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Статті в журналах з теми "Police abolition movement"
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Gillespie, Kelly, and Leigh-Ann Naidoo. "Abolition Pedagogy." Critical Times 4, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 284–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-9093094.
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Abstract As the South African student movement of 2015–16 began to develop a deeper critique of the character of the transition out of apartheid and its minimal effect on the institutions of colonialism and apartheid, the administrators of postapartheid universities worked with the managers of the security infrastructure of the state to orchestrate a national police shutdown of the student and worker movement. This essay is an effort to sustain an objection to that coordinated effort, and to work through a proposal for how the new managers of the postapartheid state and university could have—should have—acted otherwise. This proposal is called abolition pedagogy, a refusal of the long-standing relationship between education and violence, and a reading of the pedagogic labor involved in antiviolence work. In the midst of the recent student protests, a 1969 exchange of letters between Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse—in which Adorno justifies his having “called the police” on the student movement in Germany—was used to justify calling the police on South African students some fifty years later. This article unpacks the citation, and uses Adorno's own commitment to critique as a “force field” to show up the limitations of his position, and to call for a different mode of engagement with the difficulties and possibilities of ongoing struggle. Adorno's “force field” is contrasted with his poor reckoning with jazz and his inability to see the work of critique in jazz and by implication in many other forms. Abolition pedagogy pursues a transformative orientation to histories of violence, asking how to sustain strategies for their unmaking.
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Asafo, Dylan. "Freedom Dreaming of Abolition in Aotearoa New Zealand: A Pacific Perspective on Tiriti-based Abolition Constitutionalism." Legalities 2, no. 1 (March 2022): 82–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/legal.2022.0030.
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The global resurgence of the Black Lives Matter movement in May 2020 led to an unprecedented reckoning with the racism within Aotearoa New Zealand’s police and prison systems. For Pacific peoples, this led to reflections on the racism of the police during the dawn raids of the 1970s and the racist police violence that Pacific peoples and Māori continue to face today. Notably, when the state apologised for the dawn raids in August 2021, it failed to acknowledge, let alone make amends for, this ongoing racist violence. Therefore, as a Pacific abolitionist legal scholar, in this article I argue that Pacific peoples and wider society in Aotearoa New Zealand must hold the state to account for the inherent racism of not only the police, but prisons as well. Specifically, I argue that we must ‘freedom dream’ ( Kelley 2002 , np) of police and prison abolition by supporting calls by Māori and other criminal justice advocates to achieve abolition through constitutional transformation premised on honouring te Tiriti o Waitangi. In making this argument, I draw on Black American abolitionist legal scholar Dorothy Roberts’ concept of ‘abolition constitutionalism’, which challenges abolitionists to grapple with whether abolition can be achieved within existing constitutional frameworks ( Roberts 2019 , 122). Accordingly, I offer a Pacific perspective on Tiriti-based abolition constitutionalism which further develops the case for why abolition cannot be achieved within current constitutional arrangements within which te Tiriti o Waitangi has long been, and will continue to be, undermined by Parliament.
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Phelps, Michelle S., Anneliese Ward, and Dwjuan Frazier. "FROM POLICE REFORM TO POLICE ABOLITION? HOW MINNEAPOLIS ACTIVISTS FOUGHT TO MAKE BLACK LIVES MATTER." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 421–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-4-421.
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The murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis Police Department (MPD) officers in 2020 was a watershed moment, triggering protests across the country and unprecedented promises by city leaders to “end” the MPD. We use interviews and archival materials to understand the roots of this decision, tracing the emergent split between activists fighting for police reform and police abolition in the wake of the initial Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests in Minneapolis. We compare the frames used by these two sets of movement actors, arguing that abolitionists deployed more radical frames to disrupt hegemonic understandings of policing, while other activists fought to resonate with the existing discursive structure. After years of police reform, Floyd’s death and the rebellion that followed gave abolitionist discourses more resonance. In the discussion, we consider the future of public safety in Minneapolis and its implications for understanding frame resonance in Black movements.
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Anderson, Heather, and Charlotte Bedford. "Prisoner radio as an abolitionist tool: A scholactivist reflection." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00093_1.
