Статті в журналах з теми "Physical education teachers Job stress Victoria"

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of a neuro-linguistic programming course on job stress, positive organizational behavior and job motivation among physical education teachers of Khorasan Razavi province of Iran. Material: The statistical population of the study consisted 150 physical education teachers of Khorasan Razavi province. 40 physical education teachers were selected as statistical sample. At first, the questionnaires of job stress of Steinmetz (2002), Luthans Psychological Capital questionnaire (2007) and Hackman job motivation questionnaire (1976) were administered to the subjects and then the subjects received the presented protocol. At the end of the course questionnaires were re-presented. Data were analyzed using repeated measures ANOVA and Bonferroni post hoc test at 5% error level. Results: The results showed that neuro-linguistic programming had a significant increase in job motivation and positive organizational behavior and a significant decrease in teachers' job stress (P<0.001). There was no significant change in job motivation, positive organizational behavior and job stress in the control group (P <0.05). Conclusions: According to the findings, it can be concluded that to increase the job motivation, these course can be used and affect the motivation and job stress of the employees.

Special physical education is considered a challenging process concerned with the development of the physical and mental health of students with physical disabilities. Special physical education teachers face pressures from society, parents, schools, and themselves, which can easily lead to burnout and increase levels of teacher attrition. In our paper, we explore the significant effects of role and job stress (divided into role ambiguity and conflict, and stressors and stress responses, respectively), teaching efficacy (divided into general and personal teaching efficacy), job satisfaction (divided into internal and external job satisfaction), and social support (divided into objective and subjective support) on burnout (divided into emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and reduced personal accomplishment). We chose to conduct an empirical analysis using data from different regions of China. Our study results showed that role conflict, general teaching efficacy, job satisfaction, and objective support were the main factors influencing burnout among special physical education teachers in China. Stressors were the main factors influencing emotional exhaustion. General teaching efficacy, job stress, and role conflict significantly influenced depersonalization. Internal job satisfaction and personal teaching efficacy mainly influenced feelings of reduced personal accomplishment. Attributes such as seniority, marriage status, gender, academic titles, and education level also affected burnout. Additionally, we verified that there are regional disparities in the factors influencing burnout. Finally, our study of burnout among special physical education teachers could improve the physical and mental health of students with physical disabilities.

The objective of this study was to evaluate the relation between gender and physical education teachers’ wellbeing in southern Brazil, considering the socio-environmental (job satisfaction) and individual (lifestyle) parameters. A total of 1653 teachers (741 men and 912 women) in the states of Paraná, Santa Catarina, and Rio Grande do Sul were surveyed. The instruments used for data collection were QVT-PEF and PEVI, as well as a socio-demographic and professional questionnaire. The results confirm findings concerning dissatisfaction of physical education teachers regarding remuneration, work conditions, job autonomy, work and total life space as well as an overload in women’s daily lives. In relation to lifestyle, women showed better eating habits; however, they also showed lower levels of positive behaviour in the components of relationships, and stress control. Therefore, the authors point out to implementation of public policies to ensure more equitable treatment regarding gender issues in the work environment, as well as regarding physical education teachers’ personal aspects.

The research study aimed to investigate the role of social support as a mediator between job stress and job performance of lecturer physical education. All male and female 97 and 73 respectively were the target population of the study. For obtaining the desiredresult the researcher used descriptive research with cross-sectional research design. The research study was carried out through three different types of self-administered close-ended questionnaires. To test the hypothesis inferential statistical test was applied to draw the finding and conclusion and the process v3.3 by Andrew F. Hayes was used for mediation to obtain the desire result. The research study indicated that social support played a partial mediating role between job stressors and job performance of LPEs, as the coefficient value decrease but the connection between job stressors and job performance remain significant after adopting the social support as a mediator (.86). It was suggested that the same study may be conducted at university teachers, use qualitative method with a longitudinal research design to dig out unearth phenomena.

A gap in physical literacy (PL) oriented professional development (PD) for generalist teachers exists and thus their capacity to develop PL and maximize student health is potentially limited. We explored the feasibility of a novel job-embedded professional development (JEPD) program (10 weeks) and its impact on teachers’ capacity to deliver PL-enriched physical education (PE) and student PL. A pragmatic feasibility trial with mixed methods included quantitative measurements of teacher PL, knowledge and confidence (pre), and knowledge, confidence, satisfaction and intention (post), as well as self-reported change, to evaluate the impact on teacher capacity and practices. A pre–post comparison of student PL outcomes (motor skills using PLAYbasic, Sport for Life, Victoria, BC, Canada) during the JEPD and teacher implementation phase explored the impact on student PL. In total, 15/44 teachers participated in surveys and 11/44 completed interviews (87% female, mean age bracket = 25–44 years). Confidence to deliver PL enhancing PE increased significantly after JEPD (p < 0.0001). Teachers were highly satisfied with the JEPD (X = 4.67/5) and intended to change their practices (X = 4.09/5). At three months, teachers reported changes including enhanced lesson planning, increased activity variety (often from the JEPD), intentional skill development, student-focused discussions, introductory, transition, and closing activities, and more equipment adaptations. During JEPD, with the exception of throwing (p < 0.0001), children’s (47% female, mean age = 7.9 (1.7)) change in running, jumping, kicking and balance walking backwards did not differ from usual practice (UP). During teacher implementation, motor skill competence regressed; confounding factors could not be ruled out. JEPD appears feasible and effective for changing teacher capacity to deliver PL and enhancing PE; however, post-JEPD teacher implementation and outcomes need further exploration.

The teaching profession has been consistently ranked as the most stressful job in the world today. Teachers who experience prolonged exposure to high levels of work-related stress can find there to be a detrimental effect on their physical health, mental health, social life, and work performance. This study aims to characterise the mental health and wellbeing of secondary school teachers in Malaysia according to gender and age group. We examined burnout levels among 776 secondary school teachers who were measured across three dimensions (i.e., depersonalisation, emotional exhaustion, and personal accomplishment), as well as their sources of stress, manifestations of stress, and psychological symptoms. The quantitative data analysis revealed that most of the teachers had experienced burnout in terms of their personal accomplishments, work-related stressors, and time management, and that it mostly manifested as fatigue. Overall, the sample of secondary school teachers in Malaysia indicates a risk of poor mental health. Further psychological interventions and self-care programs are suggested to help secondary school teachers cope with the early signs of burnout.

Job dissatisfaction has been linked to decreased performance and increased workplace turnover. It is, therefore, important to understand the experiences that are associated with physical education teacher job satisfaction and dissatisfaction. This study examined relationships among perceived mattering, role stress, emotional exhaustion, and job satisfaction in teacher/coaches and non-coaching physical education teachers. The participants included 500 physical educators (251 females, 249 males) from the United States. Most participants (91.20%) were Caucasian, and over half (53.60%) coached. Data were collected using an online survey, and analyzed using latent variable modeling procedures. Results supported the conceptual framework, χ2(214) = 511.49, p < .001, RMSEA = .052 (90% CI = [.046, .058], p = .216), SRMR = .06, NNFI = .95, CFI = .96, and commonly experienced pathways were invariant across coaching and non-coaching groups. A key goal for schools should be to increase teacher perceived mattering and reduce role stress and emotional exhaustion.

Stress at the workplace is unavoidable, but it is needed to be coped for ensuring emotional and physical health. The study explores the strategies for coping with stress among primary schoolteachers with varied demographic characteristics i.e. gender, locale, length of job experience, and academic and professional qualification. The sample of 315 (104 male, 211 female) primary school teachers was selected conveniently from the primary schools of tehsil Sargodha. Data was collected through a self-developed scale of stress coping strategy for primary teachers and analyzed through percentages, frequency, t-test and ANOVA. Male primary teachers use more strategies to cope with the stress as compared to the female. Teachers of various levels of academic qualifications used more strategies to cope with the stress, while no variation was found on the bases of locality, professional qualifications and experience were found. School Education Department is recommended to arrange guidance and counseling programs for teachers to use better stress coping strategies.

The article presents the main aspects of theoretical and experimental study of the conditions for the “soft skills” formation of future athletes and physical education teachers in higher education institution. The content and features of the “soft skills” formation of a professional are revealed. The place of "soft skills" in the professional structure of the athlete and teacher personality and the role in the implementation of professional activities is determined. Complex multi-level solution of problems; critical thinking; creativity; people management; cooperation with others; emotional intelligence; judgment and decision making; customer orientation; ability to negotiate; cognitive flexibility; stress resistance; effective job search have been chosen for criteria of "soft skills" formation of university students majoring in physical culture and sports. Levels of formation of "soft skills" are ranked according to the degree of manifestation into initial, low, medium and high.With the help of these indicators, the conditions for the effective “soft skills” formation of modern students in the field of physical education and sport of higher education institutions are experimentally tested.It is recommended to supplement part of the educational components of the professional training of the educational program with topics that will contribute to the formation of "soft skills". It is important to target students to participate in soft skills training, and also to bring up the need for self-improvement as soft skills are crucial for graduates in employment and career development in the context of globalization.

Nowadays, the employees’ well-being has been an increasingly relevant and necessary consideration in the workplace. However, little attention has been paid to the well-being of substitute educators in preschool. Working in early childhood education is stressful, and certain types of stress negatively affect physical and mental health. The participants in this study are substitute educators for early education in Taiwan. The substitute educators of preschools in the working environment are not stable and peaceful. In addition to engaging in the same teaching programs as the formal teachers, substitute teachers have to work for additional administrative assignments in schools. Furthermore, they were often viewed as the marginal role in the workplace, enduring discrimination from the unfriendly organization. Their working environment is full of pressure, contradictions, and conflicts. Substitute teachers often endure negative emotions and need to suppress their true feelings. Thus, the aim of this research is to examine the relationship among preschool substitute teachers’ well-being (Y), job stress risk factors (X), and burnout (Mo). Data was collected from a survey of 102 substitute educators at both public and private preschools in Taiwan. Among the six stress risk factors, good control, managerial support, colleague support, roles, and change were positively related to well-being, while the other two factors, demand and unfriendly relationship have a negative impact on workplace well-being. In addition, job burnout has a significant moderating effect on the relationship between job stress risk factor and well-being. Suggestions are provided for substitute educators’ well-being improvement.

Elementary and secondary school educators face many work stressors, which appear to be increasing due to economic, political, and social trends. Therefore, we analyzed data from a 2017 national American Federation of Teachers survey of U.S. education staff, including data from two New York School districts that have adopted collaborative labor-management practices. The national American Federation of Teachers sample of educators reported significantly higher prevalences of several work stressors and poorer physical and mental health compared to the U.S. workers overall, adjusted for age, gender, and race/ethnicity. Compared with educators nationally, educators in districts with collaborative labor-management practices did not have a consistently higher or lower prevalence of work stressors or poorer health. Findings suggest the importance of reducing work stressors among U.S. educators. Results should be interpreted with caution due to the low educator survey response rate.

The concept of burnout is often used when trying to explain the state of chronic stress in people working in a field that involves contact with people, such as, in our case, education. Teachers spend a long time at work and are involved in multiple relationships: both with students, colleagues (other teachers, principals), and with other parents. All these various interactions require a mental and even physical effort. Also, teaching and assessment activities consume energy and require considerable effort. Thus, the resources needed by the teacher (time, financial), work and performance requirements can erode the teacher's energy and enthusiasm, which sometimes leads to the manifestation of burnout symptoms. Burnout is “a state of chronic fatigue, depression and frustration generated by the devotion of a cause, a way of life or a relationship that fails to produce the expected rewards and ultimately leads to diminished involvement and work” (Zlate, 2007 , pp. 598 in Richelson, 1980.

It seems that many studies have been conducted in the local, regional and global literature on the cause and level of teachers' stress within the scope of the literature. This study aims to examine the factors affecting the cause and level of stress of teachers in the education system of our country as a whole. It is thought that working in this direction will contribute to the literature both locally, regionally and globally. On the grounds of the multifaceted dimension of stress, there are a lot of negative effects on the teachers themselves, their students, parents and the educational structure personally. Stress-related research results, according to a dull living stress of teachers from occurring physical and mental health problems, negative attitudes and behaviors, developing the quality and quantity of interaction with students decreases, decreasing job satisfaction, work performance has been waning, and comprises a request consists of the working reluctance to leave the profession. Key Words: Teacher, Stress, Health Problems

Purpose Occupational stress-relating overwork among teachers predispose to mental disorders and eventually lead to long leave from work. Although some studies have been conducted to assess these problems among elementary and junior high school teachers, a quantitative investigation has been limited to date. In this study, the authors sought to explore the association between overwork and mental stress among Japanese elementary and junior high school teachers. Design/methodology/approach An exploratory cross-sectional questionnaire survey was carried out on 294 Japanese elementary and junior high school teachers. The respondents filled a questionnaire on personal data, and occupational stress reaction was evaluated by Japanese version of Brief Job Questionnaire. Multiple linear regression model was used to evaluate the association between overwork information and psychological and physical stress. Findings Working during holidays was significantly likely to increase psychological and physical stress reactions among elementary school teachers (adjusted mean difference = −1.67, 95% CI: −2.81 to −0.54) and junior high school teachers (adjusted mean difference = −5.24, 95% CI: −9.60 to −0.87). A weakly positive association was found between high risk of psychological and physical stress and marital status (p = 0.005), teacher in charge of class (p = 0.015) among elementary school teachers. Originality/value This study indicated an association between working during holidays and psychological and physical stress reactions among elementary and junior high school teachers after adjusting for sociodemographic and work-related status. Further study for the confirmation of this finding is warranted.

THIS ARTICLE REPORTS the results of a survey of 168 New Zealand early childhood workers and describes their health status, behaviours and concerns. The respondents included 73 childcare teachers, 58 kindergarten teachers and 37 home-based educators. Although 92 per cent of respondents reported that they had good or excellent health, statistically significant differences were found between the groups for days absent because of illness, accidental injuries, job-related stress and ergonomic aspects of their work. All groups reported an increase in various physical symptoms since working with children, in particular backaches, muscle strain and fatigue. One-quarter of respondents experienced an illness related to their work with children during the past year, most commonly respiratory and gastrointestinal illnesses. The study alerts early childhood education employers to the importance of managing health issues such as workload and stress, occupational injuries, the provision of an ergonomically healthy work environment and adequate conditions of employment.

One of the cause’s célèbre in the field of education has been teacher attrition; Physical education (PE) is no different. Some PE teachers are leaving the profession because they encounter stress and dissatisfaction in their profession. The purpose of this study is to determine the aspects that keep PE teachers happy and remaining in the profession. Seven job satisfaction factors were identified with principal component analysis and logistic regression models used to study the likelihood of teachers’ intention to stay in the profession. Those PE teachers who intended to stay in teaching were more satisfied with the resources, work community, their own expertise, recognition of teaching, manageability of work, students, as well as the quality of work. It was also found that satisfaction and commitment to teaching were strong predictors for staying in the profession. For early career teachers, manageability and quality of work were the factors that were strongly related to their intention to stay in the profession.

Inclusive education policies thin the boundaries of special and regular education as well as teachers’ roles and competencies. The present study, using data from TALIS 2018, aims to find out whether Portuguese teachers working in classes directed entirely or mainly to special education needs students (SENS) differ from teachers working in classes with few or no SENS in the following areas: (a) professional development needs in special education; (b) perceived barriers to professional development; and (c) teaching and work features related to SENS. The results show small but significant differences between teachers working and teachers not working entirely or mainly with SENS in professional development needs, perceived opportunities for professional development, and stress involved in modifying SENS lessons. No other significant differences were found. Still, the results show that both groups of teachers perceive significant professional development needs and barriers to professional development but are optimistic about the quality of professional development, job satisfaction, and self-efficacy in instruction. However, teachers of both groups are pessimistic about professional collaboration, a key element of inclusive education. Overall, it seems that some critical elements of inclusive education are still to be implemented in Portuguese schools.

Teachers are among the professions reporting the highest level of work-related stress. This has a great impact on teachers‘ professional performance, job satisfaction, quality of their work and educational process. High level of stress adversaly affects teacher‘s motivation, social well-beeing and even physical and mental health. The causes of teacher stress are related to activity requirements, work organization, working conditions, relationships, etc. Heavy workload, negative attitude towards teacher work in society, education reforms, role conflicts, lack of time, disrespectful behavior of learners, poor working conditions, high demands, hard-to-achieve outcomes – all these factors cause teachers‘ stress in their professional activity. In order to investigate the problem of teachers‘ stress, it is important to identify not only the attitudes of teachers to the stress factors in teachers‘ professional activity but also those of school leaders. It is interesting to identify what, in school leaders views, are the main causes of teachers‘ stress and what stress management measures at the organization level would be the most effective for teachers to cope with their stress. 62 school leaders from Portugal, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Turkey, Slovenia and Lithuania participated in an international reseacrh on the causes of teachers‘ occupational stress and possible ways of managing it. The results of the study revealed that changing demands for teacher competencies, filling in documentation, low salary, noisy environments, unclear roles, lack of time to fulfill all the tasks, disrespectful learners‘ behavior, and tensions with colleagues and parents are the major stressors in the teaching profession. School leaders believe that the most appropriate ways to manage teacher stress include training on stress management techniques and conflict resolution. The study was conducted in the framework of the international project “Preventing Stress in the Teaching Profession-Stress Free Teachers”, No. 20163715 / 001-001.

Seeking personal well-being and life satisfaction during a global pandemic can be daunting, such is the case for early care and education teachers who were considered non-health care essential workers during the COVID-19 pandemic. The potential changes in their physical activity, along with their overall physical and psychological well-being, may have ultimately influenced their life satisfaction. These changes included the potential for increased sedentary behaviors. Despite the high health risks associated with these factors during the pandemic, the role of physical activity in early care and education teachers’ well-being and life satisfaction remains largely unknown. The purpose of this study is to examine the associations of physical activity and sedentary behaviors with teacher well-being and life satisfaction during the COVID-19 pandemic. In doing so, we explored two competing models of the relationship between the teachers’ physical activity, well-being, and life satisfaction, one with physical activity as a mediator and the other with teachers’ well-being as a mediator. An online survey, that collected information on physical, psychological, and professional well-being, job demands, and life satisfaction, was completed by 1434 US ECE teachers in 46 states. To test our hypothesized models, we conducted confirmatory factor analyses, followed by structural equation modeling. Of the respondents, 77% were overweight or obese and only 39% met the recommended 150 min of moderate physical activity per week. They had a mean life satisfaction score that qualifies as slight satisfaction, they experience moderate stress, and, collectively, are approaching the threshold for depression yet still reflect moderate-to-high work commitment. The empirical test of our competing mediation models found the model where teacher well-being mediated the association between physical activity, sedentary behavior, and life satisfaction was the superior model. The relationships between physical activity, sedentary behavior, and overall well-being suggest that these modifiable risk factors can be addressed such that early care and education teachers can improve their overall physical and psychological well-being, along with their life satisfaction.

