Статті в журналах з теми "Police – Germany – Prussia"
Щоб переглянути інші типи публікацій з цієї теми, перейдіть за посиланням: Police – Germany – Prussia.
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся з топ-50 статей у журналах для дослідження на тему "Police – Germany – Prussia".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Переглядайте статті в журналах для різних дисциплін та оформлюйте правильно вашу бібліографію.
1
Turk, Eleanor L. "The Berlin Socialist Trials of 1896: An Examination of Civil Liberty in Wilhelmian Germany." Central European History 19, no. 4 (December 1986): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011146.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Punctually at 8:00 A.M. on 26 November 1895, teams of police officers in Berlin began to search the homes of nearly eighty members of the Social Democratic Party, and the city offices of their organizations. These surprise raids, over by 10:00 a.m., were ordered by the Prussian Minister of Interior, Ernst Köller, to obtain evidence that the Socialist organizations had been working with one another to promote their political goals. In 1895 it was illegal in Prussia, and in most of the other states of the German Empire, for political associations of any kind to work together. Yet the evidence so efficiently confiscated on that gray November morning ultimately put not only the Socialists on trial, but government policy and the fundamental political rights of German citizens as well. Neither the national constitution nor the federal law codes provided protection for the rights of association or assembly at that time. In the absence of such guarantees, the political organizations had to cope with the particularities of the various state laws.
2
Bespalova, L. N. "“Kulturkampf” as the confrontation of the catholic church and the imperial government of Germany in the 70s of the XIX century." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/20-4/02.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to the analysis of the origins and content of the kulturkampf policy initiated by the German Reich Chancellor in the 1870s. The Struggle for Culture played a decisive role not only in the formation of the Center party as one of the most influential political parties of the Reichstag in the second half of the 19th century, but also in the history of Germany as a whole. The political orientation of the first German Reich Chancellor towards the strong secular state controlling and limiting church structures was initially in favor of the empire united in 1871 and in line with the trends of the times. But the Reich Chancellors harsh, restrictive laws led to police arbitrariness and infringement on the Catholic population of the German Empire. The author identifies the main reasons that led to the persecution and repression of the Catholic minority of the German Empire. The problems of the unification of the German Empire, particularism, federalism, ultramontanism and confessional conflicts are considered in close connection with the topic under study. The research is based on the works of Russian and German researchers and on the legislative acts of Prussia and the German Empire. In addition, the materials of parliamentary debates presented in the verbatim records of the Reichstag and extracts from the memoirs of contemporaries of the event were used.
3
Dudarev, Vasiliy. "The Russian Direction of the Prussian Kingdom's Foreign Policy. 1851—1871. The Source Studies Aspect." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019138-0.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article presents a description of the source base for studying the Russian direction of the Prussian Kingdom's foreign policy on the eve and during the years of German unification: 1851—1871. Taking into account the current state of German and Russian historiography, the author draws attention to the fact that only a comprehensive study of public documents, official correspondence of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of both Prussia and Russia, a significant part of which is stored in the archives of Germany and Russia, periodicals and documents of personal origin can contribute to the widest coverage of this topic. The vast majority of these documents has not been introduced into scientific circulation before, so their use will enrich the study of Prussian-Russian relations on the eve of the formation of the German Empire with new information.
4
Sterkhov, Dmitrii. "The Hanoverian Question and Prussian Foreign Policy in the Early Nineteenth Century (1801–1806)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018318-7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study explores the significance of the Hanoverian Question for Prussian foreign policy in the early nineteenth century. The author looks at the origins of the Hanoverian Question and analyses Prussian motives for annexing Hanover in the first part of the article. Special attention is paid to the relationship between Prussian foreign policy and Prussian domestic stability. The political system in Prussia was severely unbalanced by the capture of vast swathes of Polish territory to the east, populated mostly by Catholics. To restore the balance, the Prussian state badly needed a German-speaking and Evangelical province to the west, and only the Electorate of Hanover met these requirements. The Hanoverian Question went hand in hand with the neutrality policy pursued by Prussia between 1795 and 1806. After the unsuccessful occupation of Hanover in 1801, Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm III committed himself solely to the peaceful annexation of the Electorate, which had to be recognised internationally, above all by France, Great Britain, and Russia. Forced to manoeuvre between Napoleon and the Anti-French Coalition, Prussia eventually gained possession of Hanover, but found itself at war with both Great Britain and France. Thus, the delicate Hanoverian Question paved the way for the War of the Fourth Coalition of 1806–1807, which ended in Prussia's worst defeat. One can conclude that Prussia failed to resolve the Hanoverian Question satisfactorily, yet this diplomatic setback was instrumental in changing Prussian foreign policy. After 1806 Prussia finally abandoned its policy of neutrality and manoeuvring appeared more willing to use force to achieve its goals.
5
Vögele, Jörg. "Monitoring Disease: Cause-of-Death-Registration in Prussia During the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 40, no. 1 (December 8, 2022): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sho.2022.40.1.002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In Germany, the recording of the causes of death has had a long tradition and goes back a long time in history, but remained unsystematic and nonuniform as it was an autonomous matter of the different German states. This article pursues the question of how the cause-of-death statistics developed in Prussia, the largest territorial state of the later German Reich. It is asked how these statistics, organized by the Prussian Statistical Bureau, have been related to the nationwide health policy since the 1870s. The historical development of official statistics in Prussia reveals that it is neither self-evident which information was collected, nor the criteria according to which this was done. Rather, the data actually recorded are the result of complicated negotiation processes between different actors, not only within the statistical offices, but also between the most diverse interest groups from science, politics and the state.
6
Dudarev, Vasiliy. "The Dispute over the Imperial Title: the Traditionalism of William I and the Policy of State Interests of Otto Von Bismarck." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 1 (2022): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018256-9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The logical conclusion of the Franco-German War was, according to many contemporaries, the proclamation of the German Empire headed by King William I of Prussia. At the very last moment, a bitter dispute erupted between him and the Iron Chancellor of the North German Confederation, Otto von Bismarck, over the need for the imperial title and its form. There are several interesting sources related to this largely unexplored subject, and their examination will complement the history of the proclamation of the German Empire, bringing to light one of the most dramatic episodes in the long history of the relationship between the Emperor and his Chancellor. Bismarck associated the assumption of the imperial title with the success of the continued process of imperial integration. That was beyond the mere desire of Wilhelm I for the German princes to recognise the supremacy of the Prussian crown in Germany. The result of Bismarck's initiative in preparing the Kaiserbrief was that Wilhelm I agreed to assume the imperial title. The date of 18 January 1871 was chosen for the proclamation of the German Empire – a symbolic date, since the Prince-elector of the Margraviate of Brandenburg, Friedrich III, was crowned King of Prussia on 18 January 1701. The dispute between Wilhelm I and Bismarck continued over the form of the title. The difference between the title of “Emperor of Germany”, as insisted upon by Wilhelm I, and that of “German Emperor”, as suggested by Bismarck, was not simply a matter of drawing on different historical traditions. The title “Emperor of Germany” carried with it the danger of a territorial claim by the Reich to German lands that were not part of the newly created empire. This dispute culminated in the Grand Duke of Baden Frederick I declaring a triple hurrah for William I in the Hall of Mirrors of the Palace of Versailles.
