Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Plata (Problema monetario)"

<span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: small;"> </span><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 10pt; text-align: justify; line-height: 150%; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">Durante mucho tiempo, el tema de las reformas monetarias en México de 1931 y 1932 estuvo olvidado. Recientemente ha resurgido el interés por ese asunto, pero desgraciadamente las publicaciones generadas dejan bastante que desear. El problema es la falta de comprensión sobre patrones monetarios y moneda en general. Dos fueron los problemas que dieron lugar a la reforma monetaria de 1931: a) la depreciación de la moneda de plata respecto a la de oro y b) de esta última (base del sistema monetario en vigor legalmente) respecto al dólar. El primer problema se resolvió exitosamente desmonetizando el oro. El segundo intentó resolverse, y se fracasó estrepitosamente, mediante la deflación monetaria buscando restaurar la paridad oficial que venía desde la reforma monetaria de 1905 equivalente a 2.006 pesos por dólar. El costoso error fue corregido finalmente por la administración hacendaria subsiguiente encabezada por Alberto Pani.</p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: small;"> </span>

Con el título El Banco de San Carlos en Galicia (1783-1803). Periferia financiera, plata hispánica y final del Antiguo Régimen monetario, la Universidad de la Sorbona publica una obra de difícil clasificación, pero de indudable valor e interés. Se trata de la revisión y ampliación de una parte de la tesis doctoral del autor —Francisco Cebreiro Ares—, que tiene como resultado un trabajo sugerente tanto por la temática ofrecida como por el enfoque esgrimido. El problema puede resultar, aparentemente, muy concreto y localizado: el origen y desarrollo de una oficina del Banco Nacional de San Carlos en Galicia, con- cretamente en su principal puerto comercial, A Coruña. No obstante, la obra es mucho más compleja. El propio autor reconoce que uno de sus grandes objetivos es “radiografiar la configuración de esa hegemonía financiera sobre España desde una dependencia inicial francesa en los años ochenta del siglo XVIIII hasta los albores de la influencia inglesa”…

El artículo analiza las trayectorias del circulante monetario y las tasas de interés corriente (de descuento en plaza, bancaria y de crédito notariado) en la provincia de Santa Fe entre 1858 y 1883. Se trata de un período de crucial importancia, en tanto abarca el ciclo de expansión de la plata amonedada boliviana feble (en sus distintas variantes) y de los primeros bancos de emisión. La evidencia presentada incluye series temporales sobre tasas de interés y cotización de la moneda para el período bajo análisis, confeccionadas sobre la base de publicaciones periódicas de la ciudad de Rosario y libros de contabilidad de empresas de colonización de Santa Fe. Los resultados indican que, pese a los problemas inherentes a su calidad intrínseca, el metálico amonedado boliviano permitió ampliar la oferta de crédito que necesitaba una economía en rápida expansión, al operar como reserva de valor de un nuevo circulante en billete creado por bancos de emisión. Esto redundó además en una trayectoria decreciente del nivel de tasas de interés (con excepción de la coyuntura crítica de 1876) hasta la adopción de la unificación monetaria de inicios de la década de 1880.

Sobre el papel del capital comercial y los comerciantes en America colonial se han escrito algunos trabajos importantes en los últimos años. Sin embargo, quedan muchos interrogantes y problemas pendientes.Uno de ellos, cuyo estudio abordaremos aquí, se refiere a la escasez y sentido de la circulación monetaria en el ámbito americano y, en particular, al rol de los grandes mercaderes coloniales en ello.

Publicamos una pequeña serie de monedas, relacionadas con las piezas conocidas inicialmente como de ejemplares “tipo Auriol”. Se trata de varias imitaciones greco-massaliotas, relacionadas con el ciclo numismático griego del Occidente mediterráneo. La importante novedad de las mismas se fundamenta en el lugar de hallazgo, pues este se ha producido en una zona interior de la Península Ibérica, donde hasta el momento no se había documentado el descubrimiento de numismas de este tipo. Palabras clave: moneda, imitaciones, edetanosTopónimos: Massalia, Emporion, AuriolPeriodo: Edetanos ABSTRACTThe text presents a small series of coins, similar to those initially known as "Auriol type". These are various Greek-Massalian imitations, related to the Greek numismatic cycle of the Western Mediterranean. What makes these coins particularly interesting is their place of discovery, since they were found in an inland area of the Iberian Peninsula, where the appearance of specimens of this type had not previously been documented. Keywords: coin, imitations, AuriolPlace names: Massalia, Emporion,Period: edetans REFERENCIASAmorós, J. V. (1934), Les monedes emporitanes anteriors a les dracmes, Barcelona, Gabinet Numismàtic de Catalunya.Arévalo González, A. (2002), “La moneda griega foránea en la Península Ibérica”, en Actas del X Congreso Nacional de Numismática, Madrid, Museo Casa de la Moneda, pp. 1-15.Babelon, E. C. F. (1901), Traité des monnaies grecques et romaine, vol. 1, Paris, Ernest Leroux Editeur.Benezet, J., Delhoeste, J. Lentillon, J.-P. (2003), “Une monnaie du “type d´Auriol” dans la plaine roussillonnaise”, Cahiers Numismatiques, 158, pp. 5-8.Blancard, M. (1870-1871), “Iconographie des monnaies du trésor d´Auriol acquises par le cabinet des médailles de Marseille”, en Mémoires del´Académie des Sciences, Belles-Lettre et Arts de Maseille, Marseille, Barlatier-Feissat Pére et fils, pp. 17-33.Blanchet, A. (1905), Traité des monnaies gauloises, vol. 1, Paris, Ernest Leroux Editeur.Campo Díaz, M. (1987), “Circulación de monedas massaliotas en la Península Ibérica (s. V-IV a. C.)”, en Mélanges offerts au docteur J. B. Colbert de Beaulieu, Paris, Leópard d`or, pp. 175-187.— (1997), “La moneda griega y su influencia en el contexto indígena”, en Historia monetaria de Hispania antigua, Madrid, Jesús Vico, pp. 19-49.— (2002), “Las emisiones de Emporion y su difusión en el entorno ibérico”, La monetazione dei Focei in Occidente, Atti dell´XI Convegno del Centro Internazionale di studi Numismatici, Roma, Istituto italiano di Numismatica, pp. 139-165.