<p style="text-align: justify;">Various studies have shown that teachers are subject to an increased stress level and the associated physical and psychological consequences. In this article, the possibilities of coping of stressful situations in everyday school life are systematized. In addition, the knowledge and usage of available programs and trainings for coping with stress at school in German-speaking countries will be assessed. This is a descriptive study based on a survey of 32 teachers. Effects due to contextual variables (gender, school type, and work experience) were examined. The results indicate that only a few of the programs surveyed are known and used in schools. Effects in connection with the gender of the teachers as well as their professional experience could not be determined. Instead, significantly more special education teachers knew and used programs to strengthen protective context factors (school type effect). The fact that a high proportion of teachers are unaware of and do not use available programs, despite their high importance for healthy coping with personal job demands, suggests deficiencies in teacher education and training. In addition, lack of resources at schools may be limiting. The successful management of stressful situations must not be seen as a task for individual employees; rather, systemic solutions must be found. Particularly due to the increased stress experienced by teachers in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic, aspects of health promotion in schools should play a significant role. The aim must be to provide more detailed information about stress management approaches in schools and to support their implementation.</p>

INTRODUCTION. Stress is defined as a state of physical and mental exhaustion, derived from a demanding context. Several national reports indicate that six out of ten teachers present medium to high levels of stress, affecting the quality of their professional activity. This perspective is extremely common in Higher Education. The aim of this research was to better understand the relationships between emotional management, stress and self-efficacy, alongside the effect of other academic and professional variables in Higher Education teachers. METHOD. The present study was descriptive, ex post-facto and cross-sectional and was performed with a sample of 798 Higher Education teachers from 15 Spanish universities, using IBM SPSS v.23.0 software for data analysis. RESULTS. Better emotional regulation was observed in males, those with a stable job and those working in the field of Science. Stress was higher amongst non-academic staff, whilst teaching staff perceived themselves to have greater self-efficacy when they reported family responsibilities and other obligations. Along these lines, teaching experience was determined to favour cognitive re-evaluation and self-efficacy, whilst also decreasing stress levels. This was especially the case amongst permanent teaching staff. Further, emotional regulation favoured a decrease in stress and the development of self-efficacy. DISCUSSION. In conclusion, the need is established to conduct actions for the development of emotional regulation techniques within university teaching staff. This will allow one self to manage stressful situations and inoculate anxiety and stress derived from professional activity. Ultimately, it will result in an improvement in teaching activity, favouring the achievement of the proposed teaching objectives and the academic performance of students.

Teachers who continually experience behaviour problems in their classrooms may believe they are ineffective at working with children. Indeed, student misbehaviour is often identified as the main cause of teacher stress. Strategies designed to increase teacher rates of approval in their class have been shown to be effective in decreasing students’ inappropriate behaviours. In this investigation, a group of Italian primary school teachers took part in a brief 2-h training programme aimed at increasing praise for appropriate behaviour. The programme included a feedback session about the pre-test data and a PowerPoint presentation. Data on pupils’ time on-task were collected. Furthermore, teachers’ job-satisfaction, self-efficacy, and their perceived use of a series of classroom management praxis were investigated through a questionnaire. Social validity data show the teachers within the experimental group to have been highly satisfied with the programme. From observations carried out before and after training, it was seen that changes in teachers’ use of feedback were accompanied by increased pupil on-task behaviour. The training did not produce any change in teachers’ job-satisfaction scores. Teachers’ self-efficacy scores and the frequency of praxis were significantly increased following the training. Implications for practice, limitations, and recommendations for future research are discussed.

Background: Worldwide, stress and burnout continue to be a problem among teachers, leading to anxiety and depression. Burnout may adversely affect teachers’ health and is a risk factor for poor physical and mental well-being. Determining the prevalence and correlates of stress, burnout, anxiety, and depression among teachers is essential for addressing this public health concern. Objective: To determine the extent of the current literature on the prevalence and correlates of stress, burnout, anxiety, and depression among teachers. Method: This scoping review was performed using the PRISMA-ScR (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews). Relevant search terms were used to determine the prevalence and correlates of teachers’ stress, burnout, anxiety, and depression. Articles were identified using MEDLINE (Medical Literature Analysis and Retrieval System Online), EMBASE (Excerpta Medica Data Base), APA PsycINFO, CINAHL Plus (Cumulative Index of Nursing and Allied Health Literature), Scopus Elsevier and ERIC (Education Resources Information Center). The articles were extracted, reviewed, collated, and thematically analyzed, and the results were summarized and reported. Results: When only clinically meaningful (moderate to severe) psychological conditions among teachers were considered, the prevalence of burnout ranged from 25.12% to 74%, stress ranged from 8.3% to 87.1%, anxiety ranged from 38% to 41.2% and depression ranged from 4% to 77%. The correlates of stress, burnout, anxiety, and depression identified in this review include socio-demographic factors such as sex, age, marital status, and school (organizational) and work-related factors including the years of teaching, class size, job satisfaction, and the subject taught. Conclusion: Teaching is challenging and yet one of the most rewarding professions, but several factors correlate with stress, burnout, anxiety, and depression among teachers. Highlighting these factors is the first step in recognizing the magnitude of the issues encountered by those in the teaching profession. Implementation of a school-based awareness and intervention program is crucial to resolve the early signs of teacher stress and burnout to avoid future deterioration.

Burnout is physical, mental, and emotional exhaustion that occurs continuously which causes a person to lose motivation at work until appears the behavior of withdrawing from work to the desire to stop working, burnout is also caused by a mismatch between job demands and the rewards received. In carrying out work, it is not uncommon for workers to experience physical or mental exhaustion to experience prolonged stress. This prolonged stress is also known as burnout. Burnout sufferers are often found in public service workers such as teachers, police, nurses, and administrative workers are no exception. Administrative staffs are quite vulnerable to burnout because administrative staffs are required to work calmly, carefully, thoroughly, and able to work with a team. The factors that influence burnout consist of internal and external factors. Internal factors consist of demographic characteristics (age, gender, marital status, education, and years of service), personal characteristics (personality characteristics), and the attitude of how a person responds to his work (job attitude). Meanwhile, external factors consist of job characteristics, occupational characteristics, and organizational characteristics. The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between the demographic characteristics of workers (age, gender, marital status, education, years of service), mental workload, and leadership style on burnout. This research is a quantitative correlation study using a cross sectional design. The population of this study is the administrative staffs of Faculty of Public Health Diponegoro University with the sampling technique used is total sampling and the data analysis used is univariate and bivariate analysis. The result of this study is that there are no significant relationship between age, gender, marital status, education, years of service, mental workload, and leadership style with burnout.

Increasing and changing demands for academic teachers worldwide are leading to different consequences, some of which are negative, such as physical and mental health impairment. With the job demands-resources model and the transactional model of occupational stress adopted as a theoretical framework, a cross-sectional study among Polish academic teachers was conducted. The aim of the study is to identify the role of vital personal resources understood as selected health-promoting behaviours, such as (1) stress-coping strategies, (2) sleep hygiene, and (3) using annual vacation leave, in the process of the regeneration. In a cross-sectional survey, the following variables have been assessed: 1) work-related stress using the Psychosocial Risk Scale, 2) occupational burnout using the Oldenburg Burnout Inventory (OLBI), 3) chronic fatigue using the Polish adaptation of the Checklist Individual Strength (CIS), and selected health behaviours of academic teachers 4) stress-coping strategies with the help of the Polish version of Mini-COPE and 5) rest: the amount of sleep and vacation days devoted to rest using a short questionnaire designed by the authors. The sample (N = 340) was comprised of academic teachers employed at Polish higher education institutions who have experienced changes in the work environment in recent years. We conducted a multiple regression analysis to determine the relationships among stress, burnout, and chronic fatigue, looking at coping strategies and rest as a moderator. The results indicate that there is a strong relationship between stress resulting from an excessively demanding work environment on the one hand and occupational burnout and chronic fatigue on the other. At the same time, selected health behaviours of academic teachers only slightly moderate the analyzed relationship. Avoidance strategies strengthen the relationship between stress and its negative consequences, while rest and—to a limited extent—the amount of sleep only slightly contribute to weakening the analyzed relationship.

ObjectivesTo investigate the impacts, on mental and physical health, of a mandatory shift to working from home during the COVID-19 pandemic.DesignCross sectional, online survey.SettingOnline survey was conducted from September 2020 to November 2020 in the general population.ParticipantsAustralian residents working from home for at least 2 days a week at some time in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic.Main outcome measuresDemographics, caring responsibilities, working from home arrangements, work-related technology, work–family interface, psychosocial and physical working conditions, and reported stress and musculoskeletal pain.Results924 Australians responded to the online questionnaire. Respondents were mostly women (75.5%) based in Victoria (83.7%) and employed in the education and training and healthcare sectors. Approximately 70% of respondents worked five or more days from home, with only 60% having a dedicated workstation in an uninterrupted space. Over 70% of all respondents reported experiencing musculoskeletal pain or discomfort. Gendered differences were observed; men reported higher levels of family to work conflict (3.16±1.52 to 2.94±1.59, p=0.031), and lower levels of recognition for their work (3.75±1.03 to 3.96±1.06, p=0.004), compared with women. For women, stress (2.94±0.92 to 2.66±0.88, p<0.001) and neck/shoulder pain (4.50±2.90 to 3.51±2.84, p<0.001) were higher than men and they also reported more concerns about their job security than men (3.01±1.33 to 2.78±1.40, p=0.043).ConclusionsPreliminary evidence from the current study suggests that working from home may impact employees’ physical and mental health, and that this impact is likely to be gendered. Although further analysis is required, these data provide insights into further research opportunities needed to assist employers in optimising working from home conditions and reduce the potential negative physical and mental health impacts on their employees.

Dear Editor, Nursing education consists of classroom and clinical training to demonstrate clinical competence based on theoretical concepts learned. However, there is a lack of clinical abilities demonstrated and theoretical knowledge gained from pre-qualified nursing education and the preparation of new graduates. Furthermore, graduates often believe that the lessons learned do not reflect the actualities faced in clinical fields. This discrepancy is known as the theory-practice gap among graduate nurses who are theoretically but not practically equipped to apply theory and knowledge to practice in the clinical environment. Graduate nurses working in high-risk fields can struggle to integrate theoretical concepts into the clinical environment, leading to patient safety risks and potential adverse outcomes. Furthermore, the new graduates experience a deficit that contributed to decreased job satisfaction, increased job turnover rates, and patient care mistakes. This paper aims to address the gap between nursing education and practice in the nursing profession. The nurse’s role has grown substantially in recent years due to the shift in patients’ medical needs. Nurses are no longer just the “bedside healers” who hand you your medication and make sure your bedpan is clean, and they are also critical components of your healthcare team. The shift in inpatient medical needs requires more than just bedside healers. Nurses want to work on the skills needed for clinicians. Nurses need to take any opportunity they can get to stand out more than ever (1). Over the past 30 years, nurses’ education has been shifted from hospitals to universities. The theory part has begun to gain greater popularity in nursing education. Literature shows a clear gap between classroom teaching and student nurses’ experiences in clinical areas (2). Nurses are essential to excellent health care at all levels and provide complex patient services in different facilities. These services are only provided if the nursing profession has excellent clinical knowledge of nursing and can meet the needs of many different public health services. In view of the needs of the general public, new graduate nurses must be educated and equipped to use the clinical skills needed after nursing school with confidence. However, clinical competence is only part of providing excellent health care, and new graduate nurses must make the best clinical judgment for patients (3). Nursing is a holistic approach involving caring for people with compassion, but it has changed because patients expect to be treated quickly and transferred to the next. In addition, nurses face challenges because they are challenged in clinical fields and do not have the necessary capacity to cope with daily situations (4). Therefore, this article aims to review the gap between theory and practice in the workplace nursing profession. It is important to think about the differences between theories and practices. As defined by dictionaries, a theory is a set of statements or principles devised to explain a group of facts or phenomena, especially one that has been repeatedly tested or is widely accepted and can be used to make predictions about natural phenomena. Practice is defined as the act or the process of doing something, performance, or action. In definition, these terms appear to be at odds with each other, but when considered in terms of professional setup, they have to enable the application of ‘applying the theory into practice’(5). New graduate nurses face challenges transitioning from school to clinical training, affecting their performance. These challenges include knowledge level, physical demands, social acceptance stress from colleagues, and adaptation to new working environment culture. Concern about nurses’ competence stems from the rise in-hospital mortality rates in the United States. New and experienced nurses are highly expected to provide effective and safe patient care. There is still no clear answer to whether the new graduate nurses lack the appropriate education or if there is excessive pressure on the schools to quickly graduate a larger number of nurses to fill the increasing need for nurses in the clinical environment. The transition from nursing student to nurse work has proven to be a difficult transition that many researchers have studied. Some studies show that new graduate nurses lack the necessary skills to play the role of nurses without clinical experience. New graduate nurses are faced with many different challenges and intense pressures to meet the expectations of their profession. The nursing education programme encourages professional nurses to integrate theory and practice to provide high-quality nursing care in practice. Practical learning allows nurses to provide nursing care based on their knowledge. Nursing is an important field where knowledge is applied after education to practical skills. The distinction between theory and practice is one of the many topics of nursing discussion issues, such as the unresolved threads of a long time (6). Though nurses have been required to do more than ever before, the way they prepare for and embark on this career path has remained unchanged. According to a survey, 83% of new graduate nurses did not receive any formal training in their profession before starting work. A survey has found that 80% of nurses believe that this is a problem in their workplace (7). 90% have expressed the intention to work one or more additional days as they describe as ‘clinical application’ days. A gap has been found between the educational experience and the level of competence required by the clinical setting. Nursing students need to be prepared for various clinical settings where they will be called on to use a wide range of skills and techniques (8). The nursing programs lack clinical skills, but the issue stems from what is being taught to the students. For example, nurses are not learning how to keep infections out of hospitals by washing their hands properly. Students have not gained the necessary knowledge because they are being taught about theory rather than clinical practice. Another issue is that teachers have difficulty keeping up with the fast-paced changes in nursing because they were trained before many of these changes occurred (9). The new generation of nurses lacks adequate on-the-job training due to the uncertainty of getting a job offer after finishing their course. Nurses are also not given enough time on-site with patients during their graduate studies for practical experience (10). This is because patients are generally only admitted for short periods during their stay at hospitals or nursing homes. There is a considerable gap between the skills required from a nursing student to provide clinical skills. A nursing student needs to know pre-hospital, hospital, home care, treatments, associated procedures, and first aid. This gap could be due to insufficient preparation for clinical scenarios or not nursing educators practicing these skills. The solution should provide sufficient clinical skills preparations for nursing students, engage teachers to practice these skills, and engage clinical professionals to participate in the education of the students (11). In this regard, organizations such as the International Laboure Organization (ILO) endorsed articulation arrangements allowing post-secondary students across countries to access top traditional higher education. However, though other academic institutions offer certificates or diplomas in nursing assistant studies, not all of them have been recognized by ILO. Others push to improve the training opportunities by increasing the hours of accommodation visits, block releases, and summer programs to see long-lasting changes. Nurses should start preparing for the workplace before they graduate. That way, they can be more prepared for these future challenges. Primarily focus on supporting collaboration between academics and clinicians, establishing a research culture in a clinical environment, and improving access to research. In order to do so, practitioners need access to current information, learning resources, and opportunities for continuous education. The theory-practice gap, it would seem, is a multifaceted problem. The most common reasons included that the theory was about building a knowledge base while practice was about learning nursing skills. Education is an essential element of the preparation of nurses for real situations. However, education must include theory and nursing practice, and the teaching of excellent teachers in these two areas is linked (12). New graduate nurses must be confident and prepared to take on a role that will life-changing environment. Nurses are stressed because nurses know that the health of patients is dependent on good care. Research in this field is essential to ensure the workforce is equipped with the best-qualified nurses. Thus, overall, it is quite evident that the gap exists and has areas that can be improved. Strategies for solving this problem include re-examining the curriculum and liaising between education and practice. In education and clinical environments, leaders and followers will create operational plans for this proposed model and link it to benefits to make nursing professionals beneficial at large.