7
Donges, Alexander, and Felix Selgert. "Do Legal Differences Matter? A Comparison of German Patent Law Regimes before 1877." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 60, no. 1 (May 27, 2019): 57–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2019-0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract In this article, we give an overview of the differences in German patent legislations between 1815 and 1876. German patent laws differed in particular with regard to the application and approval system, the treatment of foreign applicants, and patent fees. Differences in the former two categories provide an explanation why the number of patents was considerably lower in Prussia than in other states. While the number of Prussian patents per capita almost stagnated between 1840 and 1872, it increased in Baden, Bavaria and Saxony. Formal differences in patent law do not fully explain this pattern, but Prussian patent policy does. The Prussian patent authority set high barriers to get a patent by applying a thorough technical examination and a strict definition of novelty. Furthermore, we show that states using a registration system granted a considerably higher number of patents than states with technical examinations.
8
Matveeva, Anna. "The Polish Minority in the German Empire — the Agrarian Aspect of Government Policy and the Opposition of the Polish Population in the Late 19th — Early 20th Centuries." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016172-8.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this article is to examine the agrarian aspect of the opposition to the Prussian policy of Germanization of the Polish population of the provinces of Poznań and West Prussia from a historical perspective, with the main focus on the 1880s — 1900s. The publication of the Colonization Law in 1886 and the creation of the Colonization Commission marked the beginning of attempts by the Prussian government to change the ratio of the Polish and German population of the provinces in favour of the latter. The German side in 1886—1902 acted exclusively through centralized budget financing of the colonization structures, which increased from year to year. However, this did not lead to the achievement of the goals set. To counteract the Prussian activities, the Poles set up a system of credit institutions, the main role in which belonged to the Land Bank. These financial institutions took over the crediting of land deals and the support of Polish landowners and farmers. The Polish side chose a much more effective method, which allowed it to gain the upper hand over the German strategy. The process of Germanization in the agricultural sector in the late 19th and early 20th centuries went through several stages, always being a direct reflection of the general direction of German government policy: from the creation of internal unity under Bismarck, through Caprivi’s “Era of reconciliation”, to the “Weltpolitik” of Bulow, when Polish policy became a part of the common colonial trend.
9
Kotova, Elena. "The German Question in the Foreign Policy of the Austrian Empire in 1850—1866." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016050-4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For centuries, the House of Austria (the Habsburgs) maintained its leadership in the Holy Roman Empire, and later in the German Union. But in the middle of the 19th century the situation changed, Austria lost its position in Germany, lost to Prussia in the struggle for hegemony. The article examines what factors influenced such an outcome of the German question, what policy Austria pursued in the 50—60s of the 19th century, what tasks it set for itself. The paper traces the relationship between the domestic and foreign policy of Austria. Economic weakness and political instability prevented the monarchy from pursuing a successful foreign policy. The multinational empire could not resist the challenge of nationalism and prevent the unification of Italy and Germany. Difficult relations with France and Russia, inconsistent policy towards the Middle German states largely determined this outcome. The personal factor was also important. None of the Austrian statesmen could resist such an outstanding politician as Bismarck.
10
Khorosheva, Aleksandra. "Grand Duchy of Luxembourg and Unification of Germany in 1871." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016148-1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Based on published sources, as well as documents from the Archive of the Foreign policy of the Russian Empire, introduced into scientific use for the first time, the article relates the place of Grand Duchy of Luxembourg during the Unification of Germany. The author analyses the attitude of European states — Prussia, France, Belgium and especially the attention of Russia — toward Luxembourg during the crises of 1867 and after the neutralization of Grand Duchy. Studying German policy over the XIX century in regard to Luxembourg, the author comes to the conclusion that economic dependence from Germany determined future foreign orientation of Grand Duchy.
11
Leuschner, Torsten. "Richard Böckh (1824–1907): Sprachenstatistik zwischen Nationalitätsprinzip und Nationalstaat." Historiographia Linguistica International Journal for the History of the Language Sciences 31, no. 2-3 (2004): 389–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.31.2-3.09leu.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The present article discusses politically relevant aspects of the work of the Prussian statistician Richard Böckh (1824–1907), a renowned specialist on language statistics, nationality policy and general demographics in his day. Two of his publications are focused on: the article “Über die statistische Bedeutung der Volksprache” (‘On the Statistical Significance of the National Tongue’, 1866), in which Böckh expresses the view that nationality is defined exclusively by virtue of language, and the bookDer Deutschen Volkszahl und Sprachgebiet in den europäischen Staaten(‘The Number and Areal Extension of Germans in the States of Europe’, 1869), in which he proposes a catalogue of linguistic human rights. The purpose of the present article is to analyse the public reception of Böckh’s works in two contexts: the Franco-German war of 1870/71, when the German public interpreted Böckh’s ideas as justifying the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine, and the debates over the Official Language question in Prussia in 1873–1876. Finally, two characteristic aspects of Böckh’s activities in his later years are highlighted: his active support ofAuslandsdeutschtum(German minorities outside the Reich), and his protest at the misuse of statistics for anti-semitic propaganda around 1880. The latter issue in particular, though courageous, proves just how much the formerly popular language-based concept of nationality was already on the defensive ten years after the foundation of the German Reich in 1871.
12
Vakareliyska, Cynthia M. "Due Process in Wartime? Secret Imperial Russian Police Files on the Forced Relocation of Russian Germans during World War I." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 5 (September 2009): 589–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903122842.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1762 and 1763, manifestos were issued by Catherine II, and later were extended further by her son Paul I, inviting foreign artisans and others to settle in far-flung rural areas of the Russian Empire in order to help strengthen the economy. Under a policy somewhat similar to the later US Homestead Act, under the manifestos German and other foreign-national settlers and their descendants were offered Russian citizenship, land ownership after three years, religious tolerance (including, in the case of Germans, German clergy and German-language churches), and exemption from the military draft—although by the end of the nineteenth century the last of these had been rescinded. The call was not restricted to Germans, but Germans comprised the largest group to take advantage of it, settling for the most part in Ukraine, Bessarabia, and the mid-Volga region. Those who participated in the migration, known as the Auswanderung, and their descendants are often referred to in English as “Russian Germans” or “Germans from Russia” (rossiiskie nemtsy). A second wave of German immigration occurred in 1894, when some Germans who had settled in Prussia moved across the border into Russia. By 1897, there were over 2 million German immigrants and descendants in the Russian Empire.
13
Brinkmann, Tobias. "Transit Experiences." Polish American Studies 80, no. 2 (October 1, 2023): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/23300833.80.2.02.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Between the 1870s and 1914, millions of Eastern Europeans moved to the United States. Little is known about the actual journeys of Polish, Jewish, and other migrants. A closer look at the experiences of transmigrants reveals a sophisticated system that was managed by Germany's two largest steamship lines, the Hamburg-America Line and the Bremen-based North German Lloyd. In the early 1880s, the United States shifted to a more thorough screening of arriving migrants, refusing admission to a growing number of “undesirables.” In 1885, Germany's largest state, Prussia, implemented a restrictive immigration policy, much earlier than other states in and beyond Europe. The steamship lines convinced the Prussian state not to prevent migrants from Eastern Europe from crossing its territory. Before 1914, migrant aid associations also established a good accord with different state agencies in Europe and North America. They intervened on behalf of migrants who had been detained, often successfully. State officials embraced non-state actors because they solved protracted problems and relieved states of a financial burden. The article examines the origins of the privately handled transmigration system in Imperial Germany and raises the question whether it was beneficial for average migrants.
