is the municipality of Norrköping. It will be about how the municipality, trough the Committee of Democracy, which is appointed by the municipal council, works with democracy, but also about how young people in Norrköping feels that they can influence and effect. The study is based on analysis of reports and interviews with representatives from the Committee of Democracy and on interviews with young people who are politically involved in social movements. The study is written from a discourse analysis approach and the theoretical frame of reference revolves around discourse, power, governmentality and theories about the postmodern society.
32
Schubert, Daniel Kurt Josef. "Bewertung von Szenarien für Energiesysteme: Potenziale, Grenzen und Akzeptanz." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-202226.
Анотація:
Die Dissertationsschrift führt im Gegensatz zu bisherigen Ansätzen im Zusammenhang mit der Energiewende einen Perspektivwechsel hin zur gesellschaftlichen Berücksichtigung herbei. Bisherige Szenariostudien richteten ihren Fokus auf die technische Machbarkeit sowie einzelne Kosten- und Umweltaspekte, wie in der Voranalyse gezeigt wird. Die Gesellschaft spielt in diesem Fall eine sekundäre Rolle. Statt einer Berücksichtigung im vorab geschalteten Entscheidungsprozess werden so häufig erst im Anschluss Zeit und Aufwand in die nachgelagerte Überzeugung der Bevölkerung investiert. Der in der Arbeit verfolgte Ansatz setzt konsequent darauf, gesellschaftliche Präferenzen und Barrieren vorab in die Entscheidungsfindung einzubeziehen, damit Entscheidungen selbst nachhaltig Bestand haben. Dazu werden repräsentative Telefonbefragungen genutzt, mit denen einerseits die Präferenzen der Bevölkerung, andererseits die Grenzen der Akzeptanz in Form der Zahlungsbereitschaft ermittelt werden. Erst im Anschluss daran werden Szenariorechnungen durchgeführt, um energiepolitische Handlungsoptionen auch quantitativ bewerten zu können. Bei der anschließenden Gegenüberstellung von gesellschaftlichen Barrieren und Modellergebnissen werden jedoch auch die Grenzen dieses Ansatzes vor Augen geführt: So kann eine aus Bevölkerungsperspektive erwünschte Handlungsoption (hier der Braunkohleausstieg) auch an politischen und rechtlichen Schranken scheitern.
33
Mbani, Jordan. "Processus de détermination d’une entité comme partie prenante." Thesis, Paris, CNAM, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2015CNAM0966/document.
Анотація:
L’objet de la présente étude est de comprendre comment une entité sociale devient partie prenante d’une entreprise. En effet, les différentes méthodes de détermination des parties prenantes sont critiquées sur leur portée heuristique. Une de ces nombreuses difficultés est leur incapacité à dire "qui" est partie prenante et "qui" ne l’est. Pour le dire autrement, la théorie des parties prenantes manque d’un critère de falsifiabilité. Dès lors, comprendre le processus par lequel une entité devient partie prenante revient implicitement à admettre que cette dernière au préalable ne l’est pas. De ce fait, étudier le processus par lequel un groupe d’individus devient partie prenante d’une entreprise revient à énoncer un critère de falsification puisqu’il devient possible de dire comment être partie prenante comment ne pas l’être. Telle est la problématique générale de ce projet de recherche.Pour comprendre ce processus, la réflexion part donc du postulat qu’une catégorie ne "nait" pas partie prenante mais le devient. La phase empirique de cette recherche repose sur une enquête multi cas. Trois entreprises sont étudiées. Les données traitées selon une analyse de contenu parviennent à faire ressortir une conception de l’entreprise comme nœud de quatre liens. Ces liens sont : un lien partenarial, un lien juridico-politique, un lien commercial et un lien sociétal. Selon le lien par lequel un individu ou un groupe d’individus est lié à l’organisation, il-cet individu- endosse un rôle particulier.Les personnes liées à l’entreprise par un lien partenarial sont des partenaires ou des contractants. Les individus liés à l’entreprise par le lien marchand sont des clients. Le lien juridico-politique met une personne en relation avec l’entreprise via des institutions judiciaires ou politiques. Les individus liés à l’entreprise par le lien sociétal sont des parties prenantes. Tout rôle étant provisoire, alors les individus sont provisoirement des parties prenantes. Le processus par lequel un groupe d’individus peut devenir partie prenante débute par la survenue d’un élément à enjeu (décision, comportement organisationnel). Le processus est aléatoire, imprévisible, contextuel et temporaire puisque tout acte de l’entreprise ne suscite pas de mobilisationsThe purpose of this study is to understand how a social entity becomes a stakeholder. The various methods of determining the stakeholders are criticized on their heuristic value. One of these problems is their inability to say "who" is a stakeholder and "who" is not. In other words, the stakeholder theory lacks a criterion of falsifiability. Therefore, understanding the process by which an entity becomes a stakeholder means that this entity is not a priori a stakeholder. Consequently, studying the process by which a group of individuals becomes a stakeholder of a company returns to state a criterion of falsification. This is the general problem of this research.To understand this process, it is said that any group cannot be considered at