Children's school readiness is important to discuss because learning loss is an obstacle in preparing early childhood to enter elementary school. This study aims to look at parents' perceptions of their children's readiness for school during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. This study uses a quantitative descriptive survey research design to collect measurable data for statistical analysis from a population sample. The results show that preparing children for school during and after the COVID-19 pandemic is very different from the usual practice. Parents are required to provide appropriate stimulation to children at home to replace the role of teachers at school and restore the motivation and willingness of children to enter elementary school. The perception of parents is certainly very influential on the stimulation that will be given to children. Keywords: early childhood education, parents’ perceptions, school readiness References: Alexander, K. L., Entwisle, D. R., & Olson, L. S. (2007). Lasting Consequences of the Summer Learning Gap. American Sociological Review, 72(2), 167–180. https://doi.org/10.1177/000312240707200202 Araújo, L. A. de, Veloso, C. F., Souza, M. de C., Azevedo, J. M. C. de, & Tarro, G. (2021). The potential impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on child growth and development: A systematic review. Jornal de Pediatria, 97(4), 369–377. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jped.2020.08.008 Atkinsonová, R. L., Atkinson, R. C., SMITH, E. E., Herman, E., Bem, D. J., & Petržela, M. (1995). Psychologies. Victoria Publishing. https://books.google.co.id/books?id=Tj9OAAAACAAJ Bao, X., Qu, H., Zhang, R., & Hogan, T. P. (2020). Modeling Reading Ability Gain in Kindergarten Children during COVID-19 School Closures. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17(17). https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17176371 Benner, A. D., & Mistry, R. S. (2020). Child Development During the COVID-19 Pandemic Through a Life Course Theory Lens. Child Development Perspectives, 14(4), 236–243. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12387 Brown, S. M., Doom, J. R., Lechuga-Peña, S., Watamura, S. E., & Koppels, T. (2020). Stress and parenting during the global COVID-19 pandemic. Child Abuse & Neglect, 110, 104699. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104699 Colizzi, M., Sironi, E., Antonini, F., Ciceri, M. L., Bovo, C., & Zoccante, L. (2020). Psychosocial and Behavioral Impact of COVID-19 in autism spectrum disorder: An Online Parent Survey. Brain Sciences, 10(6). https://doi.org/10.3390/brainsci10060341 Creswell, J. W. (2015). Educational research: Planning, conducting, and evaluating quantitative and qualitative research (Fifth edition). Pearson. Cushon, J. A., Vu, L. T. H., Janzen, B. L., & Muhajarine, N. (2011). Neighborhood Poverty Impacts Children’s Physical Health and Well-Being Over Time: Evidence from the Early Development Instrument. Early Education and Development, 22(2), 183–205. https://doi.org/10.1080/10409280902915861 Duncan, R. J., Duncan, G. J., Stanley, L., Aguilar, E., & Halfon, N. (2020). The kindergarten Early Development Instrument predicts third grade academic proficiency. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 53, 287–300. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecresq.2020.05.009 Engzell, P., Frey, A., & Verhagen, M. D. (2021). Learning loss due to school closures during the COVID-19 pandemic. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 118(17), e2022376118. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2022376118 Friedman, M. M., Bowden, V. R., & Jones, E. (2003). Family Nursing: Research, Theory & Practice. Prentice Hall. https://books.google.co.id/books?id=mkBtAAAAMAAJ Gobbi, E., Maltagliati, S., Sarrazin, P., di Fronso, S., Colangelo, A., Cheval, B., Escriva-Boulley, G., Tessier, D., Demirhan, G., Erturan, G., Yüksel, Y., Papaioannou, A., Bertollo, M., & Carraro, A. (2020). Promoting Physical Activity during School Closures Imposed by the First Wave of the COVID-19 Pandemic: Physical Education Teachers’ Behaviors in France, Italy and Turkey. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17(24). https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17249431 Griffith, A. K. (2020). Parental Burnout and Child Maltreatment During the COVID-19 Pandemic. Journal of Family Violence. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10896-020-00172-2 Hevia, F. J., Vergara-Lope, S., Velásquez-Durán, A., & Calderón, D. (2022). Estimation of the fundamental learning loss and learning poverty related to COVID-19 pandemic in Mexico. International Journal of Educational Development, 88, 102515. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2021.102515 Jandrić, P. (2020). Postdigital Research in the Time of Covid-19. Postdigital Science and Education, 2(2), 233–238. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42438-020-00113-8 Kuhfeld, M., Tarasawa, B., Johnson, A., Ruzek, E., & Lewis, K. (2020). Initial findings on students’ reading and math achievement and growth. 12. Maldonado, J. E., & De Witte, K. (2022). The effect of school closures on standardised student test outcomes. British Educational Research Journal, 48(1), 49–94. https://doi.org/10.1002/berj.3754 McDowell, K., Jack, A., & Compton, M. (2018). Parent Involvement in Pre-Kindergarten and the Effects on Student Achievement. The Advocate, 23(6). https://doi.org/10.4148/2637-4552.1004 Nevid, J. S. (2012). Psychology: Concepts and Applications. Wadsworth Cengage Learning. https://books.google.co.id/books?id=TpxZXwAACAAJ Skulmowski, A., & Rey, G. D. (2020). COVID-19 as an accelerator for digitalization at a German university: Establishing hybrid campuses in times of crisis. Human Behavior and Emerging Technologies, 2(3), 212–216. https://doi.org/10.1002/hbe2.201 Spinelli, M., Lionetti, F., Pastore, M., & Fasolo, M. (2020). Parents’ Stress and Children’s Psychological Problems in Families Facing the COVID-19 Outbreak in Italy. Frontiers in Psychology, 11, 1713. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2020.01713 Yoshikawa, H., Wuermli, A. J., Britto, P. R., Dreyer, B., Leckman, J. F., Lye, S. J., Ponguta, L. A., Richter, L. M., & Stein, A. (2020). Effects of the Global Coronavirus Disease-2019 Pandemic on Early Childhood Development: Short- and Long-Term Risks and Mitigating Program and Policy Actions. The Journal of Pediatrics, 223, 188–193. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpeds.2020.05.020

Maltreatment of children has become a global problem. It occurs in the form of deliberately inflicted physical trauma, neglect, emotional and sexual abuse. In most cases children suffer from more than one type of abuse such as a physically abused child may also be neglected and emotionally deprived of love and care during the times when he/she needs it most.1 One of the unfortunate situations a paediatrician may come across is having to deal with children who have been intentionally harmed by someone closer to them such as their own parents, family members or relatives. In a minority of cases the perpetrator is not among family members. In either case, the physical, psychological and social trauma children suffer in these circumstances has a profound impact on their growth, intellectual development, cognitive abilities, behavioural maturation and academic achievements. Paediatricians act as advocates for children’s health and they have a greater responsibility in identifying child abuse and raising awareness about the scale of this problem among general public.2 However, it is also true that “safeguarding children is everybody’s business” and it is this sense of combined responsibility that makes any child protection strategy, successful. Other health professionals such as general practitioners/family physicians, emergency department doctors, dentists and those health workers who come in contact with children and their families in community and hospital also share the same responsibility of being able to recognise features of child abuse and their role in its management. This article highlights the roles and responsibilities of all those who have a duty of care towards children either directly or indirectly. Roles and Responsibilities The following group of people share the responsibility of safeguarding children, and they all need to work collectively and closely to recognise child abuse and implement effective child protection policies: Parents: The safest place for a child is his/her home. It is an instinct for parents to care for their young ones. Parents would go extra mile to protect, feed, love and nurture their children. Our personal experiences and day to day observations are witness to the fact that majority of parents would do everything in their capacity to provide the best possible home, food, clothing, comfort, and education to make children healthy and useful members of society. However, it is also a sad reality that in most confirmed child abuse cases one or both parents are found to be responsible for abuse. Fortunately, such parents are in a minority. Certain personal, social, and medical factors among abusive parents put children at high risk of abuse. Parental stress and mental health disorders may make a child prone to abuse. Alcohol and drug abuse also play an important role in breaking the family dynamics making children vulnerable and unsafe in their own home.3 Financial difficulties and social isolation may also contribute to child abuse in certain families. It is a moral, ethical and legal responsibility of other family members, society and relevant state departments to identify such parents and provide them with necessary social, financial and psychological support they deserve in order to protect the children who are looked after by such parents. People (Society): Although a child lives with his/her parents, he/she is also part of a wider society. Besides their close family members, children interact with many people around them. This interaction may be direct (with neighbours, friends, distant relatives, common public) or indirect (electronic and social media). Children learn and develop their skills by interacting with others. It is therefore a collective responsibility of each and every adult to understand their role in protecting and nurturing children in a positive manner. Any act of omission or commission by the members of a society affects children accordingly. Children who witness or experience abuse are more likely to become abusers later in life4 Strong bonds among society members, regular interactions and reaching out to each other during the times of need not only strengthens the ties among people but also helps to eliminate the relevant risk factors of child abuse such as social isolation and low family income.5 Paediatricians: By and large, Paediatricians are considered to be the most competent to spot cases of child abuse. They are expected to possess the necessary knowledge and skills to help them identify cases of child abuse and to differentiate between accidental and non-accidental injuries in children of various age groups. Their role involves interactions with children, parents, family physicians and other government agencies such as social services and police. Therefore, it is a mandatory requirement that all paediatricians of different grades go through regular training pertaining to child protection.6 It is also vitally important that the paediatricians maintain their skills by regularly attending training courses every few years. Besides identifying child abuse, paediatricians also have a legal responsibility to liaise with the relevant agencies such as children social care and police, in order to protect children from further harm and safeguarding other vulnerable children who may be at risk of abuse if a timely intervention is not made. The Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health (RCPCH) have published a detailed document outlining the competencies required of the paediatric health professionals with regard to safeguarding children and young people.7 Professionals (other): In addition to Paediatricians, any other professionals related to healthcare or otherwise, have a duty to report suspected child abuse cases to relevant agencies. Children who experience abuse may be known to professionals in education (teachers), social care (social workers) and community health professionals (family physicians, health visitors, midwives, dentists, opticians). Local safeguarding procedures should be followed when concerns are raised about the welfare of a child, and these must be communicated to the relevant professionals.8 Non-medical professionals such as sports coaches and nursery staff may also become aware of situations where children are felt to be either maltreated or at a potential risk of abuse. They should also take appropriate measures and follow their local children safeguarding policies. Police (& Judiciary): Police usually work in collaboration with health professionals and social services when a concern is raised about a child’s welfare. Their role in the context of child protection is to assist the judiciary in suspected child abuse cases in order to detect the offenders and protect other children who may be at risk of abuse. They are also responsible to gather relevant information, investigate the suspects and give evidence in court to bring perpetrators to justice according to the local law.9 In the light of police investigations and presented evidence the judiciary applies the appropriate law. A robust legal punishment helps protect children by acting as a deterrent against child abuse.10 Children and young people are the most vulnerable members of a society. Parents have a responsibility to nurture and protect their children until they become independent members of the society. Other people in the society also bear a moral responsibility to protect children from harm. Paediatricians and other health workers have a professional duty to identify child abuse and report it to social services and in some cases to police. Family physicians and other community health practitioners need to work as a team and should always discuss their concerns with relevant professionals when welfare of a child is compromised. Safeguarding children is also a job of professionals working in educational institutions. In summary, protecting children is a collective responsibility of everyone in the society and safeguarding young people is everybody’s business.

Research background and hypothesis. In recent years, the phenomenon of stress and burnout among physical education teachers has been evidenced by researchers from many countries. It should be noted that all those studies about work difficulties of physical education teachers are individual. However, despite a large number of studies conducted and the progress made in this area, a universally accepted survey identifying five most important difficulties in physical education teachers’ work usually defined in contemporary studies still does not exist. This is mainly because there is still no consensus either on the decisive factors causing those difficulties for physical education teachers or what the central symptoms actually are.Research aim was (a) to review and (b) to identify five most important difficulties in physical education teachers’ work usually defined in contemporary studies.Research methods. This review examines research literature concerning the causes of stress and burnout of physical education teachers from the year 1999 to 2009 applying computer-aided literature search. The keywords used for the electronic search were “stress” and “burnout” or “job satisfaction” and “physical education teacher”. The main method of our research was logical deductive research literature analysis.Discussion and conclusions. Research literature review allowed identifying physical education teachers’ work difficulties (we found 24 of them). We established that the five most important difficulties in physical education teachers’ work usually defined in contemporary studies were as follows: low status of physical education; limited equipment, facilities and supplies; lack of time; large class sizes and excessive daily workloads.Keywords: burnout, job satisfaction, physical education teacher, stress.

Burnout can be defined as an occupational syndrome resulting from poorly managed chronic workplace stress. It is characterized by three dimensions: feelings of energy depletion or exhaustion; increased mental distance from one's job, or feelings of negativism or cynicism related to one's job; and reduced professional efficacy. Teachers are among the human service professionals particularly vulnerable to occupational burnout. Teaching is a highly demanding and challenging task, in that requires constant confrontation with different stakeholders (students and their parents, administrators). Among teachers, physical education teachers have been particularly understudied even though a recently published systematic review has found that they are exposed to high levels of stress. To better explore burnout syndrome among physical education teachers, the present systematic review was undertaken, searching up to six languages. Fifty-six studies were included in the present review. The reported rate of high emotional exhaustion ranged from 11.52 to 60.6%, according to the single study. Pooling together 12 studies and totaling 2,153 physical education teachers, the prevalence rate of high emotional exhaustion was computed to be 28.6 [95% CI 21.9–35.8]. The reported rate of high depersonalization ranged from 3.6 to 45.2%, according to the single study. Pooling together 11 studies and totaling 2,113 physical education teachers, the prevalence rate of high depersonalization was computed to be 14.5% [95% CI 8.0–22.4]. The reported rate of low personal accomplishment ranged from 13.63 to 55.6%, according to the single study. Pooling together 12 studies and totaling 2,153 physical education teachers, the prevalence rate of low personal accomplishment was computed to be 29.5% [95% CI 23.8–35.4]. The reported rate of overall burnout ranged from 10.0 to 51.6%, according to the single study. Pooling together 7 studies and totaling 1,101 physical education teachers, the prevalence rate of overall burnout was computed to be 23.9% [95% CI 13.6–36.0]. No evidence of publication bias could be found, both visually inspecting the funnel plot and conducting the Egger's linear regression test. Burnout imposes a significant burden among physical education teachers. Based on the information contained in the present systematic review and meta-analysis, tailored interventions could be designed to mitigate such a burden. However, due to the limitations of the studies included in the present systematic review and meta-analysis, further research in the field is urgently warranted.Systematic Review Registration:https://osf.io/69ryu/, identifier: 10.17605/OSF.IO/69RYU.

Abstract Background Stress has a bad impact on mental, physical, psychological health of teacher and it can interfere with job performance and job satisfaction. This study will not only measure the frequency of work related stress among teachers but it also will correlate the work related stress, anxiety and depression with the different risk factors in school environment and their effect on the health status of the teacher. Objective To measure the frequency of work related stress,anxiety and depression among school teachers in governmental schools in kobri el koba district, to measure the frequency and extent to which school teachers are exposed to possible riskfactors of stress in school environment as well as to study the possible effects of work related stress, anxiety, depression on school teachers. participants and Methods A cross-sectional study was conducted on 400 teachers from governmental school in kobri elkoba district and their ages range from 20 to 59years old and the percentage of males (35.8%) is almost half the percentage of the females (64.3%). Results There were significant positive correlations between stresss score, anxiety& depression scores. In Logistic regression for factors favouring having anxiety (E. Sev) among the studied teachers: question number 63 in the sources of administrative stress which is (the lack of the support from the administration) was significant factors that increased the anxiety, while single status was a significant factor that decreased the anxiety. In Logistic regression for factors favouring having depression (Sev/E. Sev) among the studied teachers: School grades (preparatory and secondary) were significant factors that decreased the depresssion, while question number 66 in the sources of administrative stress which is (No participation in the adoption of administrative decisions) also question number 71which is (the school administration interferes with all my responsibilities) were significant factors that increased the depresssion. Conclusion Drawn from this study is that the degree of work related stress, anxiety and depression among teachers in governmental schools in kobri el koba district is considerably high. This indicates that we are in need to do Further studies on teachers for better assessment of the epidemiology of work related stress, anxiety and depression and the risk factors also Intervention studies are highly recommended as the prevelance of stress, anxiety and depression in the present study is almost 100% which is considered extremely high and in need to urgent intervention,Authorities should be informed about the results and should be encouraged to reduce work related stress, anxiety and depression, Asking the competent authorities to increase salaries to be suitable with the requirements of the life, Establishment of committee to assess stress, anxiety and depression among teachers and to suggest the coping strategies,Informal group meeting should be periodically held between managers and the teachers to allow expression of feelings, to promote lines of communication where constructive critical feedback from supervisors and subordinates can be exchanged, and to provide a sense of success through rewards, appreciation and recognition of task completion.

Purpose: To better understand the workplace experiences of adapted physical education teachers with particular attention given to differences between those with and without Adapted Physical Education National Standards certification. Role socialization theory was used as the theoretical framework to explore how teachers navigate the contexts of their work environment. Methods: The participants included a total of 233 adapted physical education teachers, 131 with certification and 102 without it. The participants completed an online survey examining marginalization and isolation, perceived mattering, role stress, resilience, job satisfaction, perceived organizational support, and emotional exhaustion. Results: Certified adapted physical educators perceived less marginalization and role ambiguity and more perceived mattering than their noncertified counterparts. Discussion/Conclusion: These findings are consistent with other research suggesting the positive association between workplace experiences and advanced certifications. As the requirements for certification continue to advance and change, this study highlights the need for the continued study of advanced certification.

At present situation women are enjoying varied roles within the family and within the work place. Women suffer in each side from mental tension and physical harassment at workplaces in addition to the common job stress. Work load, time management, and academic reforms like new course of study, external faculty review, following additional education and managing student’s behavior and learning area unit are the reportable sources of labor stress of faculty lecturer

A questionnaire evaluating subjective level of work anxiety as well as physical wellness through the earlier years was accomplished through 400 women in Karnataka. Overall health was split up right into two types: physical as well as other psychological problems. Samples, coordinated for age as well as marital status, were determined: women in high-paying status who are married (N = 190) and women in low-paying status and as well are single (N = 210). Participants responded a Post-Covid-19 survey (PC19). The hypothesis of a positive association amongst job stress as well as marital status was terminated. The forecasted association organized for psychological distress. Subjective anxiety, PC19 score, as well as life fulfillment consisted of 42% of the deviation and job anxiety consisted of 58% of the deviation. Consequently, PC19 a pertaining to job anxiety as well as mental distress, their efforts was impartial of each other. The variants of stress accomplished in professional functioning as an educational professors, teachers, managerial, as well as , clerical jobs are observed much higher that includes psychological health related problems which were led to medical challenges just like diabetes, heart diseases as well as , thyroid dysfunction.

AbstractBurnout results from constantly feeling emotional, physical, and mental stress. Most of the time, it is related to one's job and involves a sense of reduced accomplishment and loss of personal identity. Because accountability pressures, workload, and hours can increase stress, teachers are usually high achievers who like to work hard. They confront significant challenges. They must adapt curricula to a wide range of learning styles, manage to shift education policies, attend to students with special needs, and juggle administrative work. In addition, pay remains low in comparison with other graduate roles. Therefore, after prolonged exposure to poorly managed emotional and interpersonal job stress, many experience teacher burnout, resulting in employee turnover and many socio-economic problems. In this regard, accurate prediction provides essential research and decision-making benefits. To this aim, the Maslach Burnout Inventory was administered to a sample of 1433 Iranian EFL teachers. Moreover, nine different machine learning algorithms were implemented on the data set to predict burnout levels through the Python programming language. The algorithms' performances were also investigated through accuracy. In conclusion, the results of this study demonstrate the prediction of teachers' burnout levels to prevent the destructive consequences of the issue.