14
Strauchold, Grzegorz. "Activities of the security services against the German population and the so-called Polish autochthones in Warmia and Mazury in the years 1945–1956." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 298, no. 4 (January 4, 2018): 637–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134925.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article describes the activities of the Communist political police against former German citizens who remained in their places of residence in the part of East Prussia incorporated into Poland. Polish communists until the end of the 1940s were conducting a policy that would eliminate German nationality from the inhabitants of Poland. From the end of the 1940s there was a concerted attempt to eliminate anyone with German nationality and those questioning the new Polish–German border that was created in 1945 among the remnants of the German citizenry. The Communist political police were also interested in people (and their views) who showed a critical attitude toward the Communist regime introduced into Poland
15
Khryakov, Alexander. "Scientific Policy of Nazi Germany and Coordination of the Prussian Academy of Sciences." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-2 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840024115-5.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to the consideration of the scientific policy of Germany in the 1930—1940s. The possible reasons for historians' long-term disregard of this problem are analyzed, related both to the reluctance of the researchers themselves and the peculiarities of the perception of science by the leaders of the German state. Special attention is paid to the activities of the Ministry of Science, Education and Public Education. The example of the Prussian Academy of Sciences (Berlin) shows the specifics of the National Socialist coordination of scientific organizations and the competition between numerous departments for control over the oldest scientific organization in Germany.
16
Kempa, Robert. "East Prussia in Józef Piłsudski’s German policy." Białostockie Teki Historyczne, no. 11 (2013): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/bth.2013.11.11.
Повний текст джерела
17
Aleknavičienė, Ona. "Language policy in the Kingdom of Prussia at the junction of the 18th-19th centuries." Taikomoji kalbotyra 16 (December 30, 2021): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/taikalbot.2021.16.4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The present paper examines the principles of the language policy designed in the Kingdom of Prussia at the junction of the 18th-19th centuries. This research aims to identify the main factors affecting the introduction of the Lithuanian language as the official regional language in the Kingdom of Prussia and to evaluate the parameters applied to such language planning. The main research objects in this study are the prefaces to Christian Gottlieb Mielcke’s dictionary Littauisch-deutsches und Deutsch-littauisches Wörter-Buch (1800) and the archival material of the end of the 18th century, which provide information on the preconditions, directions, goals, and objectives of the language policy of the time.The politics favorable to the Lithuanian language was preconditioned by the political changes in the 18th century. After the third partition of the Commonwealth of the Two Nations (1795) and with the annexation of Užnemunė to Prussia, the range of the Lithuanian language use expanded, and the ideas of regional particularism strengthened.Christoph Friedrich Heilsberg, the author of the third preface to Mielcke’s dictionary, a counsellor in the Königsberg Chamber of War and Domains, and an inspector of East Prussian schools, was well aware of the Lithuanian attitudes to the influence of language on identity, motives for language learning, legislation, and the potential of schools and churches. On the grounds of this versatile expertise, he undertook language status planning.With regards to Mielcke’s observation about civil servants who need to learn Lithuanian and the Lithuanian approach to language, Heilsberg took a practical position on language planning. He suggested expanding the Lithuanian language use in the public sphere rather than considering the idea of German as a common state language. At Heilsberg’s initiative, the Lithuanian language had to be used in such important areas as education, church, law, business, and administration. Heilsberg sought to ensure that it did not lose its cultural or administrative functions. Such plans presuppose the status of Lithuanian as an official regional language, equivalent to linguistic autonomy, where the language of a national minority has political autonomy and coexists with the official language of the state.Heilsberg initiated not only the development but also the implementation of language policy. He developed the directions and measures of corpus planning: to help non-Lithuanians to learn Lithuanian, he encouraged Mielcke to prepare a Lithuanian-German and German-Lithuanian dictionary and supervised the publication of a Lithuanian grammar and a collection of sermons. This highlights the priorities of his education policy, which aimed to develop the language skills of teachers and priests, and to create conditions for civil servants working in the province to learn the Lithuanian language.Three statements of Heilsberg as a high-ranking state official were important for increasing the prestige of the Lithuanian language: 1) language is a guarantor of identity; 2) provincial languages must be learned by civil servants and not vice versa; and 3) language must be nurtured.The author of the fourth preface to Mielcke’s dictionary, the German philosopher Immanuel Kant, raised the criterion of language purity. Considering that only pure language is important for the maintenance of the nation’s distinctiveness, for science, and especially history, he emphasized the need to preserve the purity of language and proposed two ways to achieve this: to use pure language in schools and churches, and to expand the domains of its use.This is the earliest attempt in the history of Prussian Lithuanian culture to give the Lithuanian language the status of an official regional language. Such policy ensured its functioning in all spheres of public life, its use in the education system, and created conditions for maintaining identity.
18
Dunlavy, Colleen A. "Mirror Images: Political Structure and Early Railroad Policy in the United States and Prussia." Studies in American Political Development 5, no. 1 (1991): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000158.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
As conventional thinking once had it, Vormärz Prussia and the antebellum United States mapped out opposite ends of a “strong-state, weak-state” spectrum. But several decades of research have rendered both images increasingly untenable. Revisions began on the American side in the 1940s when a group of scholars set out to re-evaluate the state governments' role in antebellum American industrialization. These studies of state legislation and political rhetoric—the first to take federalism seriously, one might say—collectively laid to rest the myth of laissez-faire during the antebellum period. Since then scholars of the antebellum political economy have examined the American state from another angle, shifting attention to the role of the state and federal courts in economic growth. Others, mean-while, have taken a closer look at the federal government's role before the Civil War and discerned interventionist tendencies in the federal legislature and executive as well. The cumulative effect is clear: it has become impossible to speak of laissez-faire in the antebellum American context. On the Prussian side, too, historians have begun to rethink the state's role in industrialization as mounting evidence has undermined the conventional image. Initially, few historians questioned the extent of the state's involvement in economic activity during the first half of the 19th century; instead, they debated its consequences—beneficial or not, intended or not. On balance the first round of revisions judged Vormdrz Prussian policies to have been rather contradictory in nature, some encouraging industrialization but others either hampering economic change or proving irrelevant.5 Historian Clive Trebilcock has gone a step further, however, debunking what he labels “myths of the directed economy” in nineteenth-century Germany.
19
Олійник Аліна. "НАПРЯМИ МУЗИЧНОЇ ПОЛІТИКИ НІМЕЦЬКОЇ МУЗИЧНОЇ РАДИ". World Science 4, № 3(55) (31 березня 2020): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_ws/31032020/6982.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the article it is defined the notion of musical policy as a consistent concept of state activities which influence the support and development of music, music education, music facilities, economics of music life etc. The constituent parts of the music policy of modern Germany are determined. It is analyzed the impact and the importance of Leo Kestenberg’s reformation activity for the development of the music policy of Prussia in the 1920s, it is explained the role of the music policy in modern FRG and its overall state control of the country’s music life in particular. It is outlined a strategic direction of the activity of German Music Council (GMC; Deutsche Musikrat –DMR) – organization of music life and formation of the music policy in a new social context. It is established that the music policy is also a social policy which strives for preservation of general national state interests. The tasks and directions of the implementation of the music policy of FRG are singled out.
