Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Policy-driven landuse"

India is predominantly an agricultural and rural country. Across the country, the villages vary in geographical location, area, human and livestock population, availability of resources, agricultural practices, livelihood patterns etc. This study presents an estimation of net energy balance resulting from primary production vis-a-vis energy consumption through various components in a "Rural Ecosystem". Seven sites located in different agroclimatic regions of India were studied. An end use energy accounting "Rural Energy Balance Model" is developed for input-output analysis of various energy flows of production, consumption, import and export through various components of crop, trees outside forest plantations, livestock, rural households, industry or trade within the village system boundary. An integrated approach using field, ancillary, GIS and high resolution IRS-P6 Resourcesat-2 LISS IV data is adopted for generation of various model inputs. The primary and secondary field data collection of various energy uses at household and village level were carried out using structured schedules and questionnaires. High resolution multi-temporal Resourcesat-2 LISS IV data (2013–14) was used for generating landuse/landcover maps and estimation of above-ground Trees Outside Forests phytomass. The model inputs were converted to energy equivalents using country-specific energy conversion factors. A comprehensive geotagged database of sampled households and available resources at each study site was also developed in ArcGIS framework. Across the study sites, the estimated net energy balance ranged from −18.8 Terra Joules (TJ) in a high energy consuming Hodka village, Gujarat to 224.7 TJ in an agriculture, aquaculture and plantation intensive Kollaparru village, Andhra Pradesh. The results indicate that the net energy balance of a Rural Ecosystem is largely driven by primary production through crops and natural vegetation. This study provides a significant insight to policy relevant recommendations for Energy Sustainable Rural India.

Rapid urbanization rates impact significantly on the nature of Land Cover patterns of the environment, which has been evident in the depletion of vegetal reserves and in general modifying the human climatic systems (Henderson, et al., 2017; Kumar, Masago, Mishra, & Fukushi, 2018; Luo and Lau, 2017). This study explores remote sensing classification technique and other auxiliary data to determine LULCC for a period of 50 years (1967-2016). The LULCC types identified were quantitatively evaluated using the change detection approach from results of maximum likelihood classification algorithm in GIS. Accuracy assessment results were evaluated and found to be between 56 to 98 percent of the LULC classification. The change detection analysis revealed change in the LULC types in Minna from 1976 to 2016. Built-up area increases from 74.82ha in 1976 to 116.58ha in 2016. Farmlands increased from 2.23 ha to 46.45ha and bared surface increases from 120.00ha to 161.31ha between 1976 to 2016 resulting to decline in vegetation, water body, and wetlands. The Decade of rapid urbanization was found to coincide with the period of increased Public Private Partnership Agreement (PPPA). Increase in farmlands was due to the adoption of urban agriculture which has influence on food security and the environmental sustainability. The observed increase in built up areas, farmlands and bare surfaces has substantially led to reduction in vegetation and water bodies. The oscillatory nature of water bodies LULCC which was not particularly consistent with the rates of urbanization also suggests that beyond the urbanization process, other factors may influence the LULCC of water bodies in urban settlements. Keywords: Minna, Niger State, Remote Sensing, Land Surface Characteristics References Akinrinmade, A., Ibrahim, K., & Abdurrahman, A. (2012). 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AbstractIn strategic cumulative effects assessments, significant methodological challenges exist for classifying and aggregating impacts when using multiple indicators to determine relative risks upon ecological values from anthropogenic developments. We present a strategic spatial modeling case study CEA (2012–2112) in a 909,000 ha forested landscape of Southwestern British Columbia. We explore decisions needed to calculate and aggregate modeled indicators of cumulative anthropogenic footprints on landscape conditions by examining the choice of quantitative methods. We compare how aggregated impact conclusions may differ for seven indicators grouped in two ways to represent three ecological values (Forest Ecosystems, Riparian Ecosystems and Species at Risk): four expert-defined policy-driven valued components (VCs) or three analytically derived environmental resource factors (ERFs). By explicitly demonstrating methodological choices at each step of impact estimation and aggregation, we outline a practical systematic approach to customize strategic CEAs of this type and retain transparency for interpreting impacts among values. Aggregated impacts for VCs appeared dominated by those estimated from “condition” indicators describing the degree of expected deviations in indicator states from desired conditions; aggregated impacts of ERFs were dominated by “pressure” indicators linked to underlying causal processes assumed important for describing changes in future ecological conditions. High spatial congruence occurred between impact statements for some VCs compared to ERFs representing the same ecological value; poor congruence between others likely occurred because they represented different ecological processes. Aggregated impact classifications may usefully signal impact severity and risk but are dependent on indicator grouping, hence choices for aggregation are integral to the assessment process.