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Prisoner and prison radio – audio production and broadcasting that services prisoner and prison communities – has existed in a variety of forms in a diverse range of countries for over 30 years and has recently seen a surge in popularity and awareness. At the same time, the prison abolition movement has also gained momentum and visibility, after an equally long presence and history. Recently in the United States, the New York City Council voted to close Rikers Island by 2026 in response to community campaigning driven by an abolition agenda. Likewise, the Black Lives Matter movement has introduced an abolitionist discourse (especially around defunding police services) to the mainstream vernacular. This article considers the relationships between broadcasters/audiences and the State – embodied through government departments responsible for managing the incarceration of its citizens, and how these impact on prisoner radio’s capacity to act as an agent of change. To do so, we take a scholactivist approach to critically reflect on our experiences as prisoner radio practitioners and researchers and consider the potentials for prisoner radio to either support or hinder a prison abolition agenda. Can the genre contribute to the prison abolition movement when it often requires the support of the prison-industrial complex to exist?
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Bourne, Jenny. "‘This is what a radical intervention could look like’: an interview with Barbara Ransby." Race & Class 62, no. 2 (September 9, 2020): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396820950142.
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An interview with Chicago-based Black historian, activist and writer Barbara Ransby in July 2020 as to how to understand the significance of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) uprisings across the US. Ransby defines the movement and the forces that made George Floyd’s murder a pivotal point for so many people, bringing them on to the streets in over 500 locations. She explains the gestation of the movement against ‘racial capitalism’ from 2012 onwards and its current political formation as made up of an array of forces. The largest most organised coalition is the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL). She traces the white Left’s unwillingness to see the Black working class as now the defining point of class politics and addresses issues of police violence, incarceration and white supremacy. Organic solidarity is developing between progressive groups around an abolition agenda, which is simultaneously about dismantling the carceral state and building new institutions.
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Simes, Jessica T., and Jaquelyn L. Jahn. "The consequences of Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act for police arrests." PLOS ONE 17, no. 1 (January 12, 2022): e0261512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0261512.
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Background & methods National protests in the summer of 2020 drew attention to the significant presence of police in marginalized communities. Recent social movements have called for substantial police reforms, including “defunding the police,” a phrase originating from a larger, historical abolition movement advocating that public investments be redirected away from the criminal justice system and into social services and health care. Although research has demonstrated the expansive role of police to respond a broad range of social problems and health emergencies, existing research has yet to fully explore the capacity for health insurance policy to influence rates of arrest in the population. To fill this gap, we examine the potential effect of Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) on arrests in 3,035 U.S. counties. We compare county-level arrests using FBI Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program Data before and after Medicaid expansion in 2014–2016, relative to counties in non-expansion states. We use difference-in-differences (DID) models to estimate the change in arrests following Medicaid expansion for overall arrests, and violent, drug, and low-level arrests. Results Police arrests significantly declined following the expansion of Medicaid under the ACA. Medicaid expansion produced a 20–32% negative difference in overall arrests rates in the first three years. We observe the largest negative differences for drug arrests: we find a 25–41% negative difference in drug arrests in the three years following Medicaid expansion, compared to non-expansion counties. We observe a 19–29% negative difference in arrests for violence in the three years after Medicaid expansion, and a decrease in low-level arrests between 24–28% in expansion counties compared to non-expansion counties. Our main results for drug arrests are robust to multiple sensitivity analyses, including a state-level model. Conclusions Evidence in this paper suggests that expanded Medicaid insurance reduced police arrests, particularly drug-related arrests. Combined with research showing the harmful health consequences of chronic policing in disadvantaged communities, greater insurance coverage creates new avenues for individuals to seek care, receive treatment, and avoid criminalization. As police reform is high on the agenda at the local, state, and federal level, our paper supports the perspective that broad health policy reforms can meaningfully reduce contact with the criminal justice system under historic conditions of mass criminalization.
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Bakshi, Shinjini. "Peer Support as a Tool for Community Care: “Nothing About Us, Without Us”." Columbia Social Work Review 19, no. 1 (May 4, 2021): 20–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cswr.v19i1.7602.