Teacher burnout affects job performance and mental and physical health. This study evaluated the effects of a meditation-based wellness program on burnout, resilience, psychological distress, and fatigue. Seventy-eight participants, randomly assigned to the Transcendental Meditation program (n = 39) or to a wait-list control group (n = 39), were administered the Maslach Burnout Inventory, Resilience Scale, Perceived Stress Scale, and the National Institutes of Health Patient-Reported Outcomes Measurement Information System fatigue and depression scales at baseline and at four-month posttest. Intention-to-treat with all 78 participants was used for all analyses. Significant reduction on emotional exhaustion, the main scale of the Maslach Burnout Inventory, was found for the meditation group compared to controls (p = 0.019). Significant improvements were also found on resilience (p = 0.014), perceived stress (p &lt; 0.001), fatigue (p = 0.001), and depression (p = 0.091). Eighty-seven percent were compliant with their meditation home practice. Findings indicate that meditation is effective in improving burnout and associated resilience, psychological distress, and fatigue factors. Teachers may benefit from in-school wellness programs.

“Human beings are not born once and for all on the day their mothers give birth to them [...] life obliges them over and over again to give birth to themselves.” (Garcia Marquez 165) Introduction The refugee experience is, at heart, one of rebirth. Just as becoming a new, distinctive being—biological birth—necessarily involves the physical separation of mother and infant, so becoming a refugee entails separation from a "mother country." This mother country may or may not be a recognised nation state; the point is that the refugee transitions from physical connectedness to separation, from insider to outsider, from endemic to alien. Like babies, refugees may have little control over the timing and conditions of their expulsion. Successful resettlement requires not one rebirth but multiple rebirths—resettlement is a lifelong process (Layton)—which in turn require hope, imagination, and energy. In rebirthing themselves over and over again, people who have fled or been forced from their homelands become both mother and child. They do not go through this rebirthing alone. A range of agencies and individuals may be there to assist, including immigration officials, settlement services, schools and teachers, employment agencies and employers, English as a Second Language (ESL) resources and instructors, health-care providers, counsellors, diasporic networks, neighbours, church groups, and other community organisations. The nature, intensity, and duration of these “midwives’” interventions—and when they occur and in what combinations—vary hugely from place to place and from person to person, but there is clear evidence that post-migration experiences have a significant impact on settlement outcomes (Fozdar and Hartley). This paper draws on qualitative research I did in 2012 in a regional town in New South Wales to illuminate some of the ways in which settlement aides ease, or impede, refugees’ rebirth as fully recognised and participating Australians. I begin by considering what it means to be resilient before tracing some of the dimensions of the resettlement process. In doing so, I draw on data from interviews and focus groups with former refugees, service providers, and other residents of the town I shall call Easthaven. First, though, a word about Easthaven. As is the case in many rural and regional parts of Australia, Easthaven’s population is strongly dominated by Anglo Celtic and Saxon ancestries: 2011 Census data show that more than 80 per cent of residents were born in Australia (compared with a national figure of 69.8 per cent) and about 90 per cent speak only English at home (76.8 per cent). Almost twice as many people identify as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander as the national figure of 2.5 per cent (Australian Bureau of Statistics). For several years Easthaven has been an official “Refugee Welcome Zone”, welcoming hundreds of refugees from diverse countries in Africa and the Middle East as well as from Myanmar. This reflects the Department of Immigration and Citizenship’s drive to settle a fifth of Australia’s 13,750 humanitarian entrants a year directly in regional areas. In Easthaven’s schools—which is where I focused my research—almost all of the ESL students are from refugee backgrounds. Defining Resilience Much of the research on human resilience is grounded in psychology, with a capacity to “bounce back” from adverse experiences cited in many definitions of resilience (e.g. American Psychological Association). Bouncing back implies a relatively quick process, and a return to a state or form similar to that which existed before the encounter with adversity. Yet resilience often requires sustained effort and significant changes in identity. As Jerome Rugaruza, a former UNHCR refugee, says of his journey from the Democratic Republic of Congo to Australia: All the steps begin in the burning village: you run with nothing to eat, no clothes. You just go. Then you get to the refugee camp […] You have a little bread and you thank god you are safe. Then after a few years in the camp, you think about a future for your children. You arrive in Australia and then you learn a new language, you learn to drive. There are so many steps and not everyone can do it. (Milsom) Not everyone can do it, but a large majority do. Research by Graeme Hugo, for example, shows that although humanitarian settlers in Australia face substantial barriers to employment and initially have much higher unemployment rates than other immigrants, for most nationality groups this difference has disappeared by the second generation: “This is consistent with the sacrifice (or investment) of the first generation and the efforts extended to attain higher levels of education and English proficiency, thereby reducing the barriers over time.” (Hugo 35). Ingrid Poulson writes that “resilience is not just about bouncing. Bouncing […] is only a reaction. Resilience is about rising—you rise above it, you rise to the occasion, you rise to the challenge. Rising is an active choice” (47; my emphasis) I see resilience as involving mental and physical grit, coupled with creativity, aspiration and, crucially, agency. Dimensions of Resettlement To return to the story of 41-year-old Jerome Rugaruza, as related in a recent newspaper article: He [Mr Rugaruza] describes the experience of being a newly arrived refugee as being like that of a newborn baby. “You need special care; you have to learn to speak [English], eat the different food, create relationships, connections”. (Milsom) This is a key dimension of resettlement: the adult becomes like an infant again, shifting from someone who knows how things work and how to get by to someone who is likely to be, for a while, dependent on others for even the most basic things—communication, food, shelter, clothing, and social contact. The “special care” that most refugee arrivals need initially (and sometimes for a long time) often results in their being seen as deficient—in knowledge, skills, dispositions, and capacities as well as material goods (Keddie; Uptin, Wright and Harwood). As Fozdar and Hartley note: “The tendency to use a deficit model in refugee resettlement devalues people and reinforces the view of the mainstream population that refugees are a liability” (27). Yet unlike newborns, humanitarian settlers come to their new countries with rich social networks and extensive histories of experience and learning—resources that are in fact vital to their rebirth. Sisay (all names are pseudonyms), a year 11 student of Ethiopian heritage who was born in Kenya, told me with feeling: I had a life back in Africa [her emphasis]. It was good. Well, I would go back there if there’s no problems, which—is a fact. And I came here for a better life—yeah, I have a better life, there’s good health care, free school, and good environment and all that. But what’s that without friends? A fellow student, Celine, who came to Australia five years ago from Burundi via Uganda, told me in a focus group: Some teachers are really good but I think some other teachers could be a little bit more encouraging and understanding of what we’ve gone through, because [they] just look at you like “You’re year 11 now, you should know this” […] It’s really discouraging when [the teachers say] in front of the class, “Oh, you shouldn’t do this subject because you haven’t done this this this this” […] It’s like they’re on purpose to tell you “you don’t have what it takes; just give up and do something else.” As Uptin, Wright and Harwood note, “schools not only have the power to position who is included in schooling (in culture and pedagogy) but also have the power to determine whether there is room and appreciation for diversity” (126). Both Sisay and Celine were disheartened by the fact they felt some of their teachers, and many of their peers, had little interest in or understanding of their lives before they came to Australia. The teachers’ low expectations of refugee-background students (Keddie, Uptin, Wright and Harwood) contrasted with the students’ and their families’ high expectations of themselves (Brown, Miller and Mitchell; Harris and Marlowe). When I asked Sisay about her post-school ambitions, she said: “I have a good idea of my future […] write a documentary. And I’m working on it.” Celine’s response was: “I know I’m gonna do medicine, be a doctor.” A third girl, Lily, who came to Australia from Myanmar three years ago, told me she wanted to be an accountant and had studied accounting at the local TAFE last year. Joseph, a father of three who resettled from South Sudan seven years ago, stressed how important getting a job was to successful settlement: [But] you have to get a certificate first to get a job. Even the job of cleaning—when I came here I was told that somebody has to go to have training in cleaning, to use the different chemicals to clean the ground and all that. But that is just sweeping and cleaning with water—you don’t need the [higher-level] skills. Simple jobs like this, we are not able to get them. In regional Australia, employment opportunities tend to be limited (Fozdar and Hartley); the unemployment rate in Easthaven is twice the national average. Opportunities to study are also more limited than in urban centres, and would-be students are not always eligible for financial assistance to gain or upgrade qualifications. Even when people do have appropriate qualifications, work experience, and language proficiency, the colour of their skin may still mean they miss out on a job. Tilbury and Colic-Peisker have documented the various ways in which employers deflect responsibility for racial discrimination, including the “common” strategy (658) of arguing that while the employer or organisation is not prejudiced, they have to discriminate because of their clients’ needs or expectations. I heard this strategy deployed in an interview with a local businesswoman, Catriona: We were advertising for a new technician. And one of the African refugees came to us and he’d had a lot of IT experience. And this is awful, but we felt we couldn't give him the job, because we send our technicians into people's houses, and we knew that if a black African guy rocked up at someone’s house to try and fix their computer, they would not always be welcomed in all—look, it would not be something that [Easthaven] was ready for yet. Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (Refugees and Employment) note that while Australia has strict anti-discrimination legislation, this legislation may be of little use to the people who, because of the way they look and sound (skin colour, dress, accent), are most likely to face prejudice and discrimination. The researchers found that perceived discrimination in the labour market affected humanitarian settlers’ sense of satisfaction with their new lives far more than, for example, racist remarks, which were generally shrugged off; the students I interviewed spoke of racism as “expected,” but “quite rare.” Most of the people Colic-Peisker and Tilbury surveyed reported finding Australians “friendly and accepting” (33). Even if there is no active discrimination on the basis of skin colour in employment, education, or housing, or overt racism in social situations, visible difference can still affect a person’s sense of belonging, as Joseph recounts: I think of myself as Australian, but my colour doesn’t [laughs] […] Unfortunately many, many Australians are expecting that Australia is a country of Europeans … There is no need for somebody to ask “Where do you come from?” and “Do you find Australia here safe?” and “Do you enjoy it?” Those kind of questions doesn’t encourage that we are together. This highlights another dimension of resettlement: the journey from feeling “at home” to feeling “foreign” to, eventually, feeling at home again in the host country (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, Refugees and Employment). In the case of visibly different settlers, however, this last stage may never be completed. Whether the questions asked of Joseph are well intentioned or not, their effect may be the same: they position him as a “forever foreigner” (Park). A further dimension of resettlement—one already touched on—is the degree to which humanitarian settlers actively manage their “rebirth,” and are allowed and encouraged to do so. A key factor will be their mastery of English, and Easthaven’s ESL teachers are thus pivotal in the resettlement process. There is little doubt that many of these teachers have gone to great lengths to help this cohort of students, not only in terms of language acquisition but also social inclusion. However, in some cases what is initially supportive can, with time, begin to undermine refugees’ maturity into independent citizens. Sharon, an ESL teacher at one of the schools, told me how she and her colleagues would give their refugee-background students lifts to social events: But then maybe three years down the track they have a car and their dad can drive, but they still won’t take them […] We arrive to pick them up and they’re not ready, or there’s five fantastic cars in the driveway, and you pick up the student and they say “My dad’s car’s much bigger and better than yours” [laughs]. So there’s an expectation that we’ll do stuff for them, but we’ve created that [my emphasis]. Other support services may have more complex interests in keeping refugee settlers dependent. The more clients an agency has, the more services it provides, and the longer clients stay on its books, the more lucrative the contract for the agency. Thus financial and employment imperatives promote competition rather than collaboration between service providers (Fozdar and Hartley; Sidhu and Taylor) and may encourage assumptions about what sorts of services different individuals and groups want and need. Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (“‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement”) have developed a typology of resettlement styles—“achievers,” “consumers,” “endurers,” and “victims”—but stress that a person’s style, while influenced by personality and pre-migration factors, is also shaped by the institutions and individuals they come into contact with: “The structure of settlement and welfare services may produce a victim mentality, leaving members of refugee communities inert and unable to see themselves as agents of change” (76). The prevailing narrative of “the traumatised refugee” is a key aspect of this dynamic (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, “‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement”; Fozdar and Hartley; Keddie). Service providers may make assumptions about what humanitarian settlers have gone through before arriving in Australia, how they have been affected by their experiences, and what must be done to “fix” them. Norah, a long-time caseworker, told me: I think you get some [providers] who go, “How could you have gone through something like that and not suffered? There must be—you must have to talk about this stuff” […] Where some [refugees] just come with the [attitude] “We’re all born into a situation; that was my situation, but I’m here now and now my focus is this.” She cited failure to consider cultural sensitivities around mental illness and to recognise that stress and anxiety during early resettlement are normal (Tilbury) as other problems in the sector: [Newly arrived refugees] go through the “happy to be here” [phase] and now “hang on, I’ve thumped to the bottom and I’m missing my own foods and smells and cultures and experiences”. I think sometimes we’re just too quick to try and slot people into a box. One factor that appears to be vital in fostering and sustaining resilience is social connection. Norah said her clients were “very good on the mobile phone” and had links “everywhere,” including to family and friends in their countries of birth, transition countries, and other parts of Australia. A 2011 report for DIAC, Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals, found that humanitarian entrants to Australia were significantly more likely to be members of cultural and/or religious groups than other categories of immigrants (Australian Survey Research). I found many examples of efforts to build both bonding and bridging capital (Putnam) in Easthaven, and I offer two examples below. Several people told me about a dinner-dance that had been held a few weeks before one of my visits. The event was organised by an African women’s group, which had been formed—with funding assistance—several years before. The dinner-dance was advertised in the local newspaper and attracted strong interest from a broad cross-section of Easthaveners. To Debbie, a counsellor, the response signified a “real turnaround” in community relations and was a big boon to the women’s sense of belonging. Erica, a teacher, told me about a cultural exchange day she had organised between her bush school—where almost all of the children are Anglo Australian—and ESL students from one of the town schools: At the start of the day, my kids were looking at [the refugee-background students] and they were scared, they were saying to me, "I feel scared." And we shoved them all into this tiny little room […] and they had no choice but to sit practically on top of each other. And by the end of the day, they were hugging each other and braiding their hair and jumping and playing together. Like Uptin, Wright and Harwood, I found that the refugee-background students placed great importance on the social aspects of school. Sisay, the girl I introduced earlier in this paper, said: “It’s just all about friendship and someone to be there for you […] We try to be friends with them [the non-refugee students] sometimes but sometimes it just seems they don’t want it.” Conclusion A 2012 report on refugee settlement services in NSW concludes that the state “is not meeting its responsibility to humanitarian entrants as well as it could” (Audit Office of New South Wales 2); moreover, humanitarian settlers in NSW are doing less well on indicators such as housing and health than humanitarian settlers in other states (3). Evaluating the effectiveness of formal refugee-centred programs was not part of my research and is beyond the scope of this paper. Rather, I have sought to reveal some of the ways in which the attitudes, assumptions, and everyday practices of service providers and members of the broader community impact on refugees' settlement experience. What I heard repeatedly in the interviews I conducted was that it was emotional and practical support (Matthews; Tilbury), and being asked as well as told (about their hopes, needs, desires), that helped Easthaven’s refugee settlers bear themselves into fulfilling new lives. References Audit Office of New South Wales. Settling Humanitarian Entrants in New South Wales—Executive Summary. May 2012. 15 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.audit.nsw.gov.au/ArticleDocuments/245/02_Humanitarian_Entrants_2012_Executive_Summary.pdf.aspx?Embed=Y>. Australian Bureau of Statistics. 2011 Census QuickStats. Mar. 2013. 11 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2011/quickstat/0>. Australian Survey Research. Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals—Report of Findings. Apr. 2011. 15 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/research/_pdf/settlement-outcomes-new-arrivals.pdf>. Brown, Jill, Jenny Miller, and Jane Mitchell. “Interrupted Schooling and the Acquisition of Literacy: Experiences of Sudanese Refugees in Victorian Secondary Schools.” Australian Journal of Language and Literacy 29.2 (2006): 150-62. Colic-Peisker, Val, and Farida Tilbury. “‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement: The Influence of Supporting Services and Refugees’ Own Resources on Resettlement Style.” International Migration 41.5 (2004): 61-91. ———. Refugees and Employment: The Effect of Visible Difference on Discrimination—Final Report. Perth: Centre for Social and Community Research, Murdoch University, 2007. Fozdar, Farida, and Lisa Hartley. “Refugee Resettlement in Australia: What We Know and Need To Know.” Refugee Survey Quarterly 4 Jun. 2013. 12 Aug. 2013 ‹http://rsq.oxfordjournals.org/search?fulltext=fozdar&submit=yes&x=0&y=0>. Garcia Marquez, Gabriel. Love in the Time of Cholera. London: Penguin Books, 1989. Harris, Vandra, and Jay Marlowe. “Hard Yards and High Hopes: The Educational Challenges of African Refugee University Students in Australia.” International Journal of Teaching and Learning in Higher Education 23.2 (2011): 186-96. Hugo, Graeme. A Significant Contribution: The Economic, Social and Civic Contributions of First and Second Generation Humanitarian Entrants—Summary of Findings. Canberra: Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2011. Keddie, Amanda. “Pursuing Justice for Refugee Students: Addressing Issues of Cultural (Mis)recognition.” International Journal of Inclusive Education 16.12 (2012): 1295-1310. Layton, Robyn. "Building Capacity to Ensure the Inclusion of Vulnerable Groups." Creating Our Future conference, Adelaide, 28 Jul. 2012. Milsom, Rosemarie. “From Hard Luck Life to the Lucky Country.” Sydney Morning Herald 20 Jun. 2013. 12 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/national/from-hard-luck-life-to-the-lucky-country-20130619-2oixl.html>. Park, Gilbert C. “’Are We Real Americans?’: Cultural Production of Forever Foreigners at a Diversity Event.” Education and Urban Society 43.4 (2011): 451-67. Poulson, Ingrid. Rise. Sydney: Pan Macmillan Australia, 2008. Putnam, Robert D. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000. Sidhu, Ravinder K., and Sandra Taylor. “The Trials and Tribulations of Partnerships in Refugee Settlement Services in Australia.” Journal of Education Policy 24.6 (2009): 655-72. Tilbury, Farida. “‘I Feel I Am a Bird without Wings’: Discourses of Sadness and Loss among East Africans in Western Australia.” Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 14.4 (2007): 433-58. ———, and Val Colic-Peisker. “Deflecting Responsibility in Employer Talk about Race Discrimination.” Discourse & Society 17.5 (2006): 651-76. Uptin, Jonnell, Jan Wright, and Valerie Harwood. “It Felt Like I Was a Black Dot on White Paper: Examining Young Former Refugees’ Experience of Entering Australian High Schools.” The Australian Educational Researcher 40.1 (2013): 125-37.

