Дисертації з теми "Philosophie de la paix"
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Chevalier, Laurent. "La frontière entre guerre et paix." Paris 10, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA100053.
Bouillon, Vincent. "Guerre et paix dans la philosophie d'Emmanuel Levinas." Thesis, Paris 10, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA100060.
Along a first, major question, primordial as it involves living together and respecting human values. Let us present that problem: «it proximity concerned one person only there would not have been any difficulty». There are not only two of us in this world, and our relation to the other, the third one, the closest as well as the furtherest, is a reality we cannot deny before any consent. «A problem» because the other is equally, par excellence, the most worry some, and unpredictable with the other we shall always be in a relation that includes an infinity of indestructible links. Last as we are in the world our preoccupation “of” and “for” the other is imposed on us as an heritage with the same necessity as our presence to ourselves. In our existence we have never been and never shall be alone; that is why our relation to the other, from peace to war, becomes an essential question, the first as well as the last of the problems. We will show in these links that the problem of war and peace arises by and for the being, we shall to go further by identifying precisely that to being and to ontology is added another source of conflict, which is all the more ambivalent as it will be necessary to peace and war: transcendence. What we would like to let appear and to sustain is that the being is not the only origin of evil and consequently of war. Levinas’s position on that point has slowly but significantly evolved, as the thesis expressed in his early writing has been submitted to the harsh experience of the nazi concentration camps and have finally resulted in his maturity in a general discard for enjoyment and happiness for ourself. This