Landuse change is occurring across rural Australia with significant implications for rural communities, socially, economically and environmentally. Some of this change is the result of explicit government policy. Policy-driven landuse change has the potential to change landscapes, alter local and regional economies, and change social dynamics. In some cases, the changes that take place are unable to be absorbed by local communities, who may not have the resilience or 'stocks' of social capital to cope with and adapt to the changes. Hence, policy-driven landuse change may threaten the social and economic sustainability of surrounding communities. Alternatively, the change may be 'embraced' by the local community as a positive alteration to the existing economic, social and physical landscape, and can offer economic and social opportunities for communities under pressure from highly variable market and climatic conditions. By synthesising three bodies of literature, and exploring case study evidence, this thesis aims to make both a practical and theoretical contribution, by exploring the conditions under which policy-driven landuse change can contribute to sustainable rural communities. I argue to achieve this, it is necessary to identify and manage social and economic issues associated with landuse change. This study examines two case studies of policy-driven landuse change, and examines the social, economic and institutional issues that have arisen. The knowledge gained from this study will enable policy makers to better implement proposed landuse change to promote opportunities for regional and local communities. The first case study examines the Adjungbilly community near Gundagai and Tumut in NSW. Predominantly a grazing community, the major change in the region is the active, government-sponsored replacement of agricultural landuses with softwood plantations. Large tracts of pastoral land have been purchased and are now being developed as pine plantations. This is having significant impacts on the rural community, resulting in a negative relationship between Forests NSW and the local Adjungbilly community. The second case study examines a rural community within the Bourke district of western NSW. While the region is still dominated by large grazing properties, since 1996 the NSW NPWS have purchased three former grazing properties to create Gundabooka National Park totalling over 60,000 hectares. Gundabooka National Park was proclaimed under a state government initiative to protect natural systems in the Western Division considered under-represented in the reserve system and to protect cultural values. The landuse change in this region is far less visually obvious than that of Adjungbilly, but still represents a significant change in management philosophies, goals and priorities, from one of economic production to one of ecological conservation. In contrast to the Adjungbilly case study, the Bourke community have responded to the transition to national park positively. It is therefore possible to learn from this to better inform the management decisions and philosophies that influence future landuse change decisions. To introduce policy-driven landuse change in a way that contributes to a community's long-term sustainability, and offers economic and social opportunities for the community, this thesis has proposed a community landuse policy approach, combining social impact assessment, public participation, and social capital enhancing strategies into a practical policy framework. This approach is encapsulated within five management philosophies: • Place-based management; • Managing landuse change at a local and regional level; • A triple-bottom-line approach; • Adopting a participatory approach; and • Whole-of-government decision-making. These management philosophies lay the foundations for all decision-making surrounding landuse change. By planning for change, and introducing it in a sensitive manner, communities and governments can influence the social outcomes and the ongoing sustainability of communities. Policy-driven landuse change can, therefore, be a positive experience for communities, enhancing their long-term sustainability.