— (2003), “Les primeres imatges gregues: l´inici de les fraccionàries d´Emporion”, en VII Curs d´Història Monetaria d´Hispània. Les imatges monètaries: llenguatge i significat, Barcelona, Museu Nacional d´Art de Catalunya, pp. 25-45. Campo Díaz, M. y Sanmartí, E. (1994), “Nuevos datos para ña cronología de las monedas fraccionarias de Emporion: revisión del tesoro Neapolis-1926”, Huelva Arqueológica, 13, pp. 153-172.Chevillon, J. A. (2002), “Les monnaies archaïques d´Emporion dans le trésor d´Auriol”, Bulletin de la Société Française de Numismatique, 57, pp. 30-33.Chevillon, J. A., Bertaud, O. y Guernier, R. (2008), “Nouvelles données relatives au monnayage archaïque massaliète”, Revue Numismatique, 164, pp. 209-244.Chevillon, J. A. Ripollès, P. P. (2014), “The Greeck Far West: un exceptional adaptation of a design from Asia Menor with bull und lion foreparts”, Journal of the Numismatic Association of Australia, 25, pp. 44-46.Chevillon, J. A., Ripollès, P. P. y López, C. (2013), “Les têtes de taureau dans le mnnayage postarchaïque empuritain du V siècle av. J. C.”, OMNI. Revue Numismatique, 6, pp. 10-14. De Saucy, F., De Berthélemy, A. y Hucher, E. (1875), “Examen détaillée du trésor d´Auriol (Bouches-du-Rhone)”, en Mélanges de Numismatique 1, Paris, Le Mans, pp. 12-44.Furtwängler, A. E. (1971), “Remarques sur les plus anciennes monnaies frapées en Espagne”, Schweizer Münzblätter, 81, pp. 13-21.— (1978), Monnaies grecques en Gaule. Le trésor d´Auriol et le monnayage de Massalia 525/520-460 av. J. C., Fribourg.— (2002), “Monnaies grecques en Gaule: nouvelles trouvalles (6ème-5 ème s. av. J.-C.)”, en La monetazione dei Focei in Occidente. Atti dell`XI Convegno del Centro Internazionale di Studi Numismatici, Rome, Istituto italiano di Numismatica, pp. 93-11.García-Bellido, M. P. (1993), Las cecas libio-fenicias, Ibiza, Museu Arqueologic d´Eivissa e Formentera.— (1998), “La moneda griega de Iberia”, en Los griegos en España, Madrid, Ministerio de Cultura, pp. 158-178. — (2017), “Las copias de la moneda Tipo Auriol en el Golfo de León: foceos y nativos”, Gaceta Numismática, 194, pp. 3-14.Gozalbes Cravioto, E. (2014), “La economía monetaria en la provincia de Cuenca en la antigüedad”, E. Gozalbes Cravioto, J. A. Hernández Rubio y J. A. Almonacid Clavería (coords.), Cuenca: historia en sus monedas, Cuenca, Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, pp. 55-84.— (2017a), “La ceca de Ikalesken y el problema de su localización”, Gaceta Numismática, 193, pp. 3-19.— (2017b), “Una pieza de Urkesken y la localización de la ceca”, Gaceta Numismática, 193, pp. 21-30.Gozalbes Fernández de Palencia, M. y Ripollès, P. P. (2002), “Nuevos hallazgos de monedas foráneas en el territorio de Arse-Saguntum”, en P. P. Ripollès y M. M. Llorens, Arse-Saguntum. Historia monetaria de la ciudad y su territorio, Sagunto, Fundación Bancaja, pp. 528-533.Gozalbes García, H. y Gozalbes Cravioto, E. (2017), “Une obole massaliote datant du Ve siècle av. J. C. sur le territoire de Cuenca (Espagne)”, Bulletin de la Société Française de Numismatique, 72.2, pp. 52-56.Guadán, A. M. (1968), Las monedas de plata de Emporion y Rhode vol. I, Barcelona, Ayuntamiento de Barcelona.— (1970), Las monedas de plata de Emporion y Rhode, vol. II, Barcelona, Ayuntamiento de Barcelona.Lambert, E. (1864), Essai sur la numismatique gauloise du Nord-Ouest de la France, Paris, Derache.Maurel, G. (2013), Corpus des monnaies de Marseille et Provence, Languedoc oriental et vallée du Rhone (520-20 av. notre ère), Montpellier, Omni, 2013.Omos, R. (1995), “Usos de la moneda en la Hispania prerromana y problemas de lectura iconográfica”, en M. P. García-Bellido y R. M. Centeno (eds.), La moneda hispánica. Ciudad y territorio, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, pp. 41-52.Planas Palau, A. y Martí Mañanes, A. (1991), Las monedas de otras cecas encontradas en Ibiza, Ibiza, Puig Castellar. Ripollès, P. P. (1982), La circulación monetaria en la Tarraconense mediterránea, Valencia, Federico Domenech. — (1985), “Las monedas del tesoro de Morella, conservadas en la B. N de París”, Acta Numismàtica, 19, (1985), pp. 47-64.— (1989), “Fracciones ampuritanas. Estado de la investigación”, Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina, 19,pp. 303-317.— (2005), “Las acuñaciones antiguas de la península Ibérica: dependencias e innovaciones”, en C. Alfaro, C. Marcos y P. Otero (coords.), Actas del XIII Congreso Internacional de Numismática, vol. 1, Madrid, Ministerio de Cultura, pp. 187-208.— (2011), “Cuando la plata se convierte en moneda: Iberia oriental”, en Barter, Money and Coinage in the Ancienr Mediterranean (10th-1st Centuries B.C.). Actas del IV Encuentro Peninsular de Numismátic Antigua, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, pp. 213-226.— (2013), “Ancient Iberian Coinage”, Documentos Digitales de Arqueología, 2, pp. 1-55.— (2015), “Los divisores ampuritanos con cabeza de carnero y puntos en el campo”, OMNI. Revue Numismatique, 9, pp. 13-16.Ripollès, P. P. Chevillon, J. A. (2013), “The Archaic coinage of Emporion”, The Numismatic Chronicle, 173, pp. 1-21.Ripollès, P. P. y Llorens, M. M. (2002), Arse-Saguntum. Historia monetaria de la ciudad y su territorio, Sagunto, Fundación Bancaja.Rodríguez Casanova, I. (2014), “El tesoro de Valeria: nuevas aportaciones sesenta años después”, en E. Gozalbes, J. A. Hernández Rubio y J. A. Almonacid (coords.), Cuenca: la Historia en sus monedas, Cuenca, Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, pp. 85-106.Savès, G. (1976), Les monnaies gauloises à la croix, Toulouse, Privat, 1976.Villaronga, L. (1987), “Les oboles massaliotes à la roue et leurs imitations dans la Péninsule Ibérique”, en Mélanges offerts au docteur J. B. Colbert de Beaulieu, Paris, Leópard d`or, 1987, pp. 769-777.— (1995), “L´emissió emporitana amb cap de be i revers de creu puntejada de la segona meitat del segle V a.C.”, Acta Numismática, 25, (1995), pp. 17-33.— (1997), Monedes de plata emporitanes dels secles V-VI a. C., Barcelona, Leandre, 1997.— (2003), “La troballa de l´Emporà”, Acta Numismàtica, 33, pp. 15-46.Villaronga, L. Benages, J. (2011), Ancient Coinage of the Iberian Peninsula. Greek, Punic, Iberian, Roman, Barcelona, Societat Catalana d´Estudis Numismàtics, 2011 (citado como ACIP).