beginning as a stakeholder but it can become a stakeholder. The empirical phase is based on a multiple- case study. Three companies are studied. The study reveals three main results. First, the firm is seen as a four-relationship node. Second, all parties cannot be consider as stakeholders. Finally, according to the link through which an individual or group of individuals is related to the organization, it assumes a special role. These links are: the partnership relationship, the legal-political relationship, the commercial relationship and the societal relationship. Persons related to the company by a partnership relationship are partners. Individuals related to the company by the commercial relationship are clients. The legal and political relationship puts a person in connection with the company through legal or political institutions. Individuals related to the company by the societal relationship are stakeholders.The process by which a group of individuals can become stakeholders begins with the occurrence of an element in issue (decision, organizational behavior). The process is random, unpredictable, and temporary because any decision of a company do not cause mobilizations
34
Mancus, Philip Michael. "An international division of nature : the effects of structural adjustment on agricultural sustainability /." Thesis, Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank) Connect to title online (ProQuest), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10247.
Анотація:
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. "This dissertation studies the effects of national economic restructuring programs, implemented under the administration of multilateral development institutions, on the fertilizer intensity, energy intensity, and value efficiency of national commodity agriculture for the period 1980 to 2002"--P. iv. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 167-182). Also available online in Scholars' Bank; and in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.
35
Henceroth, Nathan William. "The VA: A Political Solution to a Societal Problem." Master's thesis, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-278893.
Анотація:
Thesis Abstract The thesis of this project is that the United States' Department of Veteran Affairs, the VA, is a political creation, since its foundations were not charitable, economic, faith-based, ethnic, etc. Its foundation was purely on the political wherewithal and expediency that the Federal Government in Washington, DC felt during the interwar years, and the threat to American society that many WWI veterans posed as a result of their being angry at not receiving advanced payments on their bonuses. This is the central thesis, albeit nuanced, that pre determined whether the VA had any chance at succeeding at its goals. Secondarily, this paper outlines why the VA has been able to become the relative success that it has been. With regards to the starting point at which many veterans enter into the VA health care system, the results have been nothing less than a minor miracle. This aspect is analyzed and outlined within the body of the paper, and specific examples are given in support. In addition, the VA's health care system is explained, and its organization is presented in the form of maps and charts to expedite the reader's knowledge acquisition. To fully understand the VA's outreach, its organization must be understood. It is important to understand the context in which the VA was created, and the...
36
Desposato, Scott William. "Institutional theories, societal realities, and party politics in Brazil." 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51866300.html.
37
Zhang, Jia-Hao, and 張嘉豪. "Comparative Research on the Political Involvements of Northern Wei Empress Dowagers Feng and Hu." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/54755069767270680134.
38
Myslivečková, Michaela. "Občanská angažovanost v hlavním městě Praze a motivace jejích obyvatel k politické participaci." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-333516.
Анотація:
This diploma thesis deals with civil society in three chosen parts of Prague, the capital city of the Czech Republic. It deals also with civic involvement and political participation of its Citizen and their motivation for that. Thesis aims to show that civil society is not so weak as it is always supposed for post-communist states and it shows that Citizen of Prague are able for mobilization and political participation. The thesis presents the overview of the development of voter turnout in the Czech Republic in different types of elections, in the rate of voter participation and civic activities and citizenship initiatives. Civic and political involvement and motivation are identified through interview made with district councilors in three chosen parts of Prague.
39
Granzow, Kara Naomi. "Racism, violence and the politics of societal indifference in Edmonton, Alberta." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10048/1106.
Анотація:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Alberta, 2010."Spring 2010." Title from title screen (viewed on April 20, 2010) A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Sociology. At head of title: University of Alberta.
40
Shirley, Shirley Kathleen. "Shifts in societal perception of mental retardation concurrent with social, economic and political change." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/5933.