RESUMEN El Síndrome Burnout en estas últimas décadas se viene trabajando en el ámbito de la educación, también es ampliamente estudiado en el campo de la psicología, confundido en muchas ocasiones como constructos de calidad de vida o salud mental; sin embargo, el Burnout en los últimos años permite dar una definición, “es un padecimiento que consiste en la presencia de una respuesta prolongada de estrés en el organismo ante los factores estresantes emocionales e interpersonales que se presentan en el trabajo, que incluye fatiga crónica, ineficacia y negación de lo ocurrido, y se presenta en aquellas situaciones laborales en que los excesivos niveles de exigencia ya se han vuelto un hábito inconsciente e incluso socialmente valorado”. Las consecuencias en la salud de este padecimiento pueden ser muy graves: deterioro en las relaciones interpersonales, desgaste o pérdida de la empatía, síntomas emocionales y físicos (insomnio crónico, graves daños cerebrales o cardiovasculares). Relacionado con la escala de la felicidad que indica que es la evaluación de las emociones positivas y negativas que la persona hace de su vida, en las áreas específicas como la laboral, económico, familiar, y de pareja; el Burnout se ha incluido en numerosas investigaciones principalmente en el campo de la salud y pocas en el ámbito de la educación. En esta investigación, se trabajó con la Escala Burnout y la Escala de Desempeño Académico del Docente aplicados a 108 Profesores(as) que laboran en la Institución Educativa No Estatal TC Alfredo Bonifaz Fonseca se trabajó un diseño descriptivo Correlacional, de tipo transversal. No experimental, con un nivel de investigación básico, siendo su método descriptivo explicativo. Palabra Claves: Estrés, Distres, Eutres, Satisfacción, Fatiga Laboral ABSTRACT Burnout syndrome in this recent decades has been working in the educational field, It is also widely studied in the psychology field, confused on many occasions as constructs of life quality or mental health, however, in the last years, Burnout allows to give the definition, “It is a condition that involves the presence of a prolonged stress response in the body to the emotional and interpersonal stressful that occur at work, including chronic fatigue, inefficiency, and denial of what happened and it is presented in those work situations in which the excessive levels of demand have become an unconscious habit and even socially valued “. The health consequences of this disease can be severe: The impairment in interpersonal relationships, wear or loss of empathy, emotional and physical symptoms (chronic insomnia, severe brain damage or cardiovascular disease). Related to the happiness scale that indicates the evaluation of the positive and negative emotions that the person makes of his or her life in specific areas such as labor, economic, family and relationships; Burnout has been included in numerous research in health field and a few in the educational field. In this research, we worked with the Burnout Scale and the Docents Performance Academic Scale applied to 108 teachers who work in the Non- state TC Alfredo Bonifaz Fonseca Educational Institution. A descriptive correlational design was worked on non-experimental cross-sectional study, which was done at basic research level, with both: descriptive and explanatory method. Key words: Stress, distres, eutres, satisfaction, labor fatigue.

Abstract Introduction The mandatory confinement in response to Covid-19 forced the closure of colleges and universities, leading professors to adapt their teaching strategies to digital media, These changes in teaching processes showed an increase in the workday, greater stress, fatigue, and difficulties in separating work from other occupations, which may compromise the physical and mental health of teachers. Objective To describe the occupational balance of occupational therapy teachers at a university in Cali-Colombia, during lockdown due to Covid-19, and to establish the relationship between sociodemographic variables and the presence of symptoms of anxiety and depression. Method A cross-sectional study was conducted with 32 occupational therapy professors. The information was collected using Google forms containing a sociodemographic questionnaire, the OBQ-E, PHQ-9 questionnaires, and the GAD-7 scale. Absolute frequency tables and percentages were made for qualitative variables, and quantitative variables were presented as mean and standard deviation. Bivariate analysis was performed using t-student tests, ANOVA, and Pearson's correlations. Results 75.0% of participants were women. In occupational balance the average was 36.5; meanwhile, 31.3% manifested symptoms of anxiety and 43.8% of depression. Conclusions Most of the professors were women, gender that was related to the care of older adults. The scores in occupational balance and the presence of anxiety and depression symptoms reflect the adjustments that the professors assumed during the confinement, in response to the increase in daily activities, the little variety between occupations that they wanted and had to do, and satisfaction with the job, rest and sleep time.

Introduction I think the Privacy Act is a huge edifice to protect the minority of things that could go wrong. I’ve got a good example for you, I’m just trying to think … yeah the worst one I’ve ever seen was the Balga Youth Program where we took these students on a reward excursion all the way to Fremantle and suddenly this very alienated kid started to jump under a bus, a moving bus so the kid had to be restrained. The cops from Fremantle arrived because all the very good people in Fremantle were alarmed at these grown-ups manhandling a kid and what had happened is that DCD [Department of Community Development] had dropped him into the program but hadn’t told us that this kid had suicide tendencies. No, it’s just chronically bad. And there were caseworkers involved and … there is some information that we have to have that doesn’t get handed down. Rather than a blanket rule that everything’s confidential coming from them to us, and that was a real live situation, and you imagine how we’re trying to handle it, we had taxis going from Balga to Fremantle to get staff involved and we only had to know what to watch out for and we probably could have … well what you would have done is not gone on the excursion I suppose (School Principal, quoted in Balnaves and Luca 49). These comments are from a school principal in Perth, Western Australia in a school that is concerned with “at-risk” students, and in a context where the Commonwealth Privacy Act 1988 has imposed limitations on their work. Under this Act it is illegal to pass health, personal or sensitive information concerning an individual on to other people. In the story cited above the Department of Community Development personnel were apparently protecting the student’s “negative right”, that is, “freedom from” interference by others. On the other hand, the principal’s assertion that such information should be shared is potentially a “positive right” because it could cause something to be done in that person’s or society’s interests. Balnaves and Luca noted that positive and negative rights have complex philosophical underpinnings, and they inform much of how we operate in everyday life and of the dilemmas that arise (49). For example, a ban on euthanasia or the “assisted suicide” of a terminally ill person can be a “positive right” because it is considered to be in the best interests of society in general. However, physicians who tacitly approve a patient’s right to end their lives with a lethal dose by legally prescribed dose of medication could be perceived as protecting the patient’s “negative right” as a “freedom from” interference by others. While acknowledging the merits of collaboration between people who are working to improve the wellbeing of students “at-risk”, this paper examines some of the barriers to collaboration. Based on both primary and secondary sources, and particularly on oral testimonies, the paper highlights the tension between privacy as a negative right and collaborative helping as a positive right. It also points to other difficulties and dilemmas within and between the institutions engaged in this joint undertaking. The authors acknowledge Michel Foucault’s contention that discourse is power. The discourse on privacy and the sharing of information in modern societies suggests that privacy is a negative right that gives freedom from bureaucratic interference and protects the individual. However, arguably, collaboration between agencies that are working to support individuals “at-risk” requires a measured relaxation of the requirements of this negative right. Children and young people “at-risk” are a case in point. Towards Collaboration From a series of interviews conducted in 2004, the school authorities at Balga Senior High School and Midvale Primary School, people working for the Western Australian departments of Community Development, Justice, and Education and Training in Western Australia, and academics at the Edith Cowan and Curtin universities, who are working to improve the wellbeing of students “at-risk” as part of an Australian Research Council (ARC) project called Smart Communities, have identified students “at-risk” as individuals who have behavioural problems and little motivation, who are alienated and possibly violent or angry, who under-perform in the classroom and have begun to truant. They noted also that students “at-risk” often suffer from poor health, lack of food and medication, are victims of unwanted pregnancies, and are engaged in antisocial and illegal behaviour such as stealing cars and substance abuse. These students are also often subject to domestic violence (parents on drugs or alcohol), family separation, and homelessness. Some are depressed or suicidal. Sometimes cultural factors contribute to students being regarded as “at-risk”. For example, a social worker in the Smart Communities project stated: Cultural factors sometimes come into that as well … like with some Muslim families … they can flog their daughter or their son, usually the daughter … so cultural factors can create a risk. Research elsewhere has revealed that those children between the ages of 11-17 who have been subjected to bullying at school or physical or sexual abuse at home and who have threatened and/or harmed another person or suicidal are “high-risk” youths (Farmer 4). In an attempt to bring about a positive change in these alienated or “at-risk” adolescents, Balga Senior High School has developed several programs such as the Youth Parents Program, Swan Nyunger Sports Education program, Intensive English Centre, and lower secondary mainstream program. The Midvale Primary School has provided services such as counsellors, Aboriginal child protection workers, and Aboriginal police liaison officers for these “at-risk” students. On the other hand, the Department of Community Development (DCD) has provided services to parents and caregivers for children up to 18 years. Academics from Edith Cowan and Curtin universities are engaged in gathering the life stories of these “at-risk” students. One aspect of this research entails the students writing their life stories in a secured web portal that the universities have developed. The researchers believe that by engaging the students in these self-exploration activities, they (the students) would develop a more hopeful outlook on life. Though all agencies and educational institutions involved in this collaborative project are working for the well-being of the children “at-risk”, the Privacy Act forbids the authorities from sharing information about them. A school psychologist expressed concern over the Privacy Act: When the Juvenile Justice Department want to reintroduce a student into a school, we can’t find out anything about this student so we can’t do any preplanning. They want to give the student a fresh start, so there’s always that tension … eventually everyone overcomes [this] because you realise that the student has to come to the school and has to be engaged. Of course, the manner and consequences of a student’s engagement in school cannot be predicted. In the scenario described above students may have been given a fair chance to reform themselves, which is their positive right but if they turn out to be at “high risk” it would appear that the Juvenile Department protected the negative right of the students by supporting “freedom from” interference by others. Likewise, a school health nurse in the project considered confidentiality or the Privacy Act an important factor in the security of the student “at-risk”: I was trying to think about this kid who’s one of the children who has been sexually abused, who’s a client of DCD, and I guess if police got involved there and wanted to know details and DCD didn’t want to give that information out then I’d guess I’d say to the police “Well no, you’ll have to talk to the parents about getting further information.” I guess that way, recognising these students are minor and that they are very vulnerable, their information … where it’s going, where is it leading? Who wants to know? Where will it be stored? What will be the outcomes in the future for this kid? As a 14 year old, if they’re reckless and get into things, you know, do they get a black record against them by the time they’re 19? What will that information be used for if it’s disclosed? So I guess I become an advocate for the student in that way? Thus the nurse considers a sexually abused child should not be identified. It is a positive right in the interest of the person. Once again, though, if the student turns out to be at “high risk” or suicidal, then it would appear that the nurse was protecting the youth’s negative right—“freedom from” interference by others. Since collaboration is a positive right and aims at the students’ welfare, the workable solution to prevent the students from suicide would be to develop inter-agency trust and to share vital information about “high-risk” students. Dilemmas of Collaboration Some recent cases of the deaths of young non-Caucasian girls in Western countries, either because of the implications of the Privacy Act or due to a lack of efficient and effective communication and coordination amongst agencies, have raised debates on effective child protection. For example, the British Laming report (2003) found that Victoria Climbié, a young African girl, was sent by her parents to her aunt in Britain in order to obtain a good education and was murdered by her aunt and aunt’s boyfriend. However, the risk that she could be harmed was widely known. The girl’s problems were known to 6 local authorities, 3 housing authorities, 4 social services, 2 child protection teams, and the police, the local church, and the hospital, but not to the education authorities. According to the Laming Report, her death could have been prevented if there had been inter-agency sharing of information and appropriate evaluation (Balnaves and Luca 49). The agencies had supported the negative rights of the young girl’s “freedom from” interference by others, but at the cost of her life. Perhaps Victoria’s racial background may have contributed to the concealment of information and added to her disadvantaged position. Similarly, in Western Australia, the Gordon Inquiry into the death of Susan Taylor, a 15 year old girl Aboriginal girl at the Swan Nyungah Community, found that in her short life this girl had encountered sexual violation, violence, and the ravages of alcohol and substance abuse. The Gordon Inquiry reported: Although up to thirteen different agencies were involved in providing services to Susan Taylor and her family, the D[epartment] of C[ommunity] D[evelopment] stated they were unaware of “all the services being provided by each agency” and there was a lack of clarity as to a “lead coordinating agency” (Gordon et al. quoted in Scott 45). In this case too, multiple factors—domestic, racial, and the Privacy Act—may have led to Susan Taylor’s tragic end. In the United Kingdom, Harry Ferguson noted that when a child is reported to be “at-risk” from domestic incidents, they can suffer further harm because of their family’s concealment (204). Ferguson’s study showed that in 11 per cent of the 319 case sample, children were known to be re-harmed within a year of initial referral. Sometimes, the parents apply a veil of secrecy around themselves and their children by resisting or avoiding services. In such cases the collaborative efforts of the agencies and education may be thwarted. Lack of cultural education among teachers, youth workers, and agencies could also put the “at-risk” cultural minorities into a high risk category. For example, an “at-risk” Muslim student may not be willing to share personal experiences with the school or agencies because of religious sensitivities. This happened in the UK when Khadji Rouf was abused by her father, a Bangladeshi. Rouf’s mother, a white woman, and her female cousin from Bangladesh, both supported Rouf when she finally disclosed that she had been sexually abused for over eight years. After group therapy, Rouf stated that she was able to accept her identity and to call herself proudly “mixed race”, whereas she rejected the Asian part of herself because it represented her father. Other Asian girls and young women in this study reported that they could not disclose their abuse to white teachers or social workers because of the feeling that they would be “letting down their race or their Muslim culture” (Rouf 113). The marginalisation of many Muslim Australians both in the job market and in society is long standing. For example, in 1996 and again in 2001 the Muslim unemployment rate was three times higher than the national total (Australian Bureau of Statistics). But since the 9/11 tragedy and Bali bombings visible Muslims, such as women wearing hijabs (headscarves), have sometimes been verbally and physically abused and called ‘terrorists’ by some members of the wider community (Dreher 13). The Howard government’s new anti-terrorism legislation and the surveillance hotline ‘Be alert not alarmed’ has further marginalised some Muslims. Some politicians have also linked Muslim asylum seekers with terrorists (Kabir 303), which inevitably has led Muslim “at-risk” refugee students to withdraw from school support such as counselling. Under these circumstances, Muslim “at-risk” students and their parents may prefer to maintain a low profile rather than engage with agencies. In this case, arguably, federal government politics have exacerbated the barriers to collaboration. It appears that unfamiliarity with Muslim culture is not confined to mainstream Australians. For example, an Aboriginal liaison police officer engaged in the Smart Communities project in Western Australia had this to say about Muslim youths “at-risk”: Different laws and stuff from different countries and they’re coming in and sort of thinking that they can bring their own laws and religions and stuff … and when I say religions there’s laws within their religions as well that they don’t seem to understand that with Australia and our laws. Such generalised misperceptions of Muslim youths “at-risk” would further alienate them, thus causing a major hindrance to collaboration. The “at-risk” factors associated with Aboriginal youths have historical connections. Research findings have revealed that indigenous youths aged between 10-16 years constitute a vast majority in all Australian States’ juvenile detention centres. This over-representation is widely recognised as associated with the nature of European colonisation, and is inter-related with poverty, marginalisation and racial discrimination (Watson et al. 404). Like the Muslims, their unemployment rate was three times higher than the national total in 2001 (ABS). However, in 1998 it was estimated that suicide rates among Indigenous peoples were at least 40 per cent higher than national average (National Advisory Council for Youth Suicide Prevention, quoted in Elliot-Farrelly 2). Although the wider community’s unemployment rate is much lower than the Aboriginals and the Muslims, the “at-risk” factors of mainstream Australian youths are often associated with dysfunctional families, high conflict, low-cohesive families, high levels of harsh parental discipline, high levels of victimisation by peers, and high behavioural inhibition (Watson et al. 404). The Macquarie Fields riots in 2005 revealed the existence of “White” underclass and “at-risk” people in Sydney. Macquarie Fields’ unemployment rate was more than twice the national average. Children growing up in this suburb are at greater risk of being involved in crime (The Age). Thus small pockets of mainstream underclass youngsters also require collaborative attention. In Western Australia people working on the Smart Communities project identified that lack of resources can be a hindrance to collaboration for all sectors. As one social worker commented: “government agencies are hierarchical systems and lack resources”. They went on to say that in their department they can not give “at-risk” youngsters financial assistance in times of crisis: We had a petty cash box which has got about 40 bucks in it and sometimes in an emergency we might give a customer a couple of dollars but that’s all we can do, we can’t give them any larger amount. We have bus/metro rail passes, that’s the only thing that we’ve actually got. A youth worker in Smart Communities commented that a lot of uncertainty is involved with young people “at-risk”. They said that there are only a few paid workers in their field who are supported and assisted by “a pool of volunteers”. Because the latter give their time voluntarily they are under no obligation to be constant in their attendance, so the number of available helpers can easily fluctuate. Another youth worker identified a particularly important barrier to collaboration: because of workers’ relatively low remuneration and high levels of work stress, the turnover rates are high. The consequence of this is as follows: The other barrier from my point is that you’re talking to somebody about a student “at-risk”, and within 14 months or 18 months a new person comes in [to that position] then you’ve got to start again. This way you miss a lot of information [which could be beneficial for the youth]. Conclusion The Privacy Act creates a dilemma in that it can be either beneficial or counter-productive for a student’s security. To be blunt, a youth who has suicided might have had their privacy protected, but not their life. Lack of funding can also be a constraint on collaboration by undermining stability and autonomy in the workforce, and blocking inter-agency initiatives. Lack of awareness about cultural differences can also affect unity of action. The deepening inequality between the “haves” and “have-nots” in the Australian society, and the Howard government’s harshness on national security issues, can also pose barriers to collaboration on youth issues. Despite these exigencies and dilemmas, it would seem that collaboration is “the only game” when it comes to helping students “at-risk”. To enhance this collaboration, there needs to be a sensible modification of legal restrictions to information sharing, an increase in government funding and support for inter-agency cooperation and informal information sharing, and an increased awareness about the cultural needs of minority groups and knowledge of the mainstream underclass. Acknowledgments The research is part of a major Australian Research Council (ARC) funded project, Smart Communities. The authors very gratefully acknowledge the contribution of the interviewees, and thank *Donald E. Scott for conducting the interviews. References Australian Bureau of Statistics. 1996 and 2001. Balnaves, Mark, and Joe Luca. “The Impact of Digital Persona on the Future of Learning: A Case Study on Digital Repositories and the Sharing of Information about Children At-Risk in Western Australia”, paper presented at Ascilite, Brisbane (2005): 49-56. 10 April 2006. http://www.ascilite.org.au/conferences/brisbane05/blogs/proceedings/ 06_Balnaves.pdf>. Dreher, Tanya. ‘Targeted’: Experiences of Racism in NSW after September 11, 2001. Sydney: University of Technology, 2005. Elliot-Farrelly, Terri. “Australian Aboriginal Suicide: The Need for an Aboriginal Suicidology”? Australian e-Journal for the Advancement of Mental Health, 3.3 (2004): 1-8. 15 April 2006 http://www.auseinet.com/journal/vol3iss3/elliottfarrelly.pdf>. Farmer, James. A. High-Risk Teenagers: Real Cases and Interception Strategies with Resistant Adolescents. Springfield, Ill.: C.C. Thomas, 1990. Ferguson, Harry. Protecting Children in Time: Child Abuse, Child Protection and the Consequences of Modernity. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. Foucault, Michel. Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977. Ed. Colin Gordon, trans. Colin Gordon et al. New York: Pantheon, 1980. Kabir, Nahid. Muslims in Australia: Immigration, Race Relations and Cultural History. London: Kegan Paul, 2005. Rouf, Khadji. “Myself in Echoes. My Voice in Song.” Ed. A. Bannister, et al. Listening to Children. London: Longman, 1990. Scott E. Donald. “Exploring Communication Patterns within and across a School and Associated Agencies to Increase the Effectiveness of Service to At-Risk Individuals.” MS Thesis, Curtin University of Technology, August 2005. The Age. “Investing in People Means Investing in the Future.” The Age 5 March, 2005. 15 April 2006 http://www.theage.com.au>. Watson, Malcolm, et al. “Pathways to Aggression in Children and Adolescents.” Harvard Educational Review, 74.4 (Winter 2004): 404-428. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid, and Mark Balnaves. "Students “at Risk”: Dilemmas of Collaboration." M/C Journal 9.2 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0605/04-kabirbalnaves.php>. APA Style Kabir, N., and M. Balnaves. (May 2006) "Students “at Risk”: Dilemmas of Collaboration," M/C Journal, 9(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0605/04-kabirbalnaves.php>.