20
Dudarev, Vasiliy. "The Russian Direction of the Prussian Kingdom's Foreign Policy. 1851—1871. The Historiographical Aspect." ISTORIYA 13, no. 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019071-7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The author of this article offers his assessment of the state of Russian/Soviet and German historiography devoted to Prussian-Russian political relations, the Russian direction of the Prussian Kingdom's foreign policy. Analyzing the works of Russian and German historians, the author comes to the conclusion that in German historiography, as well as in Russian historical science, there is still no special comprehensive study of the Russian direction of Bismarck's foreign policy in the long period of 1851—1871, on the eve and during the years of German unification.
21
WILSON, PETER H. "PRUSSIA'S RELATIONS WITH THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE, 1740–1786." Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (June 2008): 337–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006742.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACTMost writers have taken Frederick II at his word and interpreted his sparse and generally derogatory comments about the Holy Roman Empire as indications of its low priority in Prussian policy after 1740. This article offers a reappraisal, based on a re-examination of his writings and his policy towards the Empire and its principal dynasties. Despite his distaste for the imperial constitution, Frederick swiftly appreciated its significance to his goals of security and international recognition. Certainly, relations with the imperial Estates remained secondary to diplomatic and military engagement with Austria and the other major European powers. Nonetheless, the Empire remained more than an arena in which Austro-Prussian rivalry was played out. The imperial constitution offered a means to neutralize threats to Prussia's more vulnerable provinces and a framework to constrain Habsburg ambitions, while ties to minor German dynasties offered avenues to maintain or improve relations with Europe's leading monarchies that were likewise bound within the elite kinship of the Christian old world. For this to be effective, however, Frederick had to engage in all aspects of imperial politics and not just representation in formal institutions.
22
Bykov, O. M., and N. V. Stepanenko. "Advantages and disadvantages o the establishment of local self-government in the Federal Republic of Germany during the First World War." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 5 (November 17, 2023): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2023.05.2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The scientific article is devoted to the issue of researching the advantages and disadvantages of the formation and development of local selfgovernment in Germany in the period before the First World War, when it was Germany that chose the model of local self-government. The article reveals the main issues of the genesis of local self-government in Germany. The article reveals the issues of legislative regulation of local selfgovernment in Germany at various historical stages. The scientific article states that by the end of the 19th century. only Prussia retained open voting, and other parts of the German Empire implemented secret voting; the principles of counting votes also differed; with the same number of votes, a draw was held; in Bavaria and Baden at the beginning of the 20th century. the system of proportional representation was introduced. The article stated that the specified period included demands for universal secret direct suffrage for all German citizens aged 20 and over, proportional elections, full provincial, district and community self-government through officials elected on the basis of universal suffrage, and stipulated the abolition of all local governments appointed by the state. The struggle for universal suffrage is revealed, gender policy in the field of local selfgovernment is given, in particular, the possibility of women to participate in the work of executive commissions that dealt with issues of care, public education and sanitation at local authorities, and the legislative prerequisites for this are indicated. It was determined that during the creation of the German model of local self-government in the 19th century. English local self-government was taken as a model. The article examines the implementation of bureaucratic decentralization and integration of local self-government into the system of state authorities. It was stated that the corresponding period in Germany was spent in search of a suitable model of implementation of local government, the choice of English or French in particular.
23
LEIDINGER, BARBARA, W. ROBERT LEE, and PETER MARSCHALCK. "Enforced convergence: political change and cause-of-death registration in the Hansestadt Bremen, 1860–1914." Continuity and Change 12, no. 2 (August 1997): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416097002968.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Even after the unification of Germany in 1871, political power continued to be fragmented. The Bismarckian constitution was superimposed on a collection of previously independent states: it acknowledged their continued existence as historical regions, granted them their own constitutions, state parliaments, and extensive legislative and executive powers. At a regional level, different perceptions of the appropriate role of the state continued to exist, with Prussian centralism contrasting with the laissez-faire amateurism of Bremen and Hamburg. The creation of centralized Reich (German Empire) agencies, such as the Imperial Health Office, failed to guarantee an effective implementation of German Empire decrees, and the administrative structure of individual states remained diverse. Indeed despite increasing pressure to create a uniform nation state and standardized administrative procedures, there were still 25 separate states in 1914. In relation to the structure of medical services and the formulation of medical policy, a significant degree of regional variation persisted into the twentieth century.
24
Cramer, Kevin. "A World of Enemies: New Perspectives on German Military Culture and the Origins of the First World War." Central European History 39, no. 2 (May 19, 2006): 270–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000112.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the introduction to his 1915 book Die Hohenzollern und ihr Werk, Otto Hintze ruefully quoted an Englishman's observation that, “Prussian history is endlessly boring because it speaks so much of war and so little of revolution.” As the “Great War” entered its second year, and with Germany's hopes for a quick and decisive victory fading, Hintze saw history repeating itself. Like Frederick the Great's Prussia, he wrote, “The German Reich, under a Hohenzollern Kaiser, [now] battles for its existence against a world of enemies.” Since the beginning of the war, Entente propaganda had mobilized the home front by depicting the war as an epochal struggle against the enemy of all civilized men: the savage “Hun,” the jack-booted, spike-helmeted despoiler of innocent Belgium. The crudity of this propaganda caricature aside, its power to persuade nevertheless drew on a widespread conviction that the story of war constituted the core of German history and that the disease of “militarism” was a peculiarly German deformation of the national psyche. In response to the censure of their nation's enemies, the German intellectuals rejected that diagnosis while defending the role war had played in their nation's history. Published in the Kölnische Zeitung on October 4, 1914, the hastily drafted manifesto “To the Civilized World!” was endorsed (if not read) by ninety-three of the Second Reich's most prominent scholars, scientists, philosophers, and theologians, including Peter Behrens, Lujo Brentano, Adolph von Harnack, Max Lenz, and Gustav von Schmoller. They vehemently repudiated the distortion of Germany's history: “Were it not for German militarism, German civilization would long since have been extirpated.” “The word militarism,” the liberal jurist Gerhard Anschütz defiantly declared in 1915, “which is being used throughout the world as a swear word against us, let it be for us a badge of honor.” As Hintze, Anschütz, and their contemporaries understood the course of German unification (and Germany's rise as a great power under Prussian leadership), the modern German nation-state owed its very existence to what Hintze called “the monarchical-military factor.” If we are to advance our understanding of how a nationalist discourse obsessed with foreign and domestic threats supported a foreign policy that ignited two world wars in the space of twenty-five years, we must be prepared, I believe, to re-think the “Sonderweg thesis,” not in its relation to the putative immaturity of German liberalism or an atavistic predilection for autocratic rule, but as it was rooted in German military culture. The books under discussion in this essay reframe the militarism/“Sonderweg” debate by examining the unique connection between modern German visions of the nation and the waging of war as revealed in the experience of the First World War. Representing the maturation of the new intellectual and cultural history of war, they pose two fundamental questions: What kind of war did the Second Reich's military, political, and intellectual leadership envision that would “complete” the German nation? And how did they define Germany's enemies?