Este proyecto agropecuario fue desarrollado con la Fundación MIMA en coordinación con UNILLANOS, en la granja Niquia ubicada en la vereda Indostán, km 39 vía Puerto López, en el municipio de Villavicencio-Meta. El análisis edafológico determina que el suelo de la finca es de baja calidad, por lo tanto, requieren ser mejorados mediante prácticas de agricultura sostenible, fertilizando con abonos orgánicos y mejorando su estructura física con las lombrices de tierra. El trabajo tuvo por objetivo establecer bancos de proteína de Tithonia diversifolia y Moringa oleifera, pasto de corte (Pennisetum purpureum var. Panamá común) y lombricultivo (Eisenia foetida) en un sistema de producción ovino. Se utilizaron 705 estacas de Tithonia diversifolia con 30 cm de largo y 2.5 a 3.5 cm de grosor, que fueron sembradas en bolsa de polietileno con capacidad para 1 kg, la cual se llenó 3/4 de tierra y 1/4 de humus sólido, para luego trasplantarla al sitio definitivo; para el banco de proteína se utilizó un área total de 240 m2. Las semillas de moringa se sembraron en vivero de manera similar al botón de oro. En total se sembraron 1121 plantas en un área de 1440 m2 distribuidos en dos lotes, y se utilizaron 15.5 bultos (40 kg c/u) de humus sólido cuando se trasplantaron al sitio definitivo. La producción de materia fresca en el primer y segundo lote fue: 250 y 190 g/planta respectivamente. El área de siembra de Pennisetum purpureum var. Panamá fue 1060 m2, y la totalidad cosechada fue aproximadamente 4,5 toneladas, con una producción de 4 kg/m2. El lombricultivo ha mostrado ser una estrategia clave en el desarrollo del proyecto, puesto que se usa el humus para fertilizar los cultivos, además la venta externa genera un ingreso monetario adicional, por lo tanto, esta tecnología contribuye a solucionar dos de los problemas ambientales que se deben enfrentar en la actualidad: la acumulación de grandes concentraciones de residuos orgánicos en las fincas y la necesidad de materia orgánica en los suelos agrícolas.

En el verano de 2012, en plena crisis de deuda soberana en la UE, el entonces gobernador del BCE, Mario Draghi, lanzó un mensaje para calmar a los mercados financieros: “The ECB is ready to do whatever it takes to preserve the euro.” En el fondo estaba transmi- tiendo que si era necesario crear dinero de la nada o expandir arti- ficialmente la masa monetaria, se haría, o lo que es lo mismo, si había que manipular el dinero, se haría. Desde el origen de los pri- meros imperios, y con la creación de los estados modernos, la manipulación del dinero en beneficio de la acción política ha sido un recurso que los políticos no han dudado en utilizar. Los Empe- radores Romanos, Enrique VIII de Inglaterra o Felipe IV de España, muchos gobernantes manipularon el dinero, esperando con ello solucionar sus problemas financieros. Sin embargo, lo único que consiguieron fue inflación, destrucción de la actividad económica y un agravamiento de la crisis que pretendían solucionar. La intervención del gobierno de la monarquía sobre la moneda con una finalidad fiscal fue un arbitrio profusamente utilizado en Castilla durante la época de gobierno de la Casa de Austria, espe- cialmente en los reinados de Felipe III y Felipe IV. En estos años confluyen el auge del absolutismo político con las cada vez más acuciantes necesidades de la Monarquía Hispánica, que se desan- graba desde el punto de vista financiero como consecuencia del monumental esfuerzo que suponía el mantenimiento de los frentes bélicos en el norte de Europa. Para financiar la política imperial, la Corona recurrió a todo tipo de arbitrios que le permitiesen incre- mentar sus ingresos, y en ese contexto se incardinan las manipula- ciones monetarias del siglo XVII, que han sido, quizás, uno de los rasgos que mejor definen la llamada Decadencia o crisis castellana del siglo XVII. El continuo intervencionismo del gobierno sobre el dinero des- truyó el sistema monetario imposibilitando la fijación de precios, el cálculo económico y el libre ejercicio de la función empresarial. Los agricultores y artesanos, comerciantes e incluso los hombres de negocios vieron cómo las señales que emplea el mercado para decidir sobre dónde y cuándo invertir fueron manipuladas al ser- vicio de una política del gobierno. Las consecuencias de la mani- pulación del dinero, primero en forma de una elevada inflación, y después con la aparición del premio de la plata, terminaron por agravar aún más la crisis de la economía del siglo XVII.