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In the face of socio-political marginalization, frontline communities reclaim power by harnessing peer wisdom and resilience. The year 2020 marked the confluence of a global pandemic and widespread resistance against anti-Black racism and police violence, highlighting the value of peer voices and community perspectives. To dismantle and transcend carceral approaches to community care, the field of social work is invited to join a larger anti-carceral mental health movement that honors lived experience and works alongside peers to build identity-affirming structures of mental health care. This article examines the ways in which frontline communities benefit from expanded access to anti-carceral formal and informal peer support as a mental health safety net that interrupts harm and prioritizes agency, consent, and self-determination. This paper broadens social work’s conceptualization of peer support through theoretical frameworks of anti-carceral social work, abolition, and intersectionality. Social work and its adjacent fields are called to urgently center Black liberation, collective healing, and community care by advocating for the integration of formal and informal peer support into mental health policy and practice. This paper strategically leans into a lineage of critical peer thought scholarship by utilizing footnotes and citations to model the ethical acknowledgment of peer labor within human rights movements. This intentional structure promotes radical solidarity that resists the exploitation of people with lived experience.
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Carrera, Dashiel, Ufuoma Ovienmhada, Safa Hussein, and Robert Soden. "The Unseen Landscape of Abolitionism: Examining the Role of Digital Maps in Grassroots Organizing." Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction 7, CSCW2 (September 28, 2023): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3610214.
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Prison and police abolition has become a major political philosophy in North American discourse following the 2020 George Floyd protests. The philosophy remains divisive, and North American abolitionists seeking to coalition-build, provide resources for vulnerable populations and garner public support continue to experience challenges. We explore current usage of digital tools among abolitionists and the potential of a digital mapping tool to address these challenges. We conduct an interview study with 15 abolitionist organizations to understand activists' perspectives on the value of digital tools for organizing and a content analysis of 25 existing digital tools that convey abolitionist ideas to the public. Our findings together reveal (1) opportunities for digital mapping and HCI to support abolitionist activism and grassroots activism more broadly and (2) the challenges of digitally and spatially representing a movement that is intentionally grassroots, clandestine, and often involves organizers working in disparate locations.
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Filin, Nikita A., Vladimir O. Koklikov, and Alexander S. Khodunov. "MASS PROTESTS IN IRAN IN THE AUTUMN OF 2022. FACTORS, DYNAMICS, REACTION OF THE AUTHORITIES." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations 4, no. 3 (2023): 332–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2023-4-332-346.
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The protests in the autumn of 2022 began after the death of the Kurdish woman Mahsa Amini, for which the opposition blamed the Islamic regime’s morality police. The initial demands for the abolition of the morality police very quickly gave way to radical demands for the elimination of the Islamic regime and the resignation of the Supreme Leader. The protests quickly spread to hundreds of cities and villages in all provinces of the country. Up to 2 million people took part in them. The protests were emphatically secular in nature, and the main slogan of the protesters was the slogan “Woman, life, freedom”. By and large, the mass protests in the autumn of 2022 proved to be the most intense, radical and bloody since the Islamic revolution, as the regime officials themselves admit. Despite the fact that the regime was able hold on, there are the risks of recurrence of similar mass actions in the coming years. If Iran manages to reach an agreement with the United States to lift sanctions, it will have a positive impact on economic development, but political reasons for discontent will remain. Therefore, Iran needs serious domestic political and economic reforms. The protest movement in Iran is in many ways similar to the mass protests in the Arab East during the Arab Spring, which indicates similar socio-political issues.
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Agbo, George Emeka. "The #EndSARS Protest in Nigeria and Political Force of Image Production and Circulation on Social Media." IKENGA Journal of Institute of African Studies 22, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2021/22/2/002.
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For many years, the unit of the Nigerian Police Force, Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was accused of violent crimes and violation of human rights of citizens. One wondered if SARS had dual operational duties – to kill and dehumanise those it ought to protect. Between October and November 2020, multitude of Nigerian youths took to the street to demand for abolition of SARS, thus #EndSARS protest. Photography was at the heart of the social movement. Employing digital methods including compositional analysis and audience interpretation, this paper examines a selection of #EndSARS-related photographs and their accompanying comments retrieved from social media in relation to the impact on the street demonstration. I investigate the modes of creating the images and how they produce political effects. I argue that the use of images in the #EndSARS protest illuminates the rising conviction among Nigerians that photography can aid in the transformation of their precarious living conditions. These include the use of the camera in the conventional sense of framing the fleeting world. Others are digital editing of photographs, staged production and appropriation of images that may have no connection with the protest. Then, I analyse as political act the sense of obligation with which the images are produced and circulated. These lines of enquiry contribute to the emerging work on how photography and social media are converging to transform the political sphere.