In this article I discuss a story told by the South Australian Ngarrindjeri Aboriginal elder, Aunty Hilda Wilson (nee Varcoe), about the time when, at not quite sixteen, she was sent from the Point Pearce Aboriginal Station to work in the Adelaide Hills, some 500 kilometres away, as a housekeeper for “one of Adelaide’s leading doctors”. Her secondment was part of a widespread practice in early and mid-twentieth century Australia of placing young Aboriginal women “of marriageable age” from missions and government reserves into domestic service. Consciously deploying Indigenous storytelling practices as pedagogy, Hilda Wilson recounted this episode in a number of distinct ways during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Across these iterations, each building on the other, she exhibited a personal resilience in her subjectivity, embedded in Indigenous knowledge systems of relationality, kin and work, which informed her agency and determination in a challenging situation in which she was both caring for a white socially-privileged family of five, while simultaneously grappling with the injustices of a state system of segregated indentured labour. Kirmayer and colleagues propose that “notions of resilience emerging from developmental psychology and psychiatry in recent years address the distinctive cultures, geographic and social settings, and histories of adversity of indigenous peoples”. Resilience is understood here as an ability to actively engage with traumatic change, involving the capacity to absorb stress and to transform in order to cope with it (Luthar et al.). Further to this, in an Indigenous context, Marion Kickett has found the capacity for resilience to be supported by three key factors: family connections, culture and belonging as well as notions of identity and history. In exploring the layers of this autobiographical story, I employ this extended psychological notion of resilience in both a domestic ambit as well as the broader social context for Indigenous people surviving a system of external domination. Additionally I consider the resilience Aunty Hilda demonstrates at a pivotal interlude between girlhood and womanhood within the trajectory of her overall long and productive life, and within an intergenerational history of resistance and accommodation. What is especially important about her storytelling is its refusal to be contained by the imaginary of the settler nation and its generic Aboriginal-female subject. She refuses victimhood while at the same time illuminating the mechanisms of injustice, hinting also at possibilities for alternative and more equitable relationships of family and work across cultural divides. Considered through this prism, resilience is, I suggest, also a quality firmly connected to ideas of Aboriginal cultural-sovereignty and standpoint and to, what Victoria Grieves has identified as, the Aboriginal knowledge value of sharing (25, 28, 45). Storytelling as Pedagogy The story I discuss was verbally recounted in a manner that Westphalen describes as “a continuation of Dreaming Stories”, functioning to educate and connect people and country (13-14). As MacGill et al. note, “the critical and transformative aspects of decolonising pedagogies emerge from storytelling and involve the gift of narrative and the enactment of reciprocity that occurs between the listener and the storyteller.” Hilda told me that as a child she was taught not to ask questions when listening to the stories of an Elder, and her own children were raised in this manner. Hilda's oldest daughter described this as a process involving patience, intrigue and surprise (Elva Wanganeen). Narratives unfold through nuance and repetition in a complexity of layers that can generate multiple levels of meaning over time. Circularity and recursivity underlie this pedagogy through which mnemonic devices are built so that stories become re-membered and inscribed on the body of the listener. When a perceived level of knowledge-transference has occurred, a narrator may elect to elaborate further, adding another detail that will often transform the story’s social, cultural, moral or political context. Such carefully chosen additional detail, however, might re-contextualise all that has gone before. As well as being embodied, stories are also emplaced, and thus most appropriately told in the Country where events occurred. (Here I use the Aboriginal English term “Country” which encompasses home, clan estate, and the powerful complex of spiritual, animate and inanimate forces that bind people and place.) Hilda Wilson’s following account of her first job as a housekeeper for “one of Adelaide’s leading doctors”, Dr Frank Swann, provides an illustration of how she expertly uses traditional narrative forms of incrementally structured knowledge transmission within a cross-cultural setting to tell a story that expresses practices of resilience as resistance and transformation at its core. A “White Doctor” Story: The First Layer Aunty Hilda first told me this story when we were winding along the South Eastern Freeway through the Adelaide hills between Murray Bridge and Mount Barker, in 1997, on our way home to Adelaide from a trip to Camp Coorong, the Ngarrindjeri cultural education centre co-founded by her granddaughter. She was then 86 years old. Ahead of us, the profile of Mt Lofty rose out of the plains and into view. The highest peak in the Mount Lofty ranges, Yurrebilla, as it is known to Kaurna Aboriginal people, or Mt Lofty, has been an affluent enclave of white settlement for Adelaide’s moneyed elite since early colonial times. Being in place, or in view of place, provided the appropriate opportunity for her to tell me the story. It belongs to a group of stories that during our initial period of working together changed little over time until one day two years later she an added contextual detail which turned it inside out. Hilda described the doctor’s spacious hill-top residence, and her responsibilities of caring for Dr Swann’s invalid wife (“an hysteric who couldn't do anything for herself”), their twin teenage boys (who attended private college in the city) along with another son and younger daughter living at home (pers. com. Hilda Wilson). Recalling the exhilaration of looking down over the sparkling lights of Adelaide at night from this position of apparent “privilege” on the summit, she related this undeniably as a success story, justifiably taking great pride in her achievements as a teenager, capable of stepping into the place of the non-Indigenous doctor's wife in running the large and demanding household. Successfully undertaking a wide range of duties employed in the care of a family, including the disabled mother, she is an active participant crucial to the lives of all in the household, including to the work of the doctor and the twin boys in private education. Hilda recalled that Mrs Swann was unable to eat without her assistance. As the oldest daughter of a large family Hilda had previously assisted in caring for her younger siblings. Told in this way, her account collapses social distinctions, delineating a shared social and physical space, drawing its analytic frame from an Indigenous ethos of subjectivity, relationality, reciprocity and care. Moreover Hilda’s narrative of domestic service demonstrates an assertion of agency that resists colonial and patriarchal hegemony and inverts the master/mistress-servant relationship, one she firmly eschews in favour of the self-affirming role of the lady of the house. (It stands in contrast to the abuse found in other accounts for example Read, Tucker, Kartinyeri. Often the key difference was a continuity of family connections and ongoing family support.) Indeed the home transformed into a largely feminised and cross-culturalised space in which she had considerable agency and responsibility when the doctor was absent. Hilda told me this story several times in much the same way during our frequent encounters over the next two years. Each telling revealed further details that fleshed a perspective gained from what Patricia Hill Collins terms an “epistemic privilege” via her “outsider-within status” of working within a white household, lending an understanding of its social mechanisms (12-15). She also stressed the extent of her duty of care in upholding the family’s well-being, despite the work at times being too burdensome. The Second Version: Coming to Terms with Intersecting Oppressions Later, as our relationship developed and deepened, when I began to record her life-narrative as part of my doctoral work, she added an unexpected detail that altered its context completely: It was all right except I slept outside in a tin shed and it was very cold at night. Mount Lofty, by far the coldest part of Adelaide, frequently experiences winter maximum temperatures of two or three degrees and often light snowfalls. This skilful reframing draws on Indigenous storytelling pedagogy and is expressly used to invite reflexivity, opening questions that move the listener from the personal to the public realm in which domestic service and the hegemony of the home are pivotal in coming to terms with the overlapping historical oppressions of class, gender, race and nation. Suddenly we witness her subjectivity starkly shift from one self-defined and allied with an equal power relationship – or even of dependency reversal cast as “de-facto doctor's wife” – to one diminished by inequity and power imbalance in the outsider-defined role of “mistreated servant”. The latter was signalled by the dramatic addition of a single signifying detail as a decoding device to a deeper layer of meaning. In this parallel stratum of the story, Hilda purposefully brings into relief the politics in which “the private domain of women's housework intersected with the public domain of governmental social engineering policies” (Haskins 4). As Aileen Moreton-Robinson points out, what for White Australia was cheap labour and a civilising mission, for Indigenous women constituted stolen children and slavery. Protection and then assimilation were government policies under which Indigenous women grew up. (96) Hilda was sent away from her family to work in 1927 by the universally-feared Sister Pearl McKenzie, a nurse who too-zealously (Katinyeri, Ngarrindjeri Calling, 23) oversaw the Chief Protector’s policies of “training” Aboriginal children from the South Australian missions in white homes once they reached fourteen (Haebich, 316—20). Indeed many prominent Adelaide hills’ families benefited from Aboriginal labour under this arrangement. Hilda explained her struggle with the immense cultural dislocation that removal into domestic service entailed, a removal her grandfather William Rankine had travelled from Raukkan to Government House to protest against less than a decade earlier (The Register December 21, 1923). This additional layer of story also illuminates Hilda’s capacity for resilience and persistence in finding a way forward through the challenge of her circumstances (Luthar et al.), drawing on her family networks and sense of personhood (Kickett). Hilda related that her father visited her at Mount Lofty twice, though briefly, on his way to shearing jobs in the south-east of the state. “He said it was no good me living like this,” she stated. Through his active intervention, reinforcement was requested and another teenager from Point Pearce, Hilda’s future husband’s cousin, Annie Sansbury, soon arrived to share the workload. But, Hilda explained, the onerous expectations coupled with the cultural segregation of retiring to the tin shed quickly became too much for Annie, who stayed only three months, leaving Hilda coping again alone, until her father applied additional pressure for a more suitable placement to be found for his daughter. In her next position, working for the family of a racehorse trainer, Hilda contentedly shared the bedroom with the small boy for whom she cared, and not long after returned to Point Pearce where she married Robert Wilson and began a family of her own. Gendered Resilience across Cultural Divides Hilda explicitly speaks into these spaces to educate me, because all but a few white women involved have remained silent about their complicity with state sanctioned practices which exploited Indigenous labour and removed children from their families through the policies of protection and assimilation. For Indigenous women, speaking out was often fraught with the danger of a deeper removal from family and Country, even of disappearance. Victoria Haskins writes extensively of two cases in New South Wales where young Aboriginal women whose protests concerning their brutal treatment at the hands of white employers, resulted in their wrongful and prolonged committal to mental health and other institutions (147-52, 228-39). In the indentured service of Indigenous women it is possible to see oppression operating through Eurocentric ideologies of race, class and gender, in which Indigenous women were assumed to take on, through displacement, the more oppressed role of white women in pre-second world war non-Aboriginal Australian society. The troubling silent shadow-figure of the “doctor’s wife” indeed provides a haunting symbol of - and also a forceful rebellion against – the docile upper middle-class white femininity of the inter-war era. Susan Bordo has argued that that “the hysteric” is archetypal of a discourse of ‘pathology as embodied protest’ in which the body may […] be viewed as a surface on which conventional constructions of femininity are exposed starkly to view in extreme or hyperliteral form. (20) Mrs Swann’s vulnerability contrasts markedly with the strength Hilda expresses in coping with a large family, emanating from a history of equitable gender relations characteristic of Ngarrindjeri society (Bell). The intersection of race and gender, as Marcia Langton contends “continues to require deconstruction to allow us to decolonise our consciousness” (54). From Hilda’s brief description one grasps a relationship resonant with that between the protagonists in Tracy Moffat's Night Cries, (a response to the overt maternalism in the film Jedda) in which the white mother finds herself utterly reliant on her “adopted” Aboriginal daughter at the end of her life (46-7). Resilience and Survival The different versions of story Hilda deploys, provide a pedagogical basis to understanding the broader socio-political framework of her overall life narrative in which an ability to draw on the cultural continuity of the past to transform the future forms an underlying dynamic. This demonstrated capacity to meet the challenging conditions thrown up by the settler-colonial state has its foundations in the connectivity and cultural strength sustained generationally in her family. Resilience moves from being individually to socially determined, as in Kickett’s model. During the onslaught of dispossession, following South Australia’s 1836 colonial invasion, Ngarrindjeri were left near-starving and decimated from introduced diseases. Pullume (c1808-1888), the rupuli (elected leader of the Ngarrindjeri Tendi, or parliament), Hilda’s third generation great-grandfather, decisively steered his people through the traumatic changes, eventually negotiating a middle-path after the Point McLeay Mission was established on Ngarrindjeri country in 1859 (Jenkin, 59). Pullume’s granddaughter, the accomplished, independent-thinking Ellen Sumner (1842—1925), played an influential educative role during Hilda’s youth. Like other Ngarrindjeri women in her lineage, Ellen Sumner was skilled in putari practice (female doctor) and midwifery culture that extended to a duty of care concerning women and children (teaching her “what to do and what not to do”), which I suggest is something Hilda herself drew from when working with the Swann family. Hilda’s mother and aunties continued aspects of the putari tradition, attending births and giving instruction to women in the community (Bell, 171, Hughes Grandmother, 52-4). As mentioned earlier, when the South Australian government moved to introduce The Training of Children Act (SA) Hilda’s maternal grandfather William Rankine campaigned vigorously against this, taking a petition to the SA Governor in December 1923 (Haebich, 315-19). As with Aunty Hilda, William Rankine used storytelling as a method to draw public attention to the inequities of his times in an interview with The Register which drew on his life-narrative (Hughes, My Grandmother, 61). Hilda’s father Wilfred Varcoe, a Barngarrla-Wirrungu man, almost a thousand kilometres away from his Poonindie birthplace, resisted assimilation by actively pursuing traditional knowledge networks using his mobility as a highly sought after shearer to link up with related Elders in the shearing camps, (and as we saw to inspect the conditions his daughter was working under at Mt Lofty). The period Hilda spent as a servant to white families to be trained in white ways was in fact only a brief interlude in a long life in which family connections, culture and belonging (Kickett) served as the backbone of her resilience and resistance. On returning to the Point Pearce Mission, Hilda successfully raised a large family and activated a range of community initiatives that fostered well-being. In the 1960s she moved to Adelaide, initially as the sole provider of her family (her husband later followed), to give her younger children better educational opportunities. Working with Aunty Gladys Elphick OBE through the Council of Aboriginal Women, she played a foundational role in assisting other Aboriginal women establish their families in the city (Mattingly et al., 154, Fisher). In Adelaide, Aunty Hilda became an influential, much loved Elder, living in good health to the age of ninety-six years. The ability to survive changing circumstances, to extend care over and over to her children and Elders along with qualities of leadership, determination, agency and resilience have passed down through her family, several of whom have become successful in public life. These include her great-grandson and former AFL football player, Michael O’Loughlin, her great-nephew Adam Goodes and her-grand-daughter, the cultural weaver Aunty Ellen Trevorrow. Arguably, resilience contributes to physical as well as cultural longevity, through caring for the self and others. Conclusion This story demonstrates how sociocultural dimensions of resilience are contextualised in practices of everyday lives. We see this in the way that Aunty Hilda Wilson’s self-narrated story resolutely defies attempts to know, subjugate and categorise, operating instead in accord with distinctively Aboriginal expressions of gender and kinship relations that constitute an Aboriginal sovereignty. Her storytelling activates a revision of collective history in ways that valorise Indigenous identity (Kirmayer et al.). Her narrative of agency and personal achievement, one that has sustained her through life, interacts with the larger narrative of state-endorsed exploitation, diffusing its power and exposing it to wider moral scrutiny. Resilience in this context is inextricably entwined with practices of cultural survival and resistance developed in response to the introduction of government policies and the encroachment of settlers and their world. We see resilience too operating across Hilda Wilson’s family history, and throughout her long life. The agency and strategies displayed suggest alternative realities and imagine other, usually more equitable, possible worlds. References Bell, Diane. Ngarrindjeri Wurruwarrin: A World That Is, Was and Will Be. Melbourne: Spinifex, 1998. Bordo, Susan. “The Body and the Reproduction of Femininity.” Writing on the Body: Female Embodiment and Feminist Theory. Eds. Katie Conboy, Nadia Medina, and Sarah Stanbury. New York: Columbia UP, 1997. 90-110. Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought. New York: Routledge, 2000. Fisher, Elizabeth M. "Elphick, Gladys (1904–1988)." Australian Dictionary of Biography. National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, 29 Sep. 2013. ‹http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/elphick-gladys-12460/text22411>. Grieves, Victoria. Aboriginal Spirituality: Aboriginal Philosophy, The Basis of Aboriginal Social and Emotional Wellbeing, Melbourne University: Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal Health, 2009. Haebich, Anna. Broken Circles: The Fragmenting of Indigenous Families. Fremantle: Fremantle Arts Press, 2000. Haskins, Victoria. My One Bright Spot. London: Palgrave, 2005. Hughes, Karen. "My Grandmother on the Other Side of the Lake." PhD thesis, Department of Australian Studies and Department of History, Flinders University. Adelaide, 2009. ———. “Microhistories and Things That Matter.” Australian Feminist Studies 27.73 (2012): 269-278. ———. “I’d Grown Up as a Child amongst Natives.” Outskirts: Feminisms along the Edge 28 (2013). 29 Sep. 2013 ‹http://www.outskirts.arts.uwa.edu.au/volumes/volume-28/karen-hughes>. Jenkin, Graham. Conquest of the Ngarrindjeri. Adelaide: Rigby, 1979. Kartinyeri, Doris. Kick the Tin. Melbourne: Spinifex, 2000. Kartinyeri, Doreen. My Ngarrindjeri Calling, Adelaide: Wakefield, 2007. Kickett, Marion. “Examination of How a Culturally Appropriate Definition of Resilience Affects the Physical and Mental Health of Aboriginal People.” PhD thesis, Curtin University, 2012. Kirmayer, L.J., S. Dandeneau, E. Marshall, M.K. Phillips, K. Jenssen Williamson. “Rethinking Resilience from Indigenous Perspectives.” Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 56.2 (2011): 84-91. Luthar, S., D. Cicchetti, and B. Becker. “The Construct of Resilience: A Critical Evaluation and Guidelines for Future Work.” Child Development 71.3 (2000): 543-62. MacGill, Bindi, Julie Mathews, Ellen Trevorrow, Alice Abdulla, and Deb Rankine. “Ecology, Ontology, and Pedagogy at Camp Coorong,” M/C Journal 15.3 (2012). Mattingly, Christobel, and Ken Hampton. Survival in Our Own Land, Adelaide: Wakefield, 1988. Moreton-Robinson, Aileen. Talkin’ Up to the White Woman. St Lucia: UQP, 2000. Night Cries, A Rural Tragedy. Dir. Tracy Moffatt. Chili Films, 1990. Read, Peter. A Rape of the Soul So Profound. Crows Nest: Allen & Unwin, 2002. Tucker, Margaret. If Everyone Cared. Sydney: Ure Smith, 1977. Wanganeen, Elva. Personal Communication, 2000. Westphalen, Linda. An Anthropological and Literary Study of Two Aboriginal Women's Life Histories: The Impacts of Enforced Child Removal and Policies of Assimilation. New York: Mellen Press, 2011.