Анотація:
This thesis assesses shifts in societal perceptions of mental retardation in South Africa from the mid-nineteenth century to the 1990s and investigates the influence of political, economic and social change on such perceptions.
In order to assess the subjective nature of perceptions, evidence appertaining to legislation, policy changes and facilities provided for persons with mental retardation was sought in historical records. Relevant acts of legislation and reports of governmentally appointed commissions in the field of mental health are examined for evidence of prevailing trends. The study commences with an overview of the provision made for so-called lunatics in the early years of the Cape Colony and, because of the strong influence of British medical practitioners during the period of British rule, a comparative study of the English asylum system is included. The onset of institutionalisation in South Africa during the final quarter of the nineteenth century is examined and the standard of accommodation is discussed. This includes references to the differing criteria for any race other than white. Allegations of constant overcrowding investigated by reference to tables of statistics, wherever available. Document analysis reveals that prior to World War I little mention was made of provision for children with mental retardation. Records reveal that during the Depression which followed in the aftermath of the war, attention was focused on feeble-mindedness among the progeny of the poor whites. Investigations disclosed that the children from this social class were alleged to be morally as well as mentally defective. The introduction and application of intelligence testing in South Africa is considered, and in particular the role this played in creating the perception of allegedly inferior intelligence in certain race groups. The special educational and training facilities introduced for the various race groups are also discussed. The eugenics movement, particularly in relation to the allegedly feeble-minded, is considered. The thesis concludes with an examination of accommodation and amenities available for persons the mental retardation, both children and adults, in post-apartheid South Africa, and the legal provision afforded them in the new constitution. The conclusions
substantiated the notion that societal perceptions of mental retardation do vary during periods of social, economic and political change.Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1996.
41
Martineau, Nicolas-Guillaume M. "Essays on Political Parties, their Organization, and Policy Choice." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/6862.
Анотація:
The primary aim of this thesis is to advance economics' understanding of the organization of political parties, for the purpose of explaining the policy choices that result from collective decision procedures. Motivating this inquiry is the benign neglect that the political party as an organization has long suffered from in economics, in a manner that mirrors depictions of the firm in early neoclassical analysis.
Accordingly, this thesis first considers the question of the relative influence of different contributors to the political parties' electoral activities, i.e. special-interest groups contributing money and individual party activists volunteering their time, on their choice of policy platforms. It is found that the presence of activists induces parties to offer differentiated policy platforms, even in the presence of a special-interest group whose contributions are perfectly substitutable with those of activists. Concurrently, the special interest's influence is to bias the parties' platforms towards its preferred policy.
Second, the internal dynamics of parties organized into factions sharing common goals are investigated. It is studied how they affect the party leader's choice of policies while in office and her accountability to voters, through the threat of her removal from the party's helm. While occasionally acting as a distortion on the election mechanism's effectiveness for keeping politicians accountable, the presence of the politician's party is accountability-enhancing especially in the presence of other distortions. This contributes to a second-best theory of politics.
This thesis' secondary aim is to contribute to restoring the use of moral and ethical concerns in normative analysis and political economy. This is warranted by the fact that moral and ethical motives matter more in such contexts than in most market transactions, where rational self-interested behaviour largely prevails.
This objective is primarily represented in this thesis' study of normative analysis as conditioned on a societal consensus. This study asks how redistributive policies are to be optimally-chosen when the extent of societal co-operation regarding work participation depends on a social norm. Its main finding is that constraining the social planner's choices on the extent of societal cohesion restricts the scope of redistribution compared with an unconstrained social planner.Thesis (Ph.D, Economics) -- Queen's University, 2011-11-03 12:16:33.632
42
Ockey, James Soren. "Business leaders, gangsters, and the middle class societal groups and civilian rule in Thailand /." 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33670840.html.
43
Hicks, Bruce M. "Societal cleavages and institutional change in Canada : retention, reform and removal of nominee councils." Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/6258.
Анотація:
En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions.By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.
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Lee, Seung Hyok. "Missiles, Abductions, and Sanctions: Societal Influences on Japanese Policy Toward North Korea, 1998-2006." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/29657.
Анотація:
North Korea twice conducted ballistic missile tests close to Japan in 1998 and 2006. While Japan responded with non-coercive condemnations to demonstrate its disapproval in 1998, it imposed unilateral economic sanctions in 2006, marking the first instance in post-World War II of applying a substantial coercion to punish a neighbouring state. The research asks why Japanese policy toward the North shifted for a seemingly identical type of provocation.