Дисертації з теми "Police abolition movement"
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Morris, Margaret M. "Analysis of the Anti-uranium Movements' response to the abolition of the Three Named Uranium Mine policy /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ENV/09envm8768.pdf.
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Hamilton, Julia. "Political Songs in Polite Society: Singing about Africans in the Time of the British Abolition Movement, 1787 to 1807." Thesis, 2021. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-16hc-gm90.
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This dissertation asks how the British anti-slave-trade movement permeated musical culture of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and how musical activities, in turn, were used to support the cause. It examines a group of newly discovered musical scores—described here as “serious antislavery songs”—that were published in the years between the founding of the Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade (1787) and the passage of the Slave Trade Act of 1807. Highlighting the inclusion of such scores in extant personal music collections of contemporary British women, the study explores both who used the scores and how they used them. The dissertation thus paints a detailed picture of musical abolitionism and argues that composing, collecting, practicing, and performing serious antislavery songs enabled female amateur musicians to promote opposition to human trafficking from their homes. The study joins close readings of ideas—found in letters, poems, and musical content—with analyses of activities, such as private musical practice and polite shopping.
The first chapter discusses the music of Ignatius Sancho, who died before the start of widespread mobilization against the slave trade but who nevertheless used his music to make a powerful, if subtle, antislavery statement. The second chapter moves to the beginning of the British abolition movement, examining two politically charged poems written in 1788 that became popular songs among female amateur musicians. The next three chapters explore the varied ways that these women incorporated serious antislavery songs into their everyday lives. Chapter 3 maps out the London musical marketplace for scores where women could purchase a variety of songs, including abolitionist and anti-abolitionist songs alike. The fourth chapter explores the activity of music-making and argues that practicing from musical scores and singing through them among friends was a form of conversation. It therefore introduces the term “sociable abolitionism,” of which “musical abolitionism” was one key component. Finally, Chapter 5 uses extant music collections that were once owned by British women to unpack the ethical tensions involved in white Britons’ practice of singing serious, sympathetic songs whose lyrics were written from the imagined perspective of enslaved Africans. The chapter argues that singing these songs was a kind of “musical masquerade”—one where singers could indulge in identity play while encouraging abolitionism from their listeners.
The dissertation addresses a major gap in the literature on abolitionism: while literary, theatrical, and visual contributions to the movement have been received ample scholarly treatment, musical scores have remained virtually absent from discussions of antislavery activism. Scores are presented here as key sources for understanding the ways women enacted their opposition to human trafficking and bondage. Problematic but politically useful, scores incorporated easily into the activities of British women’s everyday lives and contributed to the widespread culture of abolitionism.
Книги з теми "Police abolition movement"
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Nancy, Viviani, and Griffith University. Centre for the Study of Australian-Asian Relations., eds. The abolition of the White Australia policy: The immigration reform movement revisited. Nathan, Brisbane, Qld: Griffith University, School of Modern Asian Studies, Centre for the Study of Australian-Asian Relations, 1992.
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Kaba, Mariame, and Andrea J. Ritchie. No More Police: A Case for Abolition. New Press, The, 2022.
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Kaba, Mariame, and Andrea J. Ritchie. No More Police: A Case for Abolition. New Press, The, 2022.
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Winston, Celeste. How to Lose the Hounds: Maroon Geographies and a World Beyond Policing. Duke University Press, 2023.
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Davis, Angela Y. Abolition. Feminism. Now. Haymarket Books, 2021.
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Davis, Angela Y. Abolition. Feminism. Now. Haymarket Books, 2021.
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Davis, Angela Y. Abolition. Feminism. Now. Penguin Books, Limited, 2022.
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Davis, Angela Y. Abolition. Feminism. Now. Penguin Books, Limited, 2022.
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Davis, Angela Y. Abolition, Feminism, Now. Penguin Books, Limited, 2021.