Introduction: The Creative Arts and Regional Well-BeingThe relationship between regionalism, well-being, and the creative arts has enjoined significant attention from community activists, commercial entrepreneurs, policy analysts, artists, and researchers over recent years (Australia Council for the Arts, “Living Culture”; Australia Council for the Arts, “The Arts in Regional Australia;” Drummond, Keane, and West; Elg; Warren, and West; Woodward, Bremner, and Cahalan). Underpinning most of the activity and research in this area is the understanding (occasionally bordering on an un-critical presumption) that the creative arts make a positive contribution to regional well-being. Commenting on the Live. Love. Life. creative-arts wellness festival in Daylesford, Victoria, Mary-Anne Thomas (Member of Parliament for the state seat of Macedon) stated that the festival will “reinforce Daylesford and the Macedon Ranges’ status as one of the nation’s leading wellness destinations” (Elg). For Thomas, it would appear that the linkage of the creative arts to regional well-being is never in doubt; which is to say, always already available for reinforcement. According to university-based researchers Margaret Woodward, Craig Bremner, and Anthony Cahalan, writing in a more scholarly and critical register, “there is a growing body of research which shows that thriving creative industries and cultural activities are crucial for the health and vitality of a region and its communities” (3). Qualifying this, they add that: “Achieving high levels of community well being through thriving creative activity is not however without its challenges in regional Australia” (3). Similarly, Rozaline Drummond, Jondi Keane, and Patrick West present their work as a test of the efficacy of the creative arts in aiding regional well-being: The opportunity to work collaboratively with a community like the one at Lake Bolac [Victoria] provided an occasion to gauge our discerning and initiating skills within creative-arts research and to test the argument that the combination of our different approaches adds to community and individual well-being. Our approach is informed by Gilles Deleuze’s ethical proposition that the health of a community is directly influenced by the richness of the composition of its parts. (n.p.)Deleuzean philosophy aside, quantitative data indicates that people in regional Australia are increasingly optimistic about the positive impact of the creative arts on their well-being. In 2016, 57% believed the arts impacted their sense of well-being and happiness, up from 52% in 2013 (Australia Council for the Arts, “The Arts in Regional Australia”). Given this article’s emphasis on place and well-being in relation to located creative-arts production, it is worth citing another dataset from the same Australia Council for the Arts publication, which details the “Location of Professional Artists”:There continues to be a concentration of artists in urban areas. Three quarters (74%) live in cities, compared to two thirds of the Australian population. This urban concentration […] may in part be related to concentration of cultural infrastructure in cities.1 in 6 Australian artists live in regional cities or towns (16%) and around 1 in 10 live in rural, remote or very remote areas (11%). (n.p.)Regional artists are a minority voice in the Australian creative arts. But the ways in which a minority voice is constructed, and the (potential) impact a minoritarian position has within the wider debate about regional well-being and the creative arts, requires careful unpacking. Ironically, creative artists themselves have been relatively neglected actors in this space. Working with Tony Birch’s short story, “The Red House”, as a neglected text of regionalism, this article exposes oversights in current understandings of the connection between well-being and regionalism. The Voice of the Regional Artist and “Resistant Speech” It is important to recognise that the “concentration of artists in urban areas” may sometimes lead to situations where non-regional artists, in the undoubtedly well-meaning pursuit of regional well-being, drown out the voices of regional artists in regional places (Australia Council for the Arts, “The Arts in Regional Australia”). Drummond, Keane, and West, all city-based artists, show sensitivity to this problem in their observation that: “It is not for the artists to presume that they can empower a [regional] community.” Certainly, regional artists and communities should take the lead in the development of regional well-being through the creative arts. The problem of (not) speaking for the other is, however, not so easily dealt with (Spivak). While urban artists might adopt the strategy of consciously allowing regional artists a voice, making such allowance could itself be viewed as a play of privilege and power by the city-based practitioner, resourced by their greater “concentration of cultural infrastructure” (Australia Council for the Arts, “The Arts in Regional Australia”). It is notoriously difficult to give the slip to the relatively invisible operations of entitlement. Furthermore, even if the regional artist is given a voice, there are many different ways of being heard or not heard. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s distinction between “speaking” and “talking” is useful here. Discussing “Can the Subaltern Speak?” in an interview with Bulan Lahiri, Spivak notes that: “It was not about talking. It was about: when the subaltern speaks there is not enough infrastructure for people to recognise it as resistant speech. That’s what it means.” In this crucial move, Spivak refines understanding of the issues at stake around the minoritarian position of regional artists. It is not enough for regional artists merely to “talk”; rather, they must be heard with the full impact of “resistant speech” (Lahiri). Obviously, what Spivak means by the “infrastructure” of “resistant speech” differs from the meaning the word “infrastructure” has in the Australia Council for the Arts publication referred to above, which employs the term as part of a governmental and technocratic discourse (“The Arts in Regional Australia”). The distance separating these two usages of “infrastructure” indicates the difference between the quantitative and the qualitative. Working with Spivak, this article’s focus is on the gap or failing in the infrastructure of qualitative research that has led to the relative neglect of Tony Birch’s short story “The Red House” as a significant text of regionalism. The Australia Council for the Arts, with its quantitative and empirical methodology, would not count Birch as a regional writer (to the best of the author’s knowledge, Birch lives and works in Melbourne). Its definition of a regional artist undermines the possibilities of a qualitative research infrastructure. However, recognizing the powerful regional concerns within a text by a primarily city-based writer like Birch is a key move, not only in expanding the definition of who counts as a minoritarian regional writer, but in giving voice to the “resistant speech” of women and children, subalterns on Spivak’s terms, within the regional-urban flux (Lahiri). The aim of this article is to give voice to Tony Birch as a regional writer, at least insofar as he is the author of “The Red House”, while also addressing the issue of well-being (as linked to the curse of domestic violence), through attention to Birch’s artistic re-creation of regionalism. In this way, working with Spivak’s reference to “infrastructure,” the aim is to nurture the growth of a research infrastructure open to a more productive engagement with regionalism, which begins by nuancing the definition of regional. It is not that regional artists, defined either by their demography or (as with Birch) by their creative concerns, are not “talking” rather, what they are saying is not being recognised in Spivak’s strong sense of “speaking”. Indeed, the very fact that Birch is not a regional writer in an empirical sense, and that, as will be explored later in this article, “The Red House” is not even primarily set in a regional location, has at least one important consequence. Potentially, it increases the value of Birch’s short story to an engagement with regionalism, given that “The Red House” unfolds regionalism as a concept always already in productive dialogue with other frameworks of place (such as the urban and the international). To the extent that Birch is a city-based writer of regionalism, and thus on the (urban) margin of the (regional) margin, he enlivens an exquisite position of minoritarian power. Furthermore, “The Red House” contains a diversity of acute insights into the nexus of regionalism and well-being that, to date, critics have overlooked. “The Red House” and the Well-Being of Places Comparatively little scholarly attention has been paid to creative work that itself dramatises and interrogates the issue of regional well-being. Tony Birch’s short story “The Red House” (2006), from his collection of linked stories (which is sometimes referred to as a novel) Shadowboxing, is a particularly interesting candidate to fill this gap in the literature, given how delicately it ranges across, and problematises, the division between the urban and the regional.“The Red House” is the opening story of Shadowboxing. Covering a period of close to a decade, loosely overlapping with the 1960s, and set in different parts of Victoria and Melbourne, it is told in the voice of Michael, who recounts the story of a peripatetic family under stress and struggling to survive. The first sentence reads: “We moved to the red house in the winter after my younger sister, May, died of meningitis” (1). The first page also establishes the place-based coordinates of the story: “In the weeks following our move from Clunes back to Fitzroy, our new house was almost submerged by a rising flood” (1). Birch’s interrogation of regionalism will henceforth operate largely along the Clunes-Fitzroy axis. Fitzroy is an inner-city suburb of Melbourne while Clunes is a small regional town (present population: approximately 2000) about 140 kilometres north-west of Melbourne (Clunes). A flashback section of three pages or so, early on in the story, fills in the events leading up to the return to Melbourne after May’s death in Clunes. Apart from this, the story has a linear structure. The various spatial shifts of “The Red House”, both within Melbourne and between Clunes and Melbourne, are all triggered by threats against, or the pursuit of, multiple modes of well-being. The first move reflects the promise of a fresh romantic union: “It was only after he [Michael’s father] had met my mother and moved with her to my [maternal] grandmother’s house over in Carlton that he had left Fitzroy for the first time in his life” (4–5). This move from Fitzroy to Carlton is followed by a much bigger one: Carlton to Clunes. Implicated in this move are at least two modes of well-being: “The eventual move to the bush had come on the advice of a doctor at the public hospital. He said that the fresh air would help my dad recover from [his] asthma” (5); however, “My grandmother told me years later that the move did not really have all that much to do with his asthma. It was the drink” (5). The context is the husband’s assault of “his six months’ pregnant wife” with “a straight right on the end of her nose” (5). The decision to move to Clunes is made by Michael’s mother: “He fought with her so much that my mother eventually decided that she would have to move away from her mother’s house, for both their sakes. Clunes was a drastic move. But it worked, for a time […]. They appeared happy” (6). This part of “The Red House” unpacks the complexities of how well-being and (physical and mental) health are linked in a social matrix; a physical ailment (asthma) elides an addiction to alcohol, until a doctor’s discourse (validated by the authority of a medical establishment) is subverted by the subalternate voice of Michael’s grandmother. This passage also dramatises the abject scenario of a victim (Michael’s mother) attending to the well-being of her persecutor (Michael’s father) by moving to Clunes “for both their sakes” (6).Subsequently, May is born in Clunes, “a ‘special baby’. She was magical even…” (6). Indeed, “My father’s habit of explosive anger melted before May. He was truly besotted with her” (6). Just before what would have been her second birthday, May dies. “My father wanted to bring May back to Melbourne for burial, but my mother stood up to him and demanded that she be buried in the town where she was born” (6). This is the most powerful enduring connection of Michael’s family to regional Clunes. Significantly, well-being (in the sense of survival and the rebuilding of happiness after the tragic death of a daughter) is dispersed differently, through place, by mother and father, along gendered lines. While the mother wants her daughter’s birthplace and place of death to coincide, the father wants to possess his daughter, almost as if she were an object, by returning her to the city for burial. (Space restrictions preclude further exploration here of the many issues raised by May’s death, including those around the gendered nexus between well-being [happiness] and the proximity or otherwise to a child’s burial place.) After May’s death, Michael’s father’s behaviour deteriorates once more. The domestic violence continues: “It was difficult for my mother to find anything safe to say to him […]. She tried to talk about May with him several times, but he either responded with silence, or swore and yelled at her uncontrollably. He also found his way back to the pubs” (7). The decision to return to Melbourne is made by Michael’s father, against his wife’s wishes: And then one night after he had walked in from the pub he sat down at the table and just said to her, ‘Fuck all this fresh-air bullshit, we’re going back to Melbourne.’ She tried persuading him to stay, talked about his job and my school, but he would not listen. He got sick of her talking and slammed a fist into his heavy palm. ‘We’re fucken going. That’s it. We’re going.’ And that was it.She looked across the table that night and saw once again the man she had married six years earlier, the man who she had deceived herself had faded and eventually disappeared with the move away from the city. (7)In this passage, well-being (even if only imagined rather than real) is explicitly linked to place. Shortly afterwards, the family moves into the red house, where they will remain. The flashback section of the text has already sketched out the chain of events that leads to the return to the city, while also commenting on the agency Michael’s mother exercises in dealing with what, to her, is an unwelcome situation: “Mum […] had argued against coming back to the city. She sensed the looming danger in my father moving back both to his old streets and his old habits. But on realising that she had no real say in the matter, she was determined to ensure that she at least have some say in the house she was moving into” (4). Specifically, Michael’s mother turns her Fitzroy house into the regional house left behind in Clunes. Under her influence, “It wasn’t long before the inside of the house came to life and began to resemble the old place at Clunes” (11). Again: she brings a portrait of May, along with assorted baby belongings, into the Fitzroy house, keeping this secret from her husband. Thus, Michael’s mother infiltrates regional place into urban place as a strategy of (subalternate) well-being. In summary, “The Red House” unpacks well-being as an expansive category shaped by domestic violence, in a negative sense, but also more positively by the actuality or promise of happiness. It also interrogates the fine-grained links between well-being in its incarnations as medical and emotional health. At the same time, it maps the rise and fall of well-being against a human geography of regional and urban places, refusing any simplistic connection of place to well-being (more faintly, there is even the problematising presence of international place, in the character of the Italian landlord, Mr Carboni, and the reference to “the local Italian community [2]). Thus, the text’s regionalism suggests a strategic model, reliant on human intervention in the (re-)creation of place; this is most evident in Michael’s mother’s actions. “The Red House” rewards interpretation as a text of how regional place (Clunes) is re-made in urban place (Fitzroy) through the rehabilitation of a house in the interests of well-being. Well-Being and Domestic Violence across Places It is hard to imagine a greater threat to the well-being of women and children than domestic violence. This makes it all the more surprising that “The Red House” is one of relatively few texts (to the author’s knowledge) to offer a detailed outline of the territory of well-being, in its many forms stretching from the health-based to the emotional, while also including a direct and unflinching consideration of domestic violence. (One cognate text is Kathryn Heyman’s novel The Breaking, which merges medical disability and domestic violence within a broader consideration of regional well-being.) Even more unusual is the way Birch’s story of well-being and domestic violence is mapped in relation to regional and non-regional places. “The Red House” is rare and valuable for its triangulation of well-being, domestic violence, and place; above all, in its refusal to resort to any comforting notion that regional places have essential qualities that make them necessarily better for well-being than the experience of cities. This is perhaps the meaning of the colour of the red house, a colour Michael’s father hates. According to a local know-all, Emu Bailey, the red was originally a form of protest by Ettie Rogers, “‘some sort of communist’” (10). “‘Most everyone around here back then was DLP [Democratic Labour Party]. Still is, some of them. Ettie wasn’t in agreement with the others in the street, so she let them know all about it. Redone it every summer too, the same colour, red’” (10). When Michael’s mother responds to her husband’s injunction to re-paint the house “‘any colour but that fucken red’” (13) by preparing to re-paint it, subversively, “a deep red splash of colour” (19) it is not difficult to discern a silent protest, passed down from woman to woman, against the domestic violence suffered by Michael and his mother. Indeed, Birch comes very close to describing the red of the house as blood-like, labelling it “a rich congealed red” (2). “Congealed” is often used to describe blood. In this way, through a colour that evokes the body, a house becomes a visible and metaphorical protest against the bodily violence (but also emotional and mental torment) that is domestic violence. As Meg Mundell argues, “the body is integral to how literary sense of place is produced” (8). This bodily, coloured protest folds back into the special sort of place the Fitzroy home becomes. If Michael’s mother cannot keep living in Clunes, she can at least paint her city house red. Perhaps attesting to the success of this female protest, there is, towards the end of “The Red House”, a fascinating moment when, as if influenced by the domestic circumstances of transplanted place (from regional Clunes) created by Michael’s mother, domestic violence threatens, but is thwarted. Michael’s mother has just told her husband that she is going to have another baby: “He spun around and moved towards her. I thought that maybe he was going to hit her. But he didn’t. He stopped in front of her. They were toe to toe” (17). Place and (pregnant) body, in an intensified combination (or even, to riff on Spivak’s terminology, as an “infrastructure”), allow the subaltern to “speak” against her oppression. Conclusion: Re-Defining Regionalism through the Literary Creative Arts Tony Birch’s “The Red House” re-creates the regional as something other than a pre-determined place. Regionalism is “activated,” in a strategic mode, within the flux of the urban and the regional. This is particularly evident in the actions of Michael’s mother. She preserves her well-being (located in Clunes, as it were, where her daughter is buried) even after she is forced by her husband to return to Melbourne (the place she left to escape from his domestic violence). The picture of May acts as a talisman of well-being (aptly, given Clunes is described by Michael as “a town where old superstitions held sway over logic” [6]), which Michael’s mother smuggles from regional Clunes into her Melbourne house. “The Red House” is thus a vital literary rejoinder to the conceptualisation of well-being, and regional areas employed by government bodies and commercial entities, which instrumentalizes a binary opposition of the regional/non-regional. By extension, it contests the naïve linkage of regional place to well-being through a nuanced investigation into the complex links between place (regional, urban, even international) and multi-faceted well-being. Birch’s story is a valuable, fine-grained creative analysis of well-being (extending from happiness, comfort and security through to what might be called the “ill-being” of domestic violence), which is matched to an equally fine-grained engagement with multiple modalities of place. It challenges the reader to creatively re-think how regionalism and well-being might align. References Australia Council for the Arts. “Living Culture: First Nations Arts Participation and Wellbeing.” Sydney: Australia Council for the Arts, 2017. 10 Mar. 2019 <https://www.australiacouncil.gov.au/research/living-culture/>.———. “The Arts in Regional Australia: A Research Summary.” Sydney: Australia Council for the Arts, 2017. 10 Mar. 2019 <https://www.australiacouncil.gov.au/research/regional-arts-summary/>.Birch, Tony. “The Red House.” Shadowboxing. Melbourne: Scribe, 2006. 1–19. Clunes, Victoria. Wikipedia. <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clunes,_Victoria>.Drummond, Rozalind, Jondi Keane, and Patrick West. “Zones of Practice: Embodiment and Creative Arts Research.” M/C Journal 15.4 (2012). 1 Mar. 2019 <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/528>.Elg, Hayley. “New Wellness Festival for Daylesford.” The Advocate 22 Jan. 2018. 1 Mar. 2019 <https://www.hepburnadvocate.com.au/story/5182322/the-live-love-life-festival-is-coming-to-daylesford-this-november/>.Heyman, Kathryn. “When I First Wrote about Domestic Violence, No One Talked about It. Now the Shame has Lifted.” The Guardian. 21 May 2017. 10 Mar. 2019 <https://www.theguardian.com/books/2017/may/21/when-i-first-wrote-about-domestic-violence-no-one-talked-about-it-now-the-shame-has-lifted>.Lahiri, Bulan. “In Conversation: Speaking to Spivak.” The Hindu 5 Feb. 2011. 1 Mar. 2019 <https://www.thehindu.com/books/In-Conversation-Speaking-to-Spivak/article15130635.ece>.Mundell, Meg. “Crafting ‘Literary Sense of Place’: The Generative Work of Literary Place-Making.” JASAL: Journal of the Association for the Study of Australian Literature 18.1 (2018): 1–17. 10 Mar. 2019 <https://openjournals.library.sydney.edu.au/index.php/JASAL/article/view/12375>.Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. “Can the Subaltern Speak?” Colonial Discourse and Post-Colonial Theory: A Reader. New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1993: 66–111. Warren, Brad, and Patrick West. “From Ecological Creativity to an Ecology of Well-Being: ‘Flows & Catchments’ as a Case Study of NVivo.” Landscapes: The Journal of the International Centre for Landscape and Language 5.2 (2013): 1–15. 1 Mar. 2019 <https://ro.ecu.edu.au/landscapes/vol5/iss2/21/>.Woodward, Margaret, Craig Bremner, and Anthony Cahalan. “Defining the Geography of Creativity in a Regional Australian University.” Proceedings of the 2012 Australian Council of University Art and Design Schools (ACUADS) Conference: Region and Isolation: The Changing Function of Art & Design Education within Diasporic Cultures and Borderless Communities. Australian Council of University Art and Design Schools (ACUADS) Conference 2012. Perth: Australian Council of University Art and Design Schools (ACUADS), 2012: 1–13. 1 Mar. 2019 <https://acuads.com.au/conference/article/defining-the-geography-of-creativity-in-a-regional-australian-university/>.