The dissertation seeks contextual explanations by using inductive process-tracing, a type of ‘middle approach’ between historical narratives and parsimonious theories. It is applied to highlight the underlying mechanism through which public discursive changes concerning national security and North Korea during this eight-year period influenced the subsequent policy shift in 2006.
The dissertation concludes that the unilateral sanctions were not necessarily a calculated strategic response to punish the missile launch (or North Korean nuclear programs) per se, but were a direct consequence of a deeper shift in societal discourse taking place beforehand. During the eight-year period, there had been other visible provocations and shocks originating from the North, especially the sensational revelation in 2002 of past North Korean abductions of Japanese citizens. These highly-publicized incidents facilitated the Japanese public to be increasingly conscious about Japan’s security weaknesses and re-evaluate its historical relations with its neighbour, leading to a hardened domestic environment in which the new idea of pressuring the North became a feasible option even before 2006.
These North Korean provocations and the resulting societal security discourse, along with concurrent structural changes in the Japanese government and mass media which made them both highly susceptible to discursive currents among citizens, mutually interacted to produce the policy result when the opportunity arose.
The research, however, also challenges the popular view that the sanctions are the first example of the wholesale transformation of Japan’s post-war ‘pacifist’ security principles. It argues that the confined means (economic) by which the sanctions were imposed reflects the highly nuanced discourse, which endorses Japan’s legitimate right to specifically punish the North for the harms done, but that the societal momentum is not equally supportive of the more controversial areas concerning military usage and the current constitution.
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"Representation, Homophily, and Polarization in The U.S. House of Representatives in the Twitter Era." Doctoral diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.38514.
Анотація:
abstract: By collecting and analyzing more than two million tweets, U.S. House Representatives’ voting records in 111th and 113th Congress, and data from other resources I study several aspects of adoption and use of Twitter by Representatives. In the first chapter, I study the overall impact of Twitter use by Representatives on their political orientation and their political alignment with their constituents. The findings show that Representatives who adopted Twitter moved closer to their constituents in terms of political orientation.
By using supervised machine learning and text mining techniques, I shift the focus to synthesizing the actual content shared by Representatives on Twitter to evaluate their effects on Representatives’ political polarization in the second chapter. I found support for the effects of repeated expressions and peer influence in Representatives’ political polarization.
Last but not least, by employing a recently developed dynamic network model (separable temporal exponential-family random graph model), I study the effects of homophily on formation and dissolution of Representatives’ Twitter communications in the third chapter. The results signal the presence of demographic homophily and value homophily in Representatives’ Twitter communications networks.
These three studies altogether provide a comprehensive picture about the overall consequences and dynamics of use of online social networking platforms by Representatives.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Business Administration 2016
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Everling, Kathleen M. "Lau vs. Nichols 40 Years Later - Where Are We Now? A Study of Philosophical, Political, Cultural and Societal Issues Impacting Bilingual Education in the Early 21st Century." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2009-12-7391.
Анотація:
Bilingual education in the United States has been at the forefront of educational politics and debates since its inception. Arguments over language of instruction and program goals overshadow the deeper philosophical, political and societal issues rooted at the heart of bilingual education. This purpose of this study was to present a critical view of the issues impacting a small Central Texas school district?s early childhood bilingual program. Over the course of a year, I conducted a focus group interview followed by individual interviews with two preschool and two kindergarten Spanish bilingual teachers. I collected field notes and observational data on site for two years. Based in grounded theory, the data dictated the focus of the study. The open coding process used to analyze the focus group interview data uncovered the foundational themes for this study. The individual interviews were analyzed using open coding, confirming and elaborating on the themes. Field notes and observational data were used to triangulate the data. The themes were: philosophical and theoretical foundations, politics and policies, and social and cultural issues.
Through the lens of the data, I examined the impact of No Child Left Behind, Reading First, and the corresponding Texas regulations. The participants found the testing requirements to be distracting from their teaching. They believed the requirements, particularly for assessment, to be inappropriate and of limited use in their classrooms. From a sociocultural perspective, I discovered discrimination and segregation, but the teacher participants never opened a dialogue about these practices with each other or their administrator. The bilingual classes were isolated, given inferior and inappropriate materials. The school's culture was one of assimilation, not diversity.
Finally, I examined the underlying issues that impacted this bilingual education program and the implications for further research. There is a need to conduct further research into bilingual teacher education, including alternative certification and continuing education, the hidden curriculum and bilingual education and empowerment of bilingual teachers through dialogue. Bilingual education holds the promise of closing the gaps in education, but further research must include the critical areas of influence including philosophy, politics and sociocultural issues, not just program goals and language acquisition.