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Davis, Angela Y., and Beth E. Richie. Abolition. Feminism. Now. (Abolitionist Papers). Haymarket Books, 2022.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Police abolition movement"
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Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. "The Emerging Movement for Police and Prison Abolition." In We Refuse to Be Silent, 293–304. Broadleaf Books, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.5736185.46.
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Sawatsky, Alexander W. "Crime, social work, and anarchism." In Anarchist Perspectives for Social Work, 79–113. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197750469.003.0005.
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Abstract With the murder of George Floyd and the resulting social unrest, alternatives to traditional policing have been called for. The anarchist response to the carceral system as well as voices from the prison abolition movement offer a compelling perspective that are important to consider. This is especially timely given the discussion over whether social work ought to be more involved in reforming the police or in supporting their abolition. The reader is exposed to theories of abolition and critiques of law enforcement, from the encounter with police to incarceration. This must include a focus on both Black and Indigenous encounters with the carceral system and the police. Links are made between the practice of state violence to preserve a form of order that conserves and preserves the white supremacist status quo and social work’s commitment to challenge and oppose all forms of oppression.
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"res nulla loquitur." In Mu, 49 Marks of Abolition, 167–85. Duke University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478025719-006.
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The sixth set of seven letters of Mu marks the movement of black life and death beyond legal logics of self-evident truth. Especially listening to audio evidence, while reading written laws and evidence gathered in prosecutions of police for lethal use of force against black citizens, writing opens up to the savoir of res nulla loquitur, the no thing that speaks. The sound of this speech, which comes from the outside of jurisdiction, is a murmuring that persists in response to Sandra Bland’s own questions about the significance of her arrest, detention, and death in custody.
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Cunneen, Chris. "Time for change." In Defund the Police, 1–20. Policy Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447361664.003.0001.
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The Black Lives Matter movement galvanised protest movements against police and state violence around the globe. A common theme in many protests was the demand to ‘Defund the Police’. Increasing attention to the idea of defunding or divesting from police forces is gaining in mainstream politics and media. We need to seriously consider what is required to fundamentally change the way policing operates. The option of divestment opens up this discussion. Defund the Police is not another book about police reform. It is an engagement in the contemporary debate on the politics and possibilities of police abolition. To date, the majority of popular and academic literature in policing studies, law reform, and criminology has been preoccupied with conventional ideas related to top-down police reform. These reforms include efforts, for example, to recruit diverse and inclusive police officers, to implement cultural-awareness training, to introduce technical solutions like the use of body cameras, to place limitations on the use of force, and to introduce police-led programs aimed at cultivating localised or community policing. We have had decades of these types of reforms, and part of the explosion of protest internationally is driven by the profound sense of frustration at the inability of police to reform themselves. This chaper outlines the nature of the international protests and argues that, although local conditions generated what became an international movement for change, there were common themes among the protesters across different countries. The chapter outlines in brief the demands of the Black Lives Matter movement and how in the US there were various responses from local, city, and state governments. The link between Defunding the Police and the broader challenges to mass incarceration and the carceral state is also discussed.
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Anderson, Malcolm, Monica Den Boer, Peter Cullen, William Gilmore, Charles Raab, and Neil Walker. "Frontiers and Policing." In Policing the European Union, 121–55. Oxford University PressOxford, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198259657.003.0005.
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Abstract Effective and harmonized administration of controls at the external frontier and the abolition of internal frontier controls are essential requirements for the completion of the Single European Market (SEM). The SEM required the full implementation of the four free domsagreed in principle by the Member States by the signing of the Treaty of Rome and re-confirmed by the 1985 Single European Act—freedom of movement of persons, goods, services and capital. Inter alia this required the dismantling of customs checks on goods and police controls on persons at the internal frontiers as well as the abolition of the non-tariff barriers to trade within the EU, embedded in different health and industrial standards, professional and trades qualifications, specifications of goods and administrative procedures. Sharp differences of opinion were expressed by Member States, interest groups and individual members of the public about how much harmonization was necessary, particularly over rates of indirect taxation and Community-wide definitions of goods such as beer and ice-cream. Freedom of movement of goods within the SEM, which is less politically sensitive than freedom of movement of persons except where unfair competition or traffic in illegal goods are suspected, also depended on making the external frontier the customs collection point for all Member States, and an effective barrier to smuggling of goods. Controls at all crossing points of the external frontier should be equally effective in pre venting the entry of illegal immigrants so that, within the external frontier, there could be free movement of persons. Differences of view have already emerged about the amount of common or joint police co-operation necessitated by the new freedoms and new systems of regulation.