25
Дробот, Микола. "Islamic Vector of the Religious Policy of the German Military Administration in the Territory of the Occupied Crimea in 1941-1944." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University Series History, no. 46 (December 26, 2023): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/10.31652/2411-2143-2023-46-43-51.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of the research is to trace the implementation of the religious policy of the German military administration towards the Muslims of Crimea, taking into account the differences in the approaches of the German elite. The research methods are based on the use of both general scientific research methods (analysis and synthesis, systemic analysis, concretization, analogy), and research methods of historical sciences (historical-genetic, historical-systemic, historical-comparative), principles of historicism, systematicity, scientificity and verification. The scientific novelty of the work consists in the identification and detailed study of the religious policy of the German military administration in Crimea regarding Islam, as well as the disclosure of the political conflict of interests of the military administration and the central leadership in Berlin regarding its implementation in Crimea. Conclusion. The German elite of the Third Reich was heterogeneous, so two approaches to the implementation of the occupation policy in the East arose among them - "Prussian" and "National". These two approaches were reflected in the Muslim vector of religious policy, namely: the followers of the "Prussian" approach appointed Russian collaborators to administrative positions, which periodically harmed religious policy; in general, representatives of the "national" approach saw the strengthening of the Crimean Muslims as an opportunity to expand German influence on the Muslims of the USSR. Germany's religious policy towards the Muslims of Crimea pursued military goals - providing human resources for German military formations and a reliable rear of the Wehrmacht. Nazi-Muslim relations in the Crimea were generally fruitful in terms of the restoration of religious rights and freedoms. But there were two problematic aspects of the entire Islamic vector of the religious policy of the German military administration — the restoration of the Crimean Muftiat and the establishment of the legal legitimacy of the waqf.
26
Grave, Jaap. "JOHANNES FRANCK." De Moderne Tijd 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2020.1-2.002.grav.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Johannes Franck A career in the margins Johannes Franck (1854-1914) was the first professor extraordinarius(1886) and in 1912 a professor of Dutch and Low German in the German empire. In this article I describe his career largely until 1886 by embedding him within the scientific community of his time. Subsequently, I show how anti-Semitism prevented him from becoming a professor of German studies and discuss the policy of appointments in Prussia. To conclude, I argue that these aspects and the difference in scientific cultures between the Netherlands and the German Empire was partly responsible for the fact that he had a marginal position in between two scientific communities.
27
White, Charles E. "Scharnhorst and Showalter: A tale of two enlightened scholars." War in History 29, no. 1 (January 2022): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344520937158.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Gerhard von Scharnhorst was the intellectual father of the Prussian and later German armies. Professor Dennis E. Showalter was a noted scholar of German, American, and military history. Both mentored countless students and authored a number of seminal works in military history. Both demonstrated the enduring importance of military history in the minds of policy makers, military personnel, and the public. Both were truly enlightened scholars.
28
Horn, Alexander, and Anthony Kevins. "Problem Pressure and Social Policy Innovation: Lessons from Nineteenth-Century Germany." Social Science History 42, no. 3 (2018): 495–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.13.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In studying how to best understand social program introduction, political scientists have built up a laundry list of contributory factors. We suggest, however, that “objective” problem pressure has been incorrectly neglected by many scholars in recent decades—and the well-known case of Germany’s nineteenth-century introduction of social insurance legislation provides a clear illustration of this point. In explaining the origins and design of German social insurance, the interplay of three factors is key: first, exceptionally high problem pressure, connected to both labor market- and state-building processes; second, a fragile institutional context dominated by Prussia; and third, the party political constellation. In making this argument, we draw on “open functional reasoning” and extract implications from the case study to further refine the underlying theory. Specifically, we find that goal-oriented action may both be more common and more prone to compromise than the theory suggests. As such, we not only present an argument for considering the potential impact of problem pressure, but also lay out and refine an approach to doing so. In contrasting this approach to the problematic functionalism that initially inclined many scholars to neglect of problem pressure, we hope to help rehabilitate the concept—and in the process strengthen the explanatory power of research in sociology and political science.
29
Matveeva, Anna. "Wilhelm II and the resignation of Otto von Bismarck." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2022): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020983-9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article focuses on the turning point in the history of the German Empire in 1871–1918, associated with the circumstances of the resignation of the first Imperial Chancellor and Minister-President of Prussia Otto von Bismarck in March 1890 and the transition to the so-called Wilhelmian period in the history of the country. The subject has been well studied in German historiography, yet it is still a matter for discussion among historians. Drawing on studies already undertaken, the author supplements them with information from the correspondence between the Russian Embassy in Berlin and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire in January–April 1890, which is largely unknown to the general public. The author focuses on the character and personality of Emperor Wilhelm II, the principal stages in his biography up to 1890 which influenced the emergence and course of the resignation crisis; the political differences between the Emperor and the Chancellor which became the catalyst for their break-up; the consequences of Bismarck's resignation and the impact of these events on the subsequent development of Germany. As a result of this research, the author concludes that, firstly, the main reason was psychology, the psychological disposition of the monarch. By firing the chancellor, he wanted to get a sense of freedom. A man who had been emotionally very dependent on his 'mentors' his whole life was trying to break free from the tutelage of the chief of them, Bismarck. Secondly, the German Empire was in no way inferior to the British Empire, whose reigning house he had a whole gamut of love-hate feelings towards. In such a situation, Bismarck, who had resisted state colonial policy and domestic transformation in every way, was not at all suited to be the main pillar of the new monarch, who had such far-reaching, albeit very vague, plans. His notion of the ability to single-handedly determine the entire policy of a country such as Germany at the end of the nineteenth century was inherently doomed to failure. Removing a constraining and guiding factor such as Bismarck from the system made it even more unstable. But there was no other way out of the conflict, the Bismarcks could not in any circumstances replace the Hohenzollerns.
30
Trunov, Philipp. "The Features and Results of the Dialogue between Germany and the Nordic Countries in the Political and Military Spheres in the 2010s." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017776-2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the dynamics of Germany's relations with the Nordic countries in the military-political sphere in the 2010s, taking into account the historical experience of their contacts. The author tries to explore both regional and bilateral (interstate) levels. The article shows that the foreign policy of Prussia and then Germany before the World War II, based on the active use of military instruments, was one of the reasons for Sweden (1814) and Finland (1955) to choose a neutral status in the military sphere. Chronologically, special attention is paid to the period of the new Cold War between Euro-Atlantic security community and Russia. The article attempts to show that Germany is not interested in the rejection of Sweden and Finland from their conditionally neutral status de jure. Another question is how Germany used the new Cold War to deepen and expand its contacts with all the countries of Northern Europe. The article also discusses the influence of the Donald Trump factor on these relations. Starting in 2018, we may face increased use of the Bundeswehr in military exercises organized in the region. The article attempts to analyze the determination and dynamics of this trend.
31
Rustemović, Rifet. "Between the Sovereignty, State-control and Non-interference in Religion. The Islamic Community and the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Antithesis of the German Orientalist Carl Heinrich Becker (1876–1933)." Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju 72, no. 72 (November 12, 2023): 261–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.261.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
February 2023 marks the 90th anniversary of the death of Carl Heinrich Becker (1876–1933), a famous German orientalist, founder of modern Islamic studies in Germany and the Prussian Minister of Culture and Education (1921, 1925–1930). Since his appearance on the German and European intellectual scene at the beginning of the 20th century, C. H. Becker tried to focus his various interests not only on a historical and cultural research of medieval Islam but also on Muslim contemporary issues. Based on this, his analysis of the European colonial powers regarding their Islampolitik found its main motive in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy’s regulations on the legal position of the Bosnian Muslim’ religious and waqf-mearif institutions.
Although some Bosnian authors, such as Ahmed Smajlović, Smail Balić, Nerkez Smailagić, Salih H. Alić, Fehim Bajraktarević and others, referred to Becker's scientific work, his notions about Bosnian Muslims remained mostly disregarded in Bosnian historiography and Islamic studies.