47
Schubert, Daniel Kurt Josef. "Bewertung von Szenarien für Energiesysteme: Potenziale, Grenzen und Akzeptanz." Doctoral thesis, 2015. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A29470.
Анотація:
Die Dissertationsschrift führt im Gegensatz zu bisherigen Ansätzen im Zusammenhang mit der Energiewende einen Perspektivwechsel hin zur gesellschaftlichen Berücksichtigung herbei. Bisherige Szenariostudien richteten ihren Fokus auf die technische Machbarkeit sowie einzelne Kosten- und Umweltaspekte, wie in der Voranalyse gezeigt wird. Die Gesellschaft spielt in diesem Fall eine sekundäre Rolle. Statt einer Berücksichtigung im vorab geschalteten Entscheidungsprozess werden so häufig erst im Anschluss Zeit und Aufwand in die nachgelagerte Überzeugung der Bevölkerung investiert. Der in der Arbeit verfolgte Ansatz setzt konsequent darauf, gesellschaftliche Präferenzen und Barrieren vorab in die Entscheidungsfindung einzubeziehen, damit Entscheidungen selbst nachhaltig Bestand haben. Dazu werden repräsentative Telefonbefragungen genutzt, mit denen einerseits die Präferenzen der Bevölkerung, andererseits die Grenzen der Akzeptanz in Form der Zahlungsbereitschaft ermittelt werden. Erst im Anschluss daran werden Szenariorechnungen durchgeführt, um energiepolitische Handlungsoptionen auch quantitativ bewerten zu können. Bei der anschließenden Gegenüberstellung von gesellschaftlichen Barrieren und Modellergebnissen werden jedoch auch die Grenzen dieses Ansatzes vor Augen geführt: So kann eine aus Bevölkerungsperspektive erwünschte Handlungsoption (hier der Braunkohleausstieg) auch an politischen und rechtlichen Schranken scheitern.
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Landry, Rémi. "Turbulences et changements institutionnels au sein de la Société internationale : une perspective historique." Thèse, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4415.
Анотація:
Turbulences et changements institutionnels au sein de la Société internationale :
une perspective historique
Cette recherche puise ses origines du constat que la présente société internationale apparaît plus que jamais mal outillée et en perte de légitimité pour gérer les nouveaux déséquilibres qui ébranlent sa sécurité. Nous voulons vérifier si les présentes difficultés à gérer l’ordre interétatique sont des signes précurseurs d’une période de turbulences systémiques qui ébranleraient ses fondations.
Nous avançons comme principale hypothèse de recherche qu’une perte de légitimité dans les mécanismes d’ordre d’une société westphalienne engendre une période plus ou moins longue de turbulences systémiques, provoquant un retour à l’antihégémonie caractérisée par l’établissement d’un nouvel ordre sociétal.
Pour vérifier cette hypothèse, nous nous associons au cadre théorique de l’École anglaise qui analyse les relations interétatiques en qualifiant le caractère de l’ordre qui les gouverne. Ses adeptes y parviennent en étudiant les forces qui engendrent le maintien d’un environnement international antihégémonique, ainsi que la nature des réciprocités interétatiques qui s’en dégage. Ainsi, en observant les diverses institutions créées pour gérer l’ordre, ils sont en mesure de mieux comprendre l’évolution, la diffusion et la pérennisation de l’établissement d’une société des États. Cette approche nous a permis de construire un modèle explicatif pour notre dynamique sociétale.
Par la suite, afin de répondre à notre questionnement initial, nous proposons d’analyser le statut de diverses sociétés internationales lors d’époques caractérisées par une période systémique de grands chaos, suivie du retour d’un régime sociétal. Nous cherchons à établir si des analogies peuvent être faites sur leur processus de transformation pour, par la suite, vérifier si elles peuvent s’appliquer à la nature du changement qui s’opère dans la présente société internationale. L’analyse historique comparative s’avère un instrument tout désigné pour ce type de recherche. Les époques sélectionnées pour notre recherche couvrent la Guerre de Trente Ans, les Guerres napoléoniennes et la Première Guerre mondiale.
La nature antihégémonique d’une société des États, en plus de maintenir un environnement anarchique, crée un climat de rivalités qui entraîne un processus de transformations dans la dynamique de l’ordre. Ce facteur de changement fut introduit sous le concept de progrès sociétal, lequel engendre une désuétude institutionnelle dans les mécanismes de l’ordre sociétal, pouvant entraîner une période de turbulences systémiques. Ainsi, pour mieux observer ce phénomène, nous avons adopté les institutions comme outils d’analyse. Elles nous permettent d’être plus critiques des phénomènes observés, tout en nous autorisant à les comparer entre elles, en raison de leur longévité.