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Gaskew, Tony. "The Ritual of Black Armed Resistance." In Wicked Problems, 33–48. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197632819.003.0002.
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This chapter looks at police abolition through the perspective of the Black Radical Tradition. It frames the Black Radical Tradition as both an intergenerational birthright and a spiritual inheritance. The transitional moment from childhood that the chapter recounts is, quite explicitly, a rejection of the ideology (and myth) that independence is the measure of a person. Indeed, the chapter embraces the principle of interdependence—not independence—as a core moral virtue and a powerful means for liberation. The chapter argues that African Americans have little choice but to use violence to protect themselves against systematic state repression. This argument for armed self-defense explicitly takes on the tradition of Black nonviolent resistance as ineffective and too accommodating, noting that armed resistance has long been an important feature of the civil rights movement.
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Stawarska, Beata. "Vulnerability and Violence: Transgressing the Gender Binary." In Purple Brains. Radboud University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.54195/hsov8373_ch02.
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Beata Stawarska, in “Vulnerability and Violence: Transgressing the Gender Binary,” discusses how the Black Lives Matter movement provided an opportunity for racial reckoning and spurred a timely debate about police abolition and/or reform. The feminist movement against gender-based violence and the feminist ethics of vulnerability are to be criti¬cally assessed from this perspective. The goal is not a dismissal of feminism tout court, nor does it underestimate the pandemic of interpersonal gender, sexual, and other forms of violence against women, accompanied by the potential or real threat of feminicide. Rather, the goal is a continued rapprochement between feminism and antiracism, Black empowerment, and de-policing; this integrated approach avoids the twin dangers of criminalization and carcerality and it confronts the pandemic of gender-based violence more effectively than the classical feminist approach. Stawarska follows the lead of contemporary Black feminist theory and practice, especially Beth Richie and Angela Davis, that better serve the intertwined emancipatory goals of empowering women and gender nonbinary individuals and of de-policing.
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Marks, Susan, and Andrew Clapham. "Death Penalty." In International Human Rights Lexicon, 49–60. Oxford University PressOxford, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198764144.003.0004.
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Abstract The campaign to abolish the death penalty is one of the great historic struggles of the international human rights movement. For some, abolition remains among the movement’s defining tasks and key ambitions. At one level, it is easy to see why. Deliberately killing a person is pretty much the worst thing you can do to them. The death penalty rationalises deliberate killing, and makes retribution a principle of penal policy. At another level, however, the abolition of the death penalty is not an obvious priority. It is concerned with the forms of punishment, rather than the causes of crime.
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Copley, Jack. "Abolition of Exchange Controls." In Governing Financialization, 89–110. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897015.003.0005.
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This chapter explores the abolition of exchange controls, which transformed the British economy by ushering in a new era of mobile capital flows. Following the IMF’s 1976 bailout of the UK and the advent of North Sea oil, sterling began to appreciate precipitously. While this helped to discipline the British economy and reduce inflation, it also pushed British exporters to the brink of collapse. Governments during this period thus faced a choice between embracing the strong pound to tackle inflation and combating the pound’s rise in order to maintain political legitimacy. The governments of both Callaghan and Thatcher sought to navigate carefully between these two options. By getting rid of exchange controls, these governments hoped that investment would flow out of Britain, causing a moderate fall in the price of sterling. This would make Britain’s exports more competitive without generating a spike in inflation that would likely result from an overt sterling devaluation. The Callaghan administration was held back from totally abolishing controls by a resistant trade union movement. Thatcher, however, was able to fully scrap these controls due to the historic defeat of the trade unions in the 1979 Winter of Discontent. In addition, Thatcher sought to reassure global financial markets that this policy was not an attempt to lower sterling’s value, but was rather driven by a genuine faith in laissez-faire principles. The abolition of exchange controls should thus be understood as a palliative strategy to protect governing legitimacy by providing temporary relief to Britain’s export sector.