Napredak privrede i blagostanje društva predominantno su određeni kvalitetom mera vlade da, kao vizionar i blagotvorni katalizator,motiviše i mobiliše privredne subjekte na propulzivno i fer privređivanje u široko otvorenom privrednom prostoru. Sažetije rečeno, to sesvodi na odnos makrooptike i mikrooptike i uloge relevantnih aktera, te odnos plana i tržišta, strukture okruženja i sistema organizacijeprivrede. U pitanju je potreba da se u uslovima brojnih izazova i velikog dinamizma okruženja ostvaruje spoj efektivnosti (da se uvek radiprava delatnost) i efikasnost (da se delatnosti uvek rade na pravi način).Sintagma „održivi razvoj“ je samo jedna strana problema, a druga je da se obezbedi optimalna struktura privređivanja imajući u vidu stanjekomparativnih prednosti zemlje, standarde međunarodnog marketinga i razvijenost oblika međunarodne poslovne saradnje i izvora finansiranja.U radu je, otuda, dat koncept sidra propulzivnog (realnog i kvalitetnog) razvoja u kome se, od kompetentne, odgovorne i dovoljno motivisanevlade, očekuje da mudro poveže komponente kao što su: 1) komparativne prednosti zemlje, 2) međunarodni standardi privređivanja, 3)ciljevi i strategija privrednog i društvenog razvoja, 4) društveni marketing i 5) makroekonomska politika i preduzetnički ambijent.Pod impaktom internacionalizacije, odnosno globalizacije privredne scene, prikazano je i prožimanje slojeva i elemenata okruženja usmislu odnosa 4 P, 4 K i 4 M, gde je upozoreno da politika, pamet, ponuda i promocija (4 P), koji su u domenu vlade i preduzeća, morajubiti prožeti zahtevima savremenog konzumerizma, konkurencije, komparativnih prednosti i konzervacije (4 K), a ovi su pod uticajemfenomena odnosno faktora kao što su: multikulturalizam, međunarodni kodeksi i standardi, međunarodna trgovinska i organizacija rada,te Međunarodni monetarni fond i Svetska banka (4 M). Za ostvarivanje realnog i fer privređivanja, odnosno održivog i optimalnog privrednogi društvenog razvoja, značajan ponder u radu je dat konceptu društvenog marketinga, od koga se očekuje da, kroz vizionarsku,prosvetiteljsku i društveno-etičku ulogu, harmonizuje optiku i kriterijume privrednih subjekata i potrebe i vrednosti društvene zajednice. Utom smislu, data je skica premisa i izazova za društveni marketing, kojom se dovodi u vezu: 1) priroda i obim zajedničkih potreba, 2) imanentniprincipi ekonomije javnog sektora, 3) mogućnosti finansiranja društvenog standarda, 4) makro upravljanje tražnjom, 5) kreiranjevantržišnih rešenja, 6) utvrđivanje indikatora uspešnosti i 7) prilagođavanje koncepta upravljanja i kontrole. Takođe, dati su elementi planaevropeizacije i efektivnijeg alijansiranja sa ostalim relevantnim delovima svetskog okruženja. Za preduzetničku ekonomiju kao glavnogrealizatora stvarnog propulzivnog privređivanja ukazano je na preovlađujuće tendencije u razvoju kritičnih faktora uspeha, uključujući iidentifikovanje dilema i elemenata marketing strategije u globalizovanom okruženju.

Photo by National Cancer Institute on Unsplash INTRODUCTION Gift-giving by patients or their families to physicians has happened since there were patients and physicians, and in many places, it’s still quite common. It’s also potentially problematic, and the why and how of it offer important insight into the physician-patient relationship and human relationships more broadly. Yet ethicists, regulators, and the public have not paid much systematic attention. In the United States, no federal or state legislation directly addresses it. Only in the past two decades did the American Medical Association (AMA) release guidance to physicians about it. That guidance, which permits physicians to accept certain gifts by certain patients under certain circumstances, namely, when it will not influence their medical judgment or cause hardship to the gift-giver, is vague and incomplete – indeed, it’s all of 200 words.[1] Other physician professional organizations have little to add.[2] A few academics and opinion columnists have studied or reflected on the psychology of gift-giving and -receiving and recommended everything from categorical rejection of patient gifts[3] to erring on the side of accepting them, provided they are of modest value, and the motivation behind them can be discerned.[4] However, insufficient attention has been paid to the when and where of those gifts or the significance of clinic-, hospital- or other systems-level ethical safeguards. ANALYSIS When deciding whether they will accept a gift from a patient or their family, physicians must balance the possibility that the gift could cloud medical judgment, lead to favoritism, exploitation, and slippery slopes, or pressure other patients to give, and perhaps even debase the meaning of medical treatment, against the prospect that gift-giving could increase patient trust and satisfaction, as well as empower patients and respect their autonomy and culture.[5] Performing this harm-benefit calculation case by case is challenging and time-consuming. Unsurprisingly, many physicians opt simply to tell would-be gift-giving patients that they appreciate the sentiment, but, as a rule, they accept no gifts. I submit many physicians do this also because they are unaware of how meaningful giving a gift can be for patients or anyone in a disadvantaged position with respect to the gift recipient. They may also not know that there are simple accountability mechanisms they can institute that may prevent many of the possible adverse consequences of gift-giving and -receiving in the context of the physician-patient or physician-patient-family relationship. Unfortunately, many instances in which accepting a gift would have led to net benefit are foregone. It is my belief a consensus could quickly be formed about which types of gifts would clearly be wrong to accept. Few would defend the physician who agrees to use a patient’s villa in the Bahamas or welcomes expensive jewelry or lewd photos. The timing and intent of a gift also matter. Few would forgive the physician who accepted even a modestly valuable voucher to eat at a patient’s restaurant while their eligibility for transplant was being debated or after they had run out of opioid painkillers and were denied a prescription renewal. On the other hand, I doubt even Charles Weijer or the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Prince Edward Island, which views accepting gifts from patients as “boundary crossing,”[6] would demand an orthopedic surgeon turn down the happy picture a pediatric patient drew after recovering from a hip injury and resuming sports. They are also unlikely to criticize an oncology team that graciously receives a fruitcake baked by the sister of an elderly cancer patient after the decision was made and agreed to, around Christmastime, not to initiate another round of chemotherapy. These unlikely refusals may be because rejecting those gifts, all things considered, would seem cruel. But it might also be because there is disagreement about what constitutes a gift: whether it must be a tangible object (are heartfelt thank-yous and hugs not also “gifts”?) or whether it must be something that requires the physician actively do something, e.g., get on a plane. These disagreements about definitions may also partially underlie disagreements about practice. Suppose a patient in a sparsely populated, heavily wooded part of Maine takes it upon himself to offer a sack of apples from his orchard to his internist, who regularly waives fees for those who cannot pay them or will make a house call at any time of the night. In that case, the internist may not consider the apples a gift. He may not think of them as payment or re-payment either. They may exist in some in-between category, much like the knitted slippers brought in by a patient in whose culture “thank you” is seldom said. But clearly, some things are widely perceived as gifts or to have substantial gift-like character. Should they, at least, be rejected? I don’t think so. The act of gift-giving and -receiving can be a sort of ritual and gradually lead to trust and closeness.[7] Perhaps a shy patient whose wife previously sent chocolates to his physician around Christmastime will come to see the physician as a part of his extended family. Perhaps he needs to do so to feel comfortable talking about his erectile dysfunction. Gifts can be expressions of caring.[8] Perhaps an elderly Texan patient imagines her younger physician, whom she has known for thirty years and often sees at the grocery store, as her son and asks to prepare a homecoming mum (traditionally a chrysanthemum flower corsage) for his children’s school dance. Perhaps doing so will give her purpose, make her feel useful, as all her own children have moved away. Giving gifts may also provide patients with a sense of control and help them feel as if less of a power imbalance exists between them and their physician. Perhaps a young judge, who is not used to not being in control, and was previously misdiagnosed with rheumatoid arthritis, is now struggling to come to terms with his Lupus. Perhaps giving the physician who made the correct diagnosis a moderately-priced bottle of scotch restores his confidence or sense of pride to. Gifts are also undoubtedly important to the recipient. When medical providers receive a gift, they may interpret it as a sign that they are valued. While it would be wrong to practice medicine to receive gifts or expect them, there are times, like when ERs and ICUs are overwhelmed because of a viral pandemic,[9] which threatens the will to continue working, and most anything (within reason) that bolsters resolve can be considered good. There is also no obvious distinction between the satisfaction physicians normally receive on seeing their patients recover or being thanked or smiled at and what they feel when they receive a small or “token” gift, like a plate of homemade cookies. The point is that the physician-patient relationship is a human one. Many advocate it should be personal, that physicians should be emotionally invested in their patients, care about and have compassion for them in ways that professional oaths do not fully capture.[10] This dynamic is particularly important in primary care or when the physician-patient relationship continues for long periods. According to one Israeli study, many patients even wish for a relationship with their physician akin to friendship. Those who felt they had such a relationship were more satisfied with their care than those who believed the relationship was business-like.[11] The precedent for this “friendship between unequals” goes back at least to the time of Erasmus, some five hundred years ago.[12] There may be good reasons for physicians to draw the line before friendship, but if accepting certain gifts builds intimacy, and that intimacy does not cross over into an inappropriate relationship, e.g., a sexual or romantic relationship, and if it has the chance to improve healthcare outcomes through improved mood or early disclosure of problems, I think it should be done. Physicians have a prima facie duty to do good for their patients.[13] Most physicians want to do good for their patients and respect their traditions and preferences. I suspect that accepting the gifts from the patients in the examples above would do a lot of good, or at least that rejecting them could do significant harm, including making them or their families feel estranged from the medical community, impeding future care. Physicians might be more comfortable accepting gifts if receiving gifts would not subject them to scrutiny or penalty. They also may feel better if they knew that receiving gifts would not harm their patients and that rejecting gifts might. They should document all gifts they receive.[14] This will enable them to detect if gifts from a particular patient are increasing in frequency or lavishness or changing markedly in character, which could warrant attention. I maintain this “Gift Log” should be maintained in common with everyone at the clinic or in the relevant hospital department and potentially made available to hospital administration for audit. Investigation might be necessary if a gift is given (and accepted) with no explicable context, e.g., not near holiday season or after a treatment milestone is achieved. When possible, gifts should be shared communally, such as placing fruit baskets or chocolates in the staff room. Other gifts, like artwork, can be displayed on the walls. Others should be encouraged to hold physicians accountable if they feel patients who have given gifts receive preferential treatment, including something as seemingly small as priority for appointment bookings. Appearances matter and even the appearance of impropriety can affect the public’s trust in medicine. The culture of medicine has already