IntroductionMusically-inclined people often speak about the soundtrack of their life, with certain songs indelibly linked to a specific moment. When hearing a particular song, it can “easily evoke a whole time and place, distant feelings and emotions, and memories of where we were, and with whom” (Lewis 135). Music has the ability to provide maps to real and imagined spaces, positioning people within a larger social environment where songs “are never just a song, but a connection, a ticket, a pass, an invitation, a node in a complex network” (Kun 3). When someone is lost in the music, they can find themselves transported somewhere else entirely without physically moving. This can be a blessing in some situations, for example, while living in a disaster zone, when almost any other time or place can seem better than the here and now. The city of Christchurch, New Zealand was hit by a succession of damaging earthquakes beginning with a magnitude 7.1 earthquake in the early hours of 4 September 2010. The magnitude 6.3 earthquake of 22 February 2011, although technically an aftershock of the September earthquake, was closer and shallower, with intense ground acceleration that caused much greater damage to the city and its people (“Scientists”). It was this February earthquake that caused the total or partial collapse of many inner city buildings, and claimed the lives of 185 people. Everybody in Christchurch lost someone or something that day: their house or job; family members, friends, or colleagues; the city as they knew it; or their normal way of life. The broken central city was quickly cordoned off behind fences, with the few entry points guarded by local and international police and armed military personnel.In the aftermath of a disaster, circumstances and personal attributes will influence how people react, think and feel about the experience. Surviving a disaster is more than not dying, “survival is to do with quality of life [and] involves progressing from the event and its aftermath, and transforming the experience” (Hodgkinson and Stewart 2). In these times of heightened stress, music can be a catalyst for sharing and expressing emotions, connecting people and communities, and helping them make sense of what has happened (Carr 38; Webb 437). This article looks at some of the ways that popular songs and musical memories helped residents of a broken city remember the past and come to terms with the present.BackgroundExisting songs can take on new significance after a catastrophic event, even without any alteration. Songs such as Do You Know What It Means to Miss New Orleans? and Prayer for New Orleans have been given new emotional layers by those who were displaced or affected by Hurricane Katrina (Cooper 265; Sullivan 15). A thirty year-old song by Randy Newman, Louisiana, 1927, became something of “a contemporary anthem, its chorus – ‘Louisiana, they’re trying to wash us away’ – bearing new relevance” (Blumenfeld 166). Contemporary popular songs have also been re-mixed or revised after catastrophic events, either by the original artist or by others. Elton John’s Candle in the Wind and Beyonce’s Halo have each been revised twice by the artist after tragedy and disaster (Doyle; McAlister), while radio stations in the United States have produced commemorative versions of popular songs to mark tragedies and their anniversaries (Beaumont-Thomas; Cantrell). The use and appreciation of music after disaster is a reminder that popular music is fluid, in that it “refuses to provide a uniform or static text” (Connell and Gibson 3), and can simultaneously carry many different meanings.Music provides a soundtrack to daily life, creating a map of meaning to the world around us, or presenting a reminder of the world as it once was. Tia DeNora explains that when people hear a song that was once heard in, and remains associated with, a particular time and place, it “provides a device for unfolding, for replaying, the temporal structure of that moment, [which] is why, for so many people, the past ‘comes alive’ to its soundtrack” (67). When a community is frequently and collectively casting their minds back to a time before a catastrophic change, a sense of community identity can be seen in the use of, and reaction to, particular songs. Music allows people to “locate themselves in different imaginary geographics at one and the same time” (Cohen 93), creating spaces for people to retreat into, small ‘audiotopias’ that are “built, imagined, and sustained through sound, noise, and music” (Kun 21). The use of musical escape holes is prevalent after disaster, as many once-familiar spaces that have changed beyond recognition or are no longer able to be physically visited, can be easily imagined or remembered through music. There is a particular type of longing expressed by those who are still at home and yet cannot return to the home they knew. Whereas nostalgia is often experienced by people far from home who wish to return or those enjoying memories of a bygone era, people after disaster often encounter a similar nostalgic feeling but with no change in time or place: a loss without leaving. Glenn Albrecht coined the term ‘solastalgia’ to represent “the form of homesickness one experiences when one is still at home” (35). This sense of being unable to find solace in one’s home environment can be brought on by natural disasters such as fire, flood, earthquakes or hurricanes, or by other means like war, mining, climate change or gentrification. Solastalgia is often felt most keenly when people experience the change first-hand and then have to adjust to life in a totally changed environment. This can create “chronic distress of a solastalgic kind [that] would persist well after the acute phase of post-traumatic distress” (Albrecht 36). Just as the visible, physical effects of disaster last for years, so too do the emotional effects, but there have been many examples of how the nostalgia inherent in a shared popular music soundtrack has eased the pain of solastalgia for a community that is hurting.Pop Songs and Nostalgia in ChristchurchIn September 2011, one year after the initial earthquake, the Bank of New Zealand (BNZ) announced a collaboration with Christchurch hip hop artist, Scribe, to remake his smash hit, Not Many, for charity. Back in 2003, Not Many debuted at number five on the New Zealand music charts, where it spent twelve weeks at number one and was crowned ‘Single of the Year’ (Sweetman, On Song 164). The punchy chorus heralded Scribe as a force to be reckoned with, and created a massive imprint on New Zealand popular culture with the line: “How many dudes you know roll like this? Not many, if any” (Scribe, Not Many). Music critic, Simon Sweetman, explains how “the hook line of the chorus [is now] a conversational aside that is practically unavoidable when discussing amounts… The words ‘not many’ are now truck-and-trailered with ‘if any’. If you do not say them, you are thinking them” (On Song 167). The strong links between artist and hometown – and the fact it is an enduringly catchy song – made it ideal for a charity remake. Reworded and reworked as Not Many Cities, the chorus now asks: “How many cities you know roll like this?” to which the answer is, of course, “not many, if any” (Scribe/BNZ, Not Many Cities). The remade song entered the New Zealand music charts at number 36 and the video was widely shared through social media but not all reception was positive. Parts of the video were shot in the city’s Red Zone, the central business district that was cordoned off from public access due to safety concerns. The granting of special access outraged some residents, with letters to the editor and online commentary expressing frustration that celebrities were allowed into the Red Zone to shoot a music video while those directly affected were not allowed in to retrieve essential items from residences and business premises. However, it is not just the Red Zone that features: the video switches between Scribe travelling around the broken inner city on the back of a small truck and lingering shots of carefully selected people, businesses, and groups – all with ties to the BNZ as either clients or beneficiaries of sponsorship. In some ways, Not Many Cities comes across like just another corporate promotional video for the BNZ, albeit with more emotion and a better soundtrack than usual. But what it has bequeathed is a snapshot of the city as it was in that liminal time: a landscape featuring familiar buildings, spaces and places which, although damaged, was still a recognisable version of the city that existed before the earthquakes.Before Scribe burst onto the music scene in the early 2000s, the best-known song about Christchurch was probably Christchurch (in Cashel St. I wait), an early hit from the Exponents (Mitchell 189). Initially known as the Dance Exponents, the group formed in Christchurch in the early 1980s and remained local and national favourites thanks to a string of hits Sweetman refers to as “the question-mark songs,” such as Who Loves Who the Most?, Why Does Love Do This to Me?, and What Ever Happened to Tracey? (Best Songwriter). Despite disbanding in 1999, the group re-formed to be the headline act of ‘Band Together’—a multi-artist, outdoor music event organised for the benefit of Christchurch residents by local musician, Jason Kerrison, formerly of the band OpShop. Attended by over 140,000 people (Anderson, Band Together), this nine-hour event brought joy and distraction to a shaken and stressed populace who, at that point in time (October 2010), probably thought the worst was over.The Exponents took the stage last, and chose Christchurch (in Cashel St. I Wait) as their final number. Every musician involved in the gig joined them on stage and the crowd rose to their feet, singing along with gusto. A local favourite since its release in 1985, the verses may have been a bit of a mumble for some, but the chorus rang out loud and clear across the park: Christchurch, In Cashel Street I wait,Together we will be,Together, together, together, One day, one day, one day,One day, one day, one daaaaaay! (Exponents, “Christchurch (in Cashel St. I Wait)”; lyrics written as sung)At that moment, forming an impromptu community choir of over 100,000 people, the audience was filled with hope and faith that those words would come true. Life would go on and people would gather together in Cashel Street and wait for normality to return, one day. Later the following year, the opening of the Re:Start container mall added an extra layer of poignancy to the song lyrics. Denied access to most of the city’s CBD, that one small part of Cashel Street now populated with colourful shipping containers was almost the only place in central Christchurch where people could wait. There are many music videos that capture the central city of Christchurch as it was in decades past. There are some local classics, like The Bats’ Block of Wood and Claudine; The Shallows’ Suzanne Said; Moana and the Moahunters’ Rebel in Me; and All Fall Down’s Black Gratten, which were all filmed in the 1980s or early 1990s (Goodsort, Re-Live and More Music). These videos provide many flashback moments to the city as it was twenty or thirty years ago. However, one post-earthquake release became an accidental musical time capsule. The song, Space and Place, was released in February 2013, but both song and video had been recorded not long before the earthquakes occurred. The song was inspired by the feelings experienced when returning home after a long absence, and celebrates the importance of the home town as “a place that knows you as well as you know it” (Anderson, Letter). The chorus features the line, “streets of common ground, I remember, I remember” (Franklin, Mayes, and Roberts, Space and Place), but it is the video, showcasing many of the Christchurch places and spaces only recently lost to the earthquakes, that tugs at people’s heartstrings. The video for Space and Place sweeps through the central city at night, with key heritage buildings like the Christ Church Cathedral, and the Catholic Basilica lit up against the night sky (both are still damaged and inaccessible). Producer and engineer, Rob Mayes, describes the video as “a love letter to something we all lost [with] the song and its lyrics [becoming] even more potent, poignant, and unexpectedly prescient post quake” (“Songs in the Key”). The Arts Centre features prominently in the footage, including the back alleys and archways that hosted all manner of night-time activities – sanctioned or otherwise – as well as many people’s favourite hangout, the Dux de Lux (the Dux). Operating from the corner of the Arts Centre site since the 1970s, the Dux has been described as “the city’s common room” and “Christchurch’s beating heart” by musicians mourning its loss (Anderson, Musicians). While the repair and restoration of some parts of the Arts Centre is currently well advanced, the Student Union building that once housed this inner-city social institution is not slated for reopening until 2019 (“Rebuild and Restore”), and whether the Dux will be welcomed back remains to be seen. Empty Spaces, Missing PlacesA Facebook group, ‘Save Our Dux,’ was created in early March 2011, and quickly filled with messages and memories from around the world. People wandered down memory lane together as they reminisced about their favourite gigs and memorable occasions, like the ‘Big Snow’ of 1992 when the Dux served up mulled wine and looked more like a ski chalet. Memories were shared about the time when the music video for the Dance Exponents’ song, Victoria, was filmed at the Dux and the Art Deco-style apartment building across the street. The reminiscing continued, establishing and strengthening connections, with music providing a stepping stone to shared experience and a sense of community. Physically restricted from visiting a favourite social space, people were converging in virtual hangouts to relive moments and remember places now cut off by the passing of time, the falling of bricks, and the rise of barrier fences.While waiting to find out whether the original Dux site can be re-occupied, the business owners opened new venues that housed different parts of the Dux business (live music, vegetarian food, and the bars/brewery). Although the fit-out of the restaurant and bars capture a sense of the history and charm that people associate with the Dux brand, the empty wasteland and building sites that surround the new Dux Central quickly destroy any illusion of permanence or familiarity. Now that most of the quake-damaged buildings have been demolished, the freshly-scarred earth of the central city is like a child’s gap-toothed smile. Wandering around the city and forgetting what used to occupy an empty space, wanting to visit a shop or bar before remembering it is no longer there, being at the Dux but not at the Dux – these are the kind of things that contributed to a feeling that local music writer, Vicki Anderson, describes as “lost city syndrome” (“Lost City”). Although initially worried she might be alone in mourning places lost, other residents have shared similar experiences. In an online comment on the article, one local resident explained how there are two different cities fighting for dominance in their head: “the new keeps trying to overlay the old [but] when I’m not looking at pictures, or in seeing it as it is, it’s the old city that pushes its way to the front” (Juniper). Others expressed relief that they were not the only ones feeling strangely homesick in their own town, homesick for a place they never left but that had somehow left them.There are a variety of methods available to fill the gaps in both memories and cityscape. The Human Interface Technology Laboratory New Zealand (HITLab), produced a technological solution: interactive augmented reality software called CityViewAR, using GPS data and 3D models to show parts of the city as they were prior to the earthquakes (“CityViewAR”). However, not everybody needed computerised help to remember buildings and other details. Many people found that, just by listening to a certain song or remembering particular gigs, it was not just an image of a building that appeared but a multi-sensory event complete with sound, movement, smell, and emotion. In online spaces like the Save Our Dux group, memories of favourite bands and songs, crowded gigs, old friends, good times, great food, and long nights were shared and discussed, embroidering a rich and colourful tapestry about a favourite part of Christchurch’s social scene. ConclusionMusic is strongly interwoven with memory, and can recreate a particular moment in time and place through the associations carried in lyrics, melody, and imagery. Songs can spark vivid memories of what was happening – when, where, and with whom. A song shared is a connection made: between people; between moments; between good times and bad; between the past and the present. Music provides a soundtrack to people’s lives, and during times of stress it can also provide many benefits. The lyrics and video imagery of songs made in years gone by have been shown to take on new significance and meaning after disaster, offering snapshots of times, people and places that are no longer with us. Even without relying on the accompanying imagery of a video, music has the ability to recreate spaces or relocate the listener somewhere other than the physical location they currently occupy. This small act of musical magic can provide a great deal of comfort when suffering solastalgia, the feeling of homesickness one experiences when the familiar landscapes of home suddenly change or disappear, when one has not left home but that home has nonetheless gone from sight. The earthquakes (and the demolition crews that followed) have created a lot of empty land in Christchurch but the sound of popular music has filled many gaps – not just on the ground, but also in the hearts and lives of the city’s residents. 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