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Kieval, Hillel J. "Languages of Community: The Jewish Experience in the Czech Lands." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 16, 505–7. Liverpool University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774730.003.0030.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter explores Hillel J. Kieval's book, Languages of Community: The Jewish Experience in the Czech Lands. Kieval's Languages of Community demonstrates that the development of the community of Czech Jews in the period before the First World War was fraught with intense struggles against emerging Czech nationalism. In these interlinked essays, Kieval's primary emphasis is on the way in which the conflicts over language shaped the identities of the Czech Jews—a persuasive emphasis given the centrality of language in the definition of nationalisms in the Habsburg Empire. The fact that German was the primary spoken and written language of urban Jews was a particular irritant to Czech nationalists, who in the nineteenth century were seeking to turn Czech into the language of a new national culture. Like other Jews in the multi-ethnic empire, Czech Jews were caught between the German culture of the regime and the culture of their indigenous environment. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, a Czech Jewish movement emerged which favoured the adoption of the Czech language and culture. But Kieval argues that this movement had only modest success, which was limited primarily to the abolition of German Jewish schools in the villages.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Police abolition movement"
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SIMONE, Pierluigi. "THE RECASTING OF THE OTTOMAN PUBLIC DEBT AND THE ABOLITION OF THE CAPITULATIONS REGIME IN THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ACTION OF TURKEY LED BY MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.64.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The recast of the international debt contracted by the former Ottoman Empire and the overcoming of the capitulations regime that had afflicted Turkey for centuries, are two of the most relevant sectors in which the political and diplomatic action promoted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has been expressed. Extremely relevant in this regard are the different disciplines established, respectively, by the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and then by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. After the Ottoman Government defaulted in 1875, an agreement (the Decree of Muharrem) was concluded in 1881 between the Ottoman Government and representatives of its foreign and domestic creditors for the resumption of payments on Ottoman bonds, and a European control of a part of the Imperial revenues was instituted through the Administration of the Ottoman Public Debt. At the same time, the Ottoman Empire was burdened by capitulations, conferring rights and privileges in favour of their subjects resident or trading in the Ottoman lands, following the policy towards European States of the Byzantine Empire. According to these capitulations, traders entering the Ottoman Empire were exempt from local prosecution, local taxation, local conscription, and the searching of their domicile. The capitulations were initially made during the Ottoman Empire’s military dominance, to entice and encourage commercial exchanges with Western merchants. However, after dominance shifted to Europe, significant economic and political advantages were granted to the European Powers by the Ottoman Empire. Both regimes, substantially maintained by the Treaty of Sèvres, were considered unacceptable by the Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kemal and therefore became the subject of negotiations during the Conference of Lausanne. The definitive overcoming of both of them, therefore represents one of the most evident examples of the reacquisition of the full sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey.
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Hromcová, Martina, and Anna Tomová. "The importance of scheduled air traffic for airport existence." In Práce a štúdie. University of Zilina, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26552/pas.z.2021.2.11.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The importance of scheduled air transport for the existence of airports is a topic that is constantly relevant, especially during the Covid-19 pandemic, which has negatively affected operations at all world airports, disrupted its regularity and thus its direct and indirect effects on the region. This work focuses on airports dependent on the operation of scheduled air transport from several perspectives. After an initial study of the available literature on the importance of scheduled air transport for the existence of airports, we defined the terms demand and supply factors of the airport influencing scheduled air transport. One of the key parts of the work is the calculation of the critical number of airport movements, which represents the break even point in the amount of production in which the airport shows no loss but also no profit. The reasons for the abolition of scheduled air services, such as the occurrence of a military conflict near the airport or insufficient research of the demand for air traffic in the area, are described in the chapter analyzing European and global airports with canceled scheduled air traffic in individual case studies. The chapter also deals with the alternative uses of airports themselves, which were forced to terminate their function for the public. Airports and their equipment are highly specialized for use in air transport operations and therefore operators and their subsequent owners often face difficulties in finding alternative uses. An essential part of this work is an analysis of the response of selected European airports to the outbreak of Covid-19 in 2020 and a comparison of the number of passengers carried at these airports in 2019 and 2020. The final chapter contains a summary of findings and the call to change transport policies in the benefit of airports and their protection from future aviation pitfalls such as the Covid-19 pandemic.