AbstractMarginal environments are characterized by constrained agricultural potential and resource degradation attributable to biophysical and politico-socio-economic factors. These environments and the indigenous people who cultivate them rarely attract academic interest, policy studies or investment. The agricultural expertise of indigenous communities is often overlooked by decision-makers. Interventions based on mainstream crops and external technologies may fail indigenous communities where a vast range of crops are cultivated in diverse production systems and in marginal environments. Hunger, malnutrition, and poverty in indigenous communities are high. The challenges should be approached from the perspectives and resources of indigenous people. In this chapter, we discuss four biogeographical regions, arid, semi-arid, humid and mountainous, representing large parts of marginal lands and innovations, investment opportunities, and proposed action for the transformation of food systems in these areas. Marginal areas and indigenous people can benefit from improved linkages between formal and indigenous knowledge systems, participatory and demand-driven technologies, integration of indigenous knowledge in research, improvements in local crops, integrated management and access to markets. Our recommendations for the transformation of food systems in these areas include (1) Efforts to mainstream diverse value chains, (2) Development of evidence-based policies (3) Awareness of under-utilized and forgotten crops (4) Collective action and (5) Coordinated public and private investment in research and development for the empowerment of indigenous people and the development of their land.

AbstractThe effect of climate change on agricultural-dependent communities is immense. Ethiopia in which more than 85% of its population is agrarian is affected by climate change. Communities in different parts of the country perceived climate change and practice different climate change adaptation strategies. This chapter was initiated to identify adaptation strategy to the impact of changing climate. Data on a total of 180 households were gathered using structured and semi-structured questioners. Focus group discussion and key informant interview were also used for data collection. Climatic data from the nearest meteorological stations of the area were collected and used in this chapter. The collected data were analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistical methods. The upshot indicated that all the respondent communities experienced at least one of autonomous/self-adaptation strategies to cope and live with the impacts of changing climate. Though 33.6% complained on its accessibility and pricing, 66.4% of the respondents reviled as they do not have any awareness on improved agricultural technologies. The major adaptation strategies identified were collecting and using of edible wild plants and other forest products, hunting, renting/selling of own farm lands, livestock sell, selling of household materials/assets, collecting and selling of wood and wood products and depending on well-off relatives, using drought-resistant crop variety, changing cropping calendar, replanting/sowing, and increasing farmland size. Nevertheless, the communities are not yet fully aware and accessed to policy-driven options for climate change adaptation. Although they used different autonomous adaptation mechanisms, the households are not resilient to the current and perceived climate change. Finally, based on the findings, the recommendation is that besides encouraging the existing community-based adaptation strategies planned adaptation strategies have to be implemented: such as early-warning and preparedness programs have to be effectively implemented in the area, introduction of different drought-resistant locally adapted food crop varieties, and expansion of large-scale investment in the area has to be checked, and give due recognition to forest ecosystem–based adaptation mechanisms of the local community in the area.

This chapter describes a time before strategy, when the lands of the Middle East were intensely fractured, and trust and loyalty were scarce commodities. It looks at a time when self-interest was paramount and where chaos was so ingrained that an entire life could be lived without knowing anything else. It also talks about wars that are guided by politics, driven by policy objectives, and implemented through strategy but often lost in the rushed outpouring of human actions and emotions. The chapter discusses the liberation of Jerusalem and the end of the First Crusade, where most of the original crusaders returned home and some remained to defend the Holy Land. It also includes the four political entities that are collectively known as the “crusader states”: The Kingdom of Jerusalem, the County of Tripoli, the Principality of Antioch, and the County of Edessa.

Harmar’s Defeat enraged President Washington and shaped a new U.S. military policy driven by humiliation and infused with vengeance. Reversing his previous, half-hearted attempts to control the Kentucky militia, the president now empowered them. Washington used the Kentucky militia to invade Indian lands along the Wabash, targeting the agrarian and trading villages that stretched from Ouiatenon to Kethtippecanuck. The federal government fully equipped the Kentucky militia and ordered them to attack and destroy villages and crops—and to kidnap Indian women and children. Following two brutal raids, almost 100 Indian women and children were captured and held in a hastily erected prison at Fort Washington, now present-day Cincinnati. The women and children were imprisoned there for more than a year, in primitive, overcrowded, and unsanitary conditions. Indians retaliated for the abduction and for the repeated invasion of their homelands by handing the U.S. Army one of the worst defeats in its entire history under Arthur St. Clair. It was the suffering of Indian women that rallied Indian warriors under Little Turtle, Blue Jacket, and Buckongahelas to victory.