Nos recherches révèlent la pérennité d’une dynamique de transformation au sein des sociétés westphaliennes, dont la nature entraîne des déséquilibres sociétaux qui varient selon son intensité. Nous observons aussi que, malgré l’égalité légale que confère la souveraineté aux États, les Grandes puissances sont les principaux artisans d’un système international. Leur aptitude à l’unilatéralisme fut souvent associée à l’émergence de turbulences systémiques. Nos recherches montrent que l’interdépendance et la coopération interétatique sont aussi alimentées par la diffusion et le partage d’une économie libérale. C’est aussi cette même interdépendance qui, progressivement, rend la guerre entre Grandes puissances désuète. Plus l’interdépendance et le multilatéralisme s’intensifient dans un environnement sociétal, plus le progrès sociétal a tendance à se manifester sous les aspects d’une transformation systémique progressive (non violente) plutôt que révolutionnaire (période de turbulences systémiques).
La présente société internationale est sous l’influence du progrès sociétal depuis son avènement. Sa stabilité est directement liée à la capacité de ses mécanismes d’ordre à contrer les déséquilibres que le progrès engendre, ainsi qu’à l’aptitude de ses Grandes puissances à limiter leur propension à l’unilatéralisme. Donc, ces mécanismes doivent pouvoir intégrer le progrès pour maintenir leur légitimité et éviter d’engendrer une période de turbulences systémiques.Turbulence and institutional changes within the international Society: an historical perspective Our inquiry has its origins in the acknowledgement that the current international society appears, more than ever, deficient and lacking legitimacy in its management of emerging threats which affect its security. This dissertation aims to verify whether the present difficulties to manage the interstate order are precursors of a period of systemic turbulences. We propose as our principal research hypothesis that a loss of legitimacy within the law and order mechanisms of a Westphalian society will generate a rather long period of systemic turbulences, creating a return to an antihegemonic system characterized by the establishment of a new a new system of societal law and order. To test this hypothesis, we have joined the theoretical framework of the English School which observes the interstate relations by assessing the character of the order that governs them. Its followers succeed in studying the forces that create the maintenance of an antihegemonic international environment, and the nature of the interstate reciprocities that emerge from it. Then, by observing the institutions created to manage the law and order, they are in a position to better understand the evolution, the diffusion and the perpetuation of a society of States. This approach allows us to construct an explanatory model of our societal dynamic. In order to answer our initial query, we propose to analyse the status of various international societies from different epochs, each one containing a period of systemic turbulences followed by the return of societal regime. We intend to establish if any analogies can be drawn between their transformative processes, and thus determine whether these processes can be applied to the transformations taking place within the current international society. An historical comparative analysis proves to be an appropriate tool for our type of research. The periods selected for this research are the Thirty Years' War, the Napoleonic Wars, and the First World War including the ‘inter-war’ period. The antihegemonic nature of a society of States, in addition to maintaining an anarchic environment, creates a climate of rivalries which generate transformation within the law and order dynamic. This transformative factor was introduced under the concept of societal progress, which generates, within the societal law and order mechanisms, institutional obsolescence that can create a period of systemic turbulences. To observe this phenomenon, we have adopted institutions as analytical tools. Institutions will allow us to be more critical, and will facilitate comparisons between them, considering their longevity. Our findings indicate the existence of a lasting dynamic of transformation within Westphalian societies, generating levels of societal turbulences, which vary according to their intensity. We also observed that despite the legal equality that sovereignty provides in a society of States, the Great powers remain the principal architects of their society. Their innate aptitude toward unilateralism was often associated with the emergence of systemic turbulence. Our research shows that interstate interdependence and cooperation were also fuelled by the expansion of a liberal economy. In a societal environment, as interdependence and multilateralism intensify, the propensity for societal progress is more inclined to take the aspect of a progressive type of systemic transformation than of a period of violent revolutionary systemic turbulence. Our international society of States has always been under the influence of societal progress since its inception. Stability of its future is tied to its ability to counter external threats and that of the Great powers’ capacity to limit their propensity to unilateralism. Law and order mechanisms must then be able to integrate societal progress to allow the maintenance of legitimacy and the avoidance of a revolutionary systemic transformation period.