changed such that nurses now reproach physicians they feel violate the standard of care,[15] and this would be an extension of that trend. Depending on the set-up of the practice, a staff member can be designated for receiving gifts and politely declining those that ought to be declined. Staff members should tell patients, who give gifts in full view of other patients, that they cannot do so in the future. Physicians can politely rebuff patients who wish to give inappropriate gifts, or gifts at inappropriate times and suggest they donate to charity instead. Medical practices and hospitals should develop a gift policy in consultation with staff and patients to avoid needlessly rejecting gifts that benefit both doctor and patient and to avoid pressuring patients into giving gifts. The policy should be flexible to account for the crucial human element in any provider-patient relationship and the cultural nuances of any practice setting. Psychiatrists, who work with particularly vulnerable patients, may need to be more vigilant when accepting gifts.[16] CONCLUSION Though we tend to think health innovation occurs in urban medical centers and spreads outward, there may be something big-city physicians can learn from their rural colleagues about personalized patient-physician relationships. The value of gifts is only one example. Normalizing the acceptance of patient gifts in appropriate restricted circumstances has the added benefit of shining a spotlight on the acceptance of patient gifts in dubious ones. By bringing an already fairly common practice into the open and talking about it, we can create policies that respect patients as persons, prevent abuse, and deconstruct the stereotype of the austere and detached physician. While there is no reason to think that gift-giving would get out of control if appropriate safeguards are put in place, the medical community can always re-evaluate after a period, or an individual medical practice can re-evaluate based on the circumstances of their practice environment. Gift-giving, especially when gifts are of small monetary value, should be recognized as a culturally appropriate gesture with meaning far beyond that monetary value. It is best governed by reasonable gift-giving policies, not banned altogether. - [1] Council on Ethical and Judicial Affairs. “Ethics of Patient-Physician Relationships.” In AMA Code of Medical Ethics, 11. Chicago: American Medical Association, 2021. https://www.ama-assn.org/sites/ama-assn.org/files/corp/media-browser/code-of-medical-ethics-chapter-1.pdf. [2] Sulmasy, Lois Snyder, and Thomas A. Bledsoe. “American College of Physicians Ethics Manual.” Annals of Internal Medicine 170, no. 2_Supplement (January 15, 2019): S1–32. https://doi.org/10.7326/M18-2160; Committee on Bioethics. “Pediatrician-Family-Patient Relationships: Managing the Boundaries.” Pediatrics 124, no. 6 (December 1, 2009): 1685–88. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2009-2147. [3] Weijer, Charles. “No: Gifts Debase the True Value of Care.” Western Journal of Medicine 175, no. 2 (August 2001): 77. [4] Lyckholm, Laurie J. “Should Physicians Accept Gifts From Patients?” JAMA 280, no. 22 (December 9, 1998): 1944–46. https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.280.22.1944; Spence, Sean A. “Patients Bearing Gifts: Are There Strings Attached?” BMJ 331, no. 7531 (December 22, 2005): 1527–29. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.331.7531.1527; Gaufberg, Elizabeth. “Should Physicians Accept Gifts from Patients?” American Family Physician 76, no. 3 (August 1, 2007): 437; Caddell, Andrew, and Lara Hazelton. “Accepting Gifts from Patients.” Canadian Family Physician 59, no. 12 (December 2013): 1259–60. [5] See above commentators and Drew, Jennifer, John D. Stoeckle, and J. Andrew Billings. “Tips, Status and Sacrifice: Gift Giving in the Doctor-Patient Relationship.” Social Science & Medicine 17, no. 7 (January 1, 1983): 399–404. https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(83)90343-X. [6] College of Physicians and Surgeons of Prince Edward Island. “Respecting Boundaries.” Accessed April 4, 2021. https://cpspei.ca/respecting-boundaries/. [7] The Atlantic’s Marketing Team. “What Gifting Rituals from Around the Globe Reveal About Human Nature.” The Atlantic, 2018. https://www.theatlantic.com/sponsored/hennessy-2018/what-gifting-rituals-around-globe-reveal-about-human-nature/2044/. [8] Parker-Pope, Tara. “A Gift That Gives Right Back? The Giving Itself.” The New York Times, December 11, 2007, sec. Health. https://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/11/health/11well.html. [9] Harlan, Chico, and Stefano Pitrelli. “As Coronavirus Cases Grow, Hospitals in Northern Italy Are Running out of Beds.” Washington Post. Accessed April 4, 2021. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/italy-coronavirus-patients-lombardy-hospitals/2020/03/12/36041dc6-63ce-11ea-8a8e-5c5336b32760_story.html. [10] Frankel, Richard M. “Emotion and the Physician-Patient Relationship.” Motivation and Emotion 19, no. 3 (September 1, 1995): 163–73. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02250509. [11] Magnezi, Racheli, Lisa Carroll Bergman, and Sara Urowitz. “Would Your Patient Prefer to Be Considered Your Friend? Patient Preferences in Physician Relationships.” Health Education & Behavior 42, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 210–19. https://doi.org/10.1177/1090198114547814. [12] Albury, W. R., and G. M. Weisz. “The Medical Ethics of Erasmus and the Physician-Patient Relationship.” Medical Humanities 27, no. 1 (June 2001): 35–41. https://doi.org/10.1136/mh.27.1.35. [13] Beauchamp, Tom L., and James F. Childress. Principles of Biomedical Ethics. 7th edition. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. [14] Caddell and Hazelton, 2013. [15] See, e.g. Peplau, Hildegard E. “A Glance Back in Time: Nurse-Doctor Relationships.” Nursing Forum 34, no. 3 (1999): 31–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1744-6198.1999.tb00991.x and Ahmad, Ahmir. “The Doctor-Nurse Relationship: Time for Change?” British Journal of Hospital Medicine (2005), September 27, 2013. https://doi.org/10.12968/hmed.2009.70.Sup4.41642. [16] Hundert, Edward M. “Looking a Gift Horse in the Mouth: The Ethics of Gift-Giving in Psychiatry.” Harvard Review of Psychiatry 6, no. 2 (January 1, 1998): 114–17. https://doi.org/10.3109/10673229809000319.