Therefore, the aim of this article is to – using the literature, the press, Becker's numerous private correspondence, manuscripts and other archival sources – analyse Becker's observations about the Bosnian Muslims and their Islamic community through the practice of the Austro-Hungarian Islam policy. Thus, this paper analyses the method of his Islampolitik in the context of his antithesis of the sovereignty, state-control and non-interference in religion.
32
Świerczewska-Gąsiorowska, Anna. "Criminal Legislation at the Time of Poland’s Regaining Independence." Internal Security Special Issue (January 14, 2019): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8400.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The third partition of Poland, and thus the collapse of the Polish state, spontaneously forced a situation in which the legal orders of the partitioning states came into force almost immediately on Polish lands. In the lands divided between Prussia, Russia and Austria, legal acts of the partitioning states came into force with a strong influence of models derived from French legislation. The Polish lands which came under Austrian rule found themselves in the reality, in which the Austrian legislator conducted codification works on the new penal code, which resulted in the fact that in 1787 the penal code of Joseph II, called Josephine, became binding. As early as 1803, a penal code was introduced in Poland, which was under Austrian rule, under the name of the Book of Laws on Crimes and Serious Police Crimes called Franciscan. In the German annexation there was the Prussian Landrecht, which was characterized by a current far removed from the European science of law. On the territory of the former Duchy of Warsaw a Penal Code for the Kingdom of Poland was introduced. In Russia in 1903, the Tagantsev’s Code came into force, which in its systematics divided crimes according to their gravity into crimes and misdemeanours and clearly separated minor offences. The characteristics of criminal legislation until 1918 made it possible to show the enormity of the work of the Codification Commission, the aim of which, after Poland regained independence, was to create a uniform and coherent Polish legal system, not only in terms of social life standards, but also in the area of the catalogue of its areas.
33
Datsenko, Pavel. "On Some Specifics in the Work of Russian Diplomatic Missions in the States of the German Confederation in the Middle of the 19th Century." ISTORIYA 14, no. 9 (131) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028004-3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to the work of the diplomatic missions of the Russian Empire in the secondary German states that were part of the German Confederation. In historiography, these missions are paid relatively less attention than Russia’s diplomatic relations with Austria and Prussia, as a result — the whole direction of Russian foreign policy towards the German Confederation and its members is beyond the scope of research interest. At the same time, the materials of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AVPRI) make it possible to study the work of these missions and their significance for Russian foreign policy in general. The first part of the article discusses some features of organizational structure of Russian diplomatic service and mission staff in the German states: the unification of several missions under the control of one envoy, the need to have a separate representative at the Bundestag and the significant role of mission secretaries. The second part of the article is devoted to a brief review of the tasks and methods of work, as well as the level of independence of Russian diplomats during the German and European crises of the mid-19th century. These and other features of the activities of Russian missions in the secondary German states make it possible not only to add significant details to the image of foreign policy questions already known to researchers, but also to reveal new aspects of Russia's foreign policy in the middle of the 19th century.
34
HENNOCK, E. P. "Vaccination Policy Against Smallpox, 1835-1914: A Comparison of England with Prussia and Imperial Germany." Social History of Medicine 11, no. 1 (April 1, 1998): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/11.1.49.
Повний текст джерела
35
Caruso, Amerigo. "Joining Forces against ‘Strike Terrorism’: The Public-Private Interplay in Policing Strikes in Imperial Germany, 1890–1914." European History Quarterly 49, no. 4 (October 2019): 597–624. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419864007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the blurred boundaries between public and private repressive practices in Wilhelmine Germany with a special focus on the legal and administrative framework drawn up to redistribute security tasks and delegate the use of violence to non-state actors. While the rapid escalation of political violence in Central and Eastern Europe after 1917 has been widely discussed in the recent historiography, the structure of violence in the pre-war period remains less explored, especially with regard to the public-private interplay in the policing of popular protests. After the first massive strike by Ruhr miners in 1889, the Prussian authorities began to support the formation of semi-private armed protection groups in an effort to tackle ‘strike terrorism’. The idea of privatizing repressive practices arose as a result of widespread fears of social and political disintegration. Yet, although it may seem paradoxical, the precondition for delegating the use of violence to non-state actors was Prussian administrators’ confidence in the state’s solidity and efficiency. The ambivalence in contemporary discourses concerning the vulnerability of the existing social and political order is crucial to explaining why the Prussian authorities implemented strategies for legally distributing arms to those groups that were considered part of the ‘loyal classes’. The mobilization against ‘strike terrorism’ involved not only officially organized armed groups, such as the Zechenwehren, but also more informal or extra-legal strategies such as private use of the municipal police, the distribution of arms to strike-breakers and the militarization of white-collar workers and supervisors.
36
Grochowina, Sylwia. "German Cultural Policy in the Reich Province of Danzig-West Prussia: A Short Characteristic." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 60, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 142–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2018.60.09.
Повний текст джерела
37
Bruhns, Hinnerk, and Suzanne Kirkbright. "Max Weber and the Problem of a ‘Successful Peace’." Simmel Studies 22, no. 2 (April 9, 2019): 35–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1058557ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
“How can we think of peace? And when?”, Max Weber asks in a letter to Ferdinand Tönnies, in 14 October 1914. This article focuses on the concept of “successful” peace, the decisive concept for Weber’s ideas about the “way out of the war” that the author refined between 1914–1918 in his speeches, texts and letters. For Weber, a successful peace depended not only on the foreign policy dimension but even more on important inner reforms and a fundamental reorganisation of the German Reich. Analysing Weber’s “ideas of 1918” – radically opposed to the well-known “ideas of 1914” – this paper focuses on three aspects: (1) nation and state citizens (2) Prussia, (3) German tradition, history and political culture, before outlining, at the end, Weber’s ideas about the European post-war order.
38
Rathgeber, Christina. "The Reception of Brandenburg-Prussia's New Lutheran Hymnal of 1781." Historical Journal 36, no. 1 (March 1993): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016137.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACTThe attempted introduction of a new rationalist Lutheran hymnal into Brandenburg-Prussia in 1781 was largely a failure due to the successful popular opposition towards it. This opposition was inaugurated by four parishes in Berlin. They petitioned the monarch in January 1781 with the request to continue using the old hymnal. Similar petitions were submitted from the Landstände of Pomerania, Magdeburg and East Frisia. Frederick II immediately granted this concession to all parishes in Brandenburg-Prussia. The strength of this opposition – which also occurred in other German lands where new hymnals were introduced – indicates the limitations of the religious Aufklärung as a popular movement. Traditional religious beliefs could not be easily replaced by more rationalist doctrine that stressed only Christianity's ethical tenets. While Frederick was indifferent to questions of doctrine, he would not allow any religious reforms to be imposed upon his subjects. For the first time this central feature of his religious policy was influenced by the force of public opinion. He was persuaded to halt the implementation of a measure that enjoyed the support of both enlightened clergy and laymen.
39
Kaunas, Domas. "Lithuanian Postcard in the struggle against Imperial Russia." Knygotyra 79 (December 30, 2022): 71–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2022.79.121.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to a peculiar episode of the struggle of Lithuanians against the policy of persecution based on nationality which was pursued by Imperial Russia between 1864 and 1904. Its participants were representatives of the parts of the Lithuanian nation separated by the border between Germany and the Russian Empire – Martynas Jankus (1858–1946), a German citizen, a Lithuanian of East Prussia, the owner of a printing office in Tilsit (Lith. Tilžė, currently Sovetsk, a town in Kaliningrad Oblast, the Russian Federation) and a group of Lithuanian young people who were operating illegally, a group of citizens of the Russian Empire. The time under discussion is the 1890s. During that period, the Lithuanian national movement was rapidly developing and strengthening while striving to bring together both parts of the nation and the USA-based Lithuanian diaspora community. One of the most important measures of the common struggle was the distribution of publications printed in Latin characters in the Lithuanian language which were banned to be published in the territory of Russia but were legally printed in East Prussia and smuggled across the border into Lithuania. From there, the publications were sent to Lithuanian communities all over the Russian Empire. This struggle resulted in victory: the ban was lifted by Order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Russia issued in 1904.
To strengthen the political opposition, Lithuanian intellectuals printed not only books, brochures and newspapers but also various minor publications – political leaflets. Students of Russian universities and Lithuanian intellectuals graduates of these higher education institutions prepared texts and sent funds intended for their publication to the printing offices of Lithuanians and Germans in East Prussia. The number of such leaflets surviving to the present day is very small. One of these publications was an anonymous card of the size of a standard German postcard (95 x 140 mm). Thus far, three of them have been found in Lithuanian libraries and archives, and one has been discovered in the National Library of Russia in Saint Petersburg. A composition of two illustrations is printed on one side of the card: a Lithuanian countrywoman and a Cossack standing in front of her with a raised whip and a bottle of vodka as a gift for obedience. This symbolised a spread of orthodoxy and the deportation of Lithuanians from their native land. The following exclamation of the Cossack is printed: Are you a Lithuanian? Go to Russia! The explanation of the content of the illustration and the encouragement (first of all, to Catholic believers) to oppose the plans of the authorities are printed in small characters. They are related to the colonisation of Siberia. The statements are well-grounded, the exposition of the subject is logical and written in the correct Lithuanian language. Most probably, it was created by the graduate of the Faculty of Law of the University of Moscow Vladas Mačys (1867–1936).
Vaclovas Biržiška, Professor of Law at the University of Lithuania in Kaunas and Director of the University Library, was the first to describe this publication bibliographically. The author regarded this publication as a postcard, attributed it to Martynas Jankus’ printing office and dated it ‘1892’. A more precise description was publicised in the fundamental work of Lithuanian national bibliography Lietuvos TSR bibliografija. Serija A: Knygos lietuvių kalba (Bibliography of the Lithuanian SSR. Series A: Books in the Lithuanian Language; vol. 2: 1862–1904. Book 2 (Vilnius, 1988, p. 401, No. 4065). It was compiled in the Soviet era, and the only available copy stored in Mikhail J. Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public Library (currently renamed the Russian National Library in Sankt Petersburg) served as the basis for it. The present author amended the publication date of the postcard (1891) and specified the circumstances of its distribution, while also ascertaining that the artist of the illustrations was the lithographer of Tilsit Johann Mai.
40
Enescu, Raluca. "Penal Orders and the Risk of Wrongful Convictions." Bergen Journal of Criminal Law & Criminal Justice 7, no. 2 (February 7, 2020): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/bjclcj.v7i2.2981.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The expansion of simplified criminal procedures has been important over the last thirty years. While they certainly produce judgments at a reduced cost, recent findings hint at their higher risk of wrongful convictions. This article sheds light on the emergence of penal orders in Germany, first used by the Prussian police as mandate orders. Today, numerous countries apply penal orders to minor offences and impose penalties that have become harsher over time. The procedural shortcuts of penal orders, which made them successful in the first place, entail considerable risks of wrongful convictions. Courts are able to render justice more swiftly, but at what cost? In Germany, convictions are recorded in the Central Criminal Register and exclude convicted persons from work in many fields. This article contends that the procedural shortcuts of penal orders, which allow a preliminary prosecutorial investigation to be rendered as a judicial decision, require additional safeguards to prevent wrongful convictions.
41
Grawe, Lukas. "Nützliche Bundesgenossen für die deutsche Heeresleitung?Bogdan Graf von Hutten-Czapskis Denkschrift von 1892 über die Lage in Russisch-Polen im Kontext ihrer Entstehung." Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy 24, no. 3 (2023): 186–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.32089/wbh.phw.2023.3(285).0006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In March 1892, the Polish-German nobleman Bogdan Graf von Hutten-Czapski travelled to the Russian partition on behalf of the Prussian General Staff and summarised his impressions in a detailed memorandum. His findings have been quoted several times in historical research, but the full passage on Polish issues has not yet been published. This article attempts to fill this gap by revealing the most interesting fragments from Hutten-Czapski’s memorandum and placing them in their historical context. Additionally, the text presents not only the author’s views on the „Polish question”, but also addresses German military policy towards the Russian Empire in the early 1890s and the internal political situation in the Russian partition.
42
GÜL, MURAT, and RICHARD LAMB. "Mapping, regularizing and modernizing Ottoman Istanbul: aspects of the genesis of the 1839 Development Policy." Urban History 31, no. 3 (December 2004): 420–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926805002634.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Modernization and westernization in the urban morphology of Istanbul during the late Ottoman period has frequently been presented by Turkish scholars in a linear process, linking urban development plans and later changes to the influence of historic figures, such as Helmuth von Moltke, a Prussian military adviser of the 1830s. A more holistic reading of this phenomenon based on primary sources, including letters in German by von Moltke, reveals a complex array of forces, responses and reactions, and simultaneously, a more modest and less seminal role for von Moltke in the development of the historic city.
43
Avraham, Doron. "From Contestation to Cooperation: The German Orthodox Church, Neo-Pietism and the Quest for an Alternative Ideal of the Nation." Religions 12, no. 11 (November 2, 2021): 959. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12110959.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The emergence of German neo-Pietism after the Napoleonic Wars appeared to contest the dominance of orthodox Protestantism, mainly in Prussia, but also in other German lands. However, nineteenth-century neo-Pietists forged a different kind of relationship with the orthodox than that of the early Pietists and the orthodox about two centuries earlier. Although challenging each other during the 1820s, from the 1830s onwards, neo-Pietists and the orthodox joined forces to confront rational theology, liberalism, and modern nationalism. This article departs from the existing scholarly discussion about these developments in arguing that the Pietist–orthodox alliance, which merged with political conservatism, did not necessarily apply a reactionary policy. Acknowledging the impact of the new liberal trends, these Christian devotees introduced an alternative national ideal that was based on their religious and political views. Invoking the ideal of a German Christian State, the rival Christian strands became woven into a modernized force which fostered a specific German national identity. This was characterized by ecumenical Christianity, a specific understanding of religion, a deep devotion to the German people, and nationalization of Judaism. Theirs was not a democratic nation-state, but an amalgamated model which combined a historic relation to Christianity with new efforts to redefine collective identity in a national age.
44
Hallerberg, Mark. "Tax Competition in Wilhelmine Germany and Its Implications for the European Union." World Politics 48, no. 3 (April 1996): 324–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0010.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The twenty-five German states from 1871 to 1914 present a useful data set for examining how increasing economic integration affects tax policy. After German unification the national government collapsed six currencies into one and liberalized preexisting restrictions on capital and labor mobility. In contrast, the empire did not directly interfere in the making of state tax policy; while states transferred certain indirect taxes to the central government, they maintained their own autonomous tax and political systems through World War I. This paper examines the extent to which tax competition forced the individual state tax systems to converge from 1871 to 1914. In spite of a diversity of political systems, tax competition did require states to harmonize their rates on mobile factors like capital and high income labor, but it did not affect tax rates on immobile factors. In states where the political system guaranteed agricultural dominance, taxes on land were reduced, while in states with more open systems, tax rates remained higher. One unexpected result is that tax rates on capital and income converged upward instead of downward. The most dominant state, Prussia, served as the lowest-common-denominator state, but pressure from the national government, especially to increase expenditures, forced all states to raise their tax rates. These results suggest possible ways for the European Union to avoid a forced downward convergence of member state tax rates on capital and mobile labor.
45
Budrewicz, Tadeusz. "Obchody rocznicy Chopina w roku 1910 a integracja narodowa. Chopin a kultura pamięci." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka, no. 41 (December 29, 2021): 175–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsl.2021.41.10.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article presents the events of the celebration of Chopin’s 100th birthday in 1910. The article is based on the accounts published in the daily press of the time. The growth of Chopin’s cult in Polish lands culturally connected the nation divided both politically and administratively between three countries (Austria, Prussia and Russia). Despite disruptions by the police that inhibited the organisation of the celebrations in Poznan and Warsaw, the Polish people treated them as a nation-wide occasion and used that time to integrate. The key events were the 50th anniversary of Chopin’s death (1899) and the 100th anniversary of his birthday (1910). The year 1910 was also the 500th anniversary of the Battle of Grunwald which saw the Poles defeat the Germans. Chopin’s year had immense patriotic meaning and integrated the nation living under foreign rule.
46
Blanke, Richard, Andrzej Brozek, and Wlodzimierz Jastrzebski. "Germans from Abroad in the Colonization Policy of the Eastern Prussian Provinces (1886-1918)." American Historical Review 97, no. 2 (April 1992): 580. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165826.
Повний текст джерела
47
Hett, Benjamin Carter. "The “Captain of Köpenick” and the Transformation of German Criminal Justice, 1891–1914." Central European History 36, no. 1 (March 2003): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916103770892159.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Most Germans still know the story. One day in October 1906, the 57-year-old ex-convict Wilhelm Voigt dressed himself in the uniform of a Prussian captain, assembled from several second-hand stores. So equipped, Voigt intercepted two squads of soldiers who were going off duty, and ordered the soldiers to accompany him to the town hall of the Berlin suburb of Köpenick. There, claiming to act on “All-Highest command,” Voigt arrested the mayor and other town officials, and had the town's cash handed over to him in two large sacks. He departed with the money and sent the officials in a car to the police station at Berlin's Neue Wache, guarded by several of the soldiers. Only at the Neue Wache did the officials learn that the “All-Highest” had not in fact ordered their arrest.
48
KNOX, MACGREGOR. "1 OCTOBER 1942: ADOLF HITLER, WEHRMACHT OFFICER POLICY, AND SOCIAL REVOLUTION." Historical Journal 43, no. 3 (September 2000): 801–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99001284.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The origins of the process that transmuted Prussia–Germany's most hallowed social institution and professional group, the officer corps, into a functional elite of ‘National Socialist Führer-personalities’ remain obscure. Recent studies have argued that the ‘structural pressures of modern war’ – the immense losses of summer 1942 – compelled the abolition of time-honoured educational and social qualifications for officer candidacy and the basing of promotions almost solely on battlefield prowess, and that ‘National Socialist elite manipulation’ was at best a secondary factor. Yet archival evidence makes clear that the pressures of war took second place in the army's official mind to the need to preserve order and tradition, and that it was above all Adolf Hitler who dictated the timing, shape, and extent of changes that the bureaucrats were largely incapable of imagining. ‘Führer-selection through battle’ was simultaneously the most far-reaching and lasting element in the social revolution that Hitler sought, and a decisive step in steeling the German armed forces for their fight to the bitter end. In this as in other areas, it was National Socialism's very modernity that endowed it with demonic force.
49
Fostova, S. A. "FORT №5 IN THE HISTORICAL MEMORY OF KALININGRAD RESIDENTS." Vestnik of Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University Series Humanities and social science, no. 4 (2022): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/sikbfu-2022-4-7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Königsberg Fort № 5 “Friedrich Wilhelm III”, built in the second half of the 19th century was never used in military operations before the Second World War. But during the storm of Königsberg by the Soviet troops in April, 1945, it had been exposed to the attacks of all kinds of forces of the 3rd Belorussian front for four days and was surrendered by the German command. Later fifteen men were awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union for the fort storming. The article is based on the unpublished documents dating from 1970—1980s from the archives of the Kaliningrad Regional Museum of History and Art which are related to the events of the East Prussian invasion. The author studies the process of including the former German fortress in the historical memory of the Soviet Kaliningrad inhabitants. The article identifies the reasons for the museumisation of the fortress among other fortification structures and its formation as a place of memory. Two concept plans of turning the fort into a memorial are described and analyzed in detail: projects by sculptors from the Moscow organization Rosmonumentyskusstvo and by workers of the Regional Museum of History and Art. The conclusion is made about the principles of reconstruction and the limits of what is admissible in the process of adjusting the German monuments to the objectives of the memory policy aimed at filling the historic landscape of the city with the Soviet attributes. The conclusion substantiates the key role of the memorial opened at Fort № 5 as a mediator (media) between the past of the region and the inhabitants of the region to promote the historical narrative about the storming of Königsberg by the Red Army as the central event of the East Prussian operation of 1945.
50
Kildyushov, O. V. "The police state as a symptom: German classical philosophy and modern biopolitics (Hegel vs Fichte)." RUDN Journal of Sociology 22, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 503–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2022-22-3-503-517.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article considers a little-known topic in the history of the social thought, which has regained relevance under the pandemic - the discussion between the outstanding philosophers of the German idealism on the conceptual interpretation of police as an earlymodern form of biopolitical control. In the introductory part, the author argues that the critique of the science and practice of policing by the classics of the German idealism is paradigmatic for the present-day study of the new/old functions and powers of the sanitary-police state concerning the modern civil society’s self-reflection. In the first part, the author describes the tension between the Enlightenment philosophy and the ‘science of policing’ developed by the Cameralists of the 17th-18th centuries, and emphasizes the significant intellectual contribution of the Enlightenment thinkers, primarily Kant’s legal doctrine, to the radical innovations in the political semantics at the turn of the 18th-19th centuries. Such innovations became the philosophical basis for the rule of law which questioned the discourse of the absolutist state control over its subjects’ welfare by means of police. In the second part, the article presents a brief reconstruction of Fichte’s attempts to combine the old Cameralist ideas with the new modern principles of individual freedoms at the end of the 18th-century era of the science of police - after Kant’s explicit criticism of the state care unauthorized from below. The third part of the article focuses on Hegel’s critique: in the history of the political thought he was often considered an apologist of the authoritarian Prussian state, but questioned the very possibility of the police-scientific idea of the total biopolitical control over social and economic activities of free modern-type individuals. The author reconstructs Hegel’s argumentation of the absurdity of the total sanitary-police regulation as suggested by Fichte, and insists on the relevance of these thinkers, concepts and thematic fields for reconsidering the failure of the Early-Modern biopolitical utopia under the current intersections of lockdowns and sovereignty.