This paper investigates linkages between two apparently disparate government initiatives. Together they function symbolically to maintain Australia’s moral order by excluding filth, keeping personal and national boundaries tight and borders secure. The Commonwealth government recently set aside over five million dollars to improve continence in the Australian population (incontinence is the inability to control movements of the bowel or bladder, producing leakage of filth in the form of urine and faeces). The Strategy funded research into prevalence rates, treatment strategies, doctor education, a public toilet mapping exercise, and public awareness through a telephone helpline and patient information pamphlets. Almost simultaneously with the continence initiative, concerns over the influx of asylum seekers to Australia lead the federal government to focus more resources on strengthening Australia’s border protection. This paper explores the two phenomena of personal and national boundary maintenance as aspects of classification dilemmas based in conceptions of filth, pollution and cleaning rituals. Continence and Boundary Maintenance Elias has pointed out that the development of rules of decorum around bodily control was the very essence of ‘the civilizing process’ in Western cultures. Currently, we see bodily control as a prerequisite for becoming an adult, and the loss of control is a sign of a loss of responsible adulthood, a ‘spoiled identity’ (Goffman; Murcott; Hepworth). However, Foucault pointed out that the body, through the imposition of the State and the medical profession, has become a target for self-work, resulting not in self-empowerment but in subjection. Through the ‘new micro-physics of power’ (Foucault 139), the bladder and pelvic floor have become sites in need of control. Analysis of discourses around incontinence, both in the public and private spheres, indicate a concern with issues of control and agency, particularly the moral imperative to be in control of one’s body and the feelings of incompetence produced by the loss of control. Incompetence, self blame and guilt are evident in sufferers’ talk about their condition (Tilbury et al.; Murcott). The negativity surrounding incontinence is connected with the construction of urine and faeces as filth – but is this construction of dirtiness ‘natural? Mary Douglas argued that cultural classification creates the order of social life and has an inherently moral dimension. A consequence is that things which cross categorical boundaries are impure and therefore dangerous, because they threaten the rules of classification. Douglas suggested that there is nothing inherent in ‘unclean’ things which make them dirty. Soil in the garden is ‘clean’ whereas on the carpet it is ‘dirty’, spaghetti on a plate is clean, but on your trousers it is dirty. Douglas concluded that dirtiness is not about the stuff itself, but about it being in the wrong location. We are left with the very old definition of dirt as matter out of place. This is a very suggestive approach. It implies two conditions: a set of ordered relations and a contravention of that order. … Dirt is the by-product of a systematic ordering and classification of matter, in so far as ordering involves rejecting inappropriate elements (Douglas 48). Like the fear of deviance generally, fear of pollution by ‘dirty’ things is strongly emotive because of its threat to the larger moral order. In the same way that moral panics, scapegoating, and witch hunts occur where there is a threat to the collectivity’s boundaries, clean-ups are in order where there is a perceived social crisis which threatens social classification and order. They serve as purges, drawing attention to the violated moral order, and to the State’s ability to secure it. Cleaning rituals function symbolically to reaffirm the social order. Thus, an insistence on continence is symbolic of something deeper than a fear of infection from leaking urine and faeces. Douglas suggests that issues of dirt and cleanliness in relation to the human body are actually about wider social concerns. The body is a tabula rasa on which the concerns of society are writ small. The biological body is a symbol of the social body. Elias argued bodily control and social control are linked – for example we are careful to control publicly bodily functions such as farting, belching and yawning. Now if bodies serve as symbols of society, then concern over group boundaries will be expressed symbolically as concerns over bodily boundaries. Bodily orifices, those entrances and exits which define the boundaries of the body most obviously, become sites of some significance, and those dirty things which traverse these openings/closings challenge and destabilize the system of categorization which society holds sacrosanct. But why, one might ask, the recent concern over bodily boundaries? Continents and Border Protection On the ABC’s 7.30 Report (20 June 2002) anchor Kerry O’Brien introduced a story about ‘the migrant problem’ in the Netherlands with a comment about the Dutch desire to control the ‘flooding’ in of refugees through their ‘weakening borders’ and noted the growing public concern to ‘seal their leaking border’. While such imagery obviously references the story of ‘the little Dutch boy and the dike’, it was directly relevant to Australian audiences because Australia was in the midst of its own ‘refugee crisis’ (see Saxton; Manne; Pickering; Gelber). The ‘Tampa crisis’, in September 2001, saw a Norwegian freighter, the Tampa, rescue 433 asylum seekers from their sinking boat which was headed for Australia. Australia denied the Tampa permission to enter its waters and ports, so it was left out to sea for days, while the Australian government negotiated a face saving solution to the problem. This was the ‘Pacific solution’ – whereby asylum seekers are moved to nearby Pacific nations to be ‘processed’ off shore, in exchange for monetary incentive to these struggling economies. Asylum seekers were demonized by the press and by politicians for threatening to throw themselves and their children overboard. Prime Minister John Howard suggested some were likely to be terrorists, and the then Minister of Immigration Philip Ruddock asked the rhetorical question: ‘Are these the sort of people we want as Australians?’ Discursive analyses of media coverage (news reports, opinion columns and letters to the editor) of the arrival of asylum seekers indicate that they were represented as illegal, illegitimate and threatening (Saxton), and constructed as deviant in a variety of ways, including being diseased (Pickering). The language used to describe the ‘threat’ is revealing: terms such as ‘swamped’, ‘awash’, ‘latest waves’, ‘more waves’, ‘tides’, ‘floods’ and ‘migratory flood’ (Pickering 172). Most importantly, a ‘national rights’ discourse emerged, asserting Australia’s authority over its physical and cultural space, and its right to ‘protect its territory and character’ (Saxton 111) from potentially polluting pariahs, the excrement of other nations, refugees. The net result of these activities was the putting in place of a series of emergency measures to ensure Australia’s borders were ‘protected’, including moving the legal definition of borders, rigorous enforcement of imprisonment in detention centres, providing a two thousand dollar incentive to return to their countries of origin, and increased sea and air surveillance. Recent moves by the government to make seeking asylum more difficult have continued this trend. Continents and Continence Now what do incontinence and the Tampa crisis have in common? Obviously both are attempts to contain filth, ensuring boundary maintenance of the individual and the national body. The desire of the Australian government to clarify Australia’s boundaries by reducing them to its mainland is indicative of a concern with keeping national boundaries precise and clear. The threat of breaches from outside spurs this attempt to ensure closure, but it is simultaneously evidence of the fear of violation. Australia’s attempts at boundary maintenance are forms of ‘pollution rituals’ designed to maintain the definition of Australia as the domain of white Anglo-Saxon Christians (Hage; Saxton; Pickering). Being racially, ethnically and religiously different, asylum seekers challenge cherished notions of what ‘we’ Australians are – they are matter-out-of-place, challenging the integrity of the nation. As Pickering notes: ‘Asylum seekers transgress many boundaries: physical, geographic, language, legal, national, social and political. In so doing they routinely disrupt established, although precarious, orders’ (Pickering 170). The ‘breach’ panic, and consequent attempts to fortify ‘fortress Australia’, function symbolically to reaffirm the social order and maintain the classification of in-group and out-group. Conclusion The parallels drawn between these two initiatives are not meant to assert a causal relationship, but rather a form of ‘elective affinity’ (Weber). Thus, my argument is rather more than a recognition of the ways in which body metaphors are used as ‘convenient way[s] for talking or thinking about the moral and political problems of society’ (Turner 1), but less than a suggestion that one is in a direct causal relationship to the other. If pollution behaviour is that which condemns objects or ideas which might confuse cherished classifications, then government attempts to keep national boundaries contained and bodies secure are both examples of pollution behaviours. The National Continence Management Strategy and the concerns about Australia’s border protection are both symbolic manifestations of the same concern over unsealed boundaries and boundary crossings. Both result from a barely contained hysteria manifest in a fear of things coming in, and things going out, and a frustrated recognition of the impossibility of keeping entries and exits secure. The National Continence Management strategy mirrors the macro concerns over boundary maintenance and security. The tightening up of movements of matter across bodies, and movements of people across nations, are signs of attempts to control identity. But from whence has this concern arisen? One possibility is the general destabilising of national identities resulting from the broad postmodern recognition of hybridity and fluidity in the construction and maintenance of identity. A specific example of this is the fact that while Australia has long been proud of its identity as a white nation of the Antipodes, at the same time it is developing an identity as multicultural. The traditional values of white society are being challenged and the resulting destabilization is threatening (Hage; Ang; Phillips). Postmodern constructions of identity as contextual, fuzzy, and open ended, destabilize identity as singular and unproblematic. Hall and du Gay, Bhabha, and others have noted the discomfort attendant on a version of identity which is hybrid and liminal, which challenges the notion that categories are clear cut and people are either ‘in’ or ‘out’. This discomfort results in the need to shore up individual and national identities through efforts to define and maintain boundaries and to contain them – in essence to re-establish and defend ‘fortress Australia’ by containing matter in its proper place, and excluding filth. References Bhabha, Homi, ed. Nation and Narration. London: Routledge, 1990. Douglas, Mary. Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966. Elias, Norbert. The Civilizing Process. Trans. E. Jephcott. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans A. Sheridan. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1979. Gelber, Katherine. “A Fair Queue? Australian Public Discourse on Refugees and Immigration.” Journal of Australian Studies 1 March 2003: 23-30. Goffman, Erving. Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1963. Hage, Ghassan. White Nation: Fantasies of White Supremacy in a Multicultural Society. Annendale NSW: Pluto Press, 1998. Hall, Stuart, and Paul du Gay, eds. Questions of Cultural Identity. London: Sage, 1996. Hepworth, Mike. Stories of Ageing. Buckingham: Open University Press, 2000. Manne, Robert, with David Corlett. “Sending them Home: Refugees and the New Politics of Indifference.” Quarterly Essay 13. Melbourne: Black, 2004. Murcott, Anne. “Purity and Pollution: Body Management and the Social Place of Infancy.” In Sue Scott and David Morgan, eds. Body Matters. London: The Falmer Press, 1993. Pickering, Sharon. “Common Sense and Original Deviancy: News Discourses and Asylum Seekers in Australia.” Journal of Refugee Studies 14.2 (2001):169-86. Saxton, Alison. “‘I Certainly Don’t Want People like That Here’: The Discursive Construction of Asylum Seekers.” Media International Australia Incorporating Culture and Policy 109 (Nov. 2003): 109-20. Tilbury, Farida, Pradeep Jayasuriya, Jan Taylor, and Liz Williams. Continence Care in the Community. Report to Department of Health and Aged Care, 2001. Turner, Bryan. “Social Fluids: Metaphors and Meanings in Society.” Body and Society 9.1 (2003): 1-10. Turner, Bryan, with Colin Samson. Medical Power and Social Knowledge. London: Sage, 1996. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Tilbury, Farida. "Filth, Incontinence and Border Protection." M/C Journal 9.5 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/06-tilbury.php>. APA Style Tilbury, F. (Nov. 2006) "Filth, Incontinence and Border Protection," M/C Journal, 9(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/06-tilbury.php>.

El objetivo principal de este trabajo es estudiar, a partir de un caso específico, algunas características del comercio y los mecanismos utilizados por los mercaderes en la sociedad colonial americana del siglo XVIII. Estamos ante un vasto programa de investigación de una región americana, en particular, el Río de la Plata y su área de influencia (Virreinato del Río de la Plata), en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII, y a través de la actividad de un gran comerciante de Buenos Aires que operó en toda está área y del cual se cuenta con una muy abundante y rica documentación: Don Domingo Belgrano Pérez, padre del prócer de la independencia argentina, Manuel Belgrano. El punto de partida teórico de la obra es el dominio que lo mercaderes ejercían sobre los productores en las sociedades no capitalistas. A partir de este esquema el autor se propone afrontar una serie de problemas de gran relevancia para el conocimiento de la economía colonial iberoamericana, como por ejemplo la cuestión de la de la circulación monetaria, el tema del crédito en un sociedad sin instituciones específicamente financieras, o las pautas de inversión, las actividades económicas y las vinculaciones con el poder político de los grandes comerciantes porteños. Trabajo que nos permite conocer en una escala reducida, a través de un caso individual, los factores que permitían el enriquecimiento y el ascenso social en el interior de la comunidad mercantil porteña tardocolonial.

Las nuevas políticas monetarias a finales del siglo XIX cambiarían el rol de las casas de moneda provinciales que, en su momento, fueron de gran utilidad para acuñar oro y plata de las minas regionales, pero después se volvieron un serio problema debido a que no se respetaban las leyes de acuñación y eran tomadas para satisfacer las necesidades de los arrendatarios y de los gobiernos locales. Ante esta situación, dos sucesos marcaron este periodo, la organización monetaria de las casas de moneda de 1895 y la Ley Monetaria de El primer suceso estableció las bases en el control de la moneda acuñada en el país clausurando las casas de moneda provinciales y dejando solo tres –Guanajuato, Zacatecas y Culiacán– con el estatus de sucursales de la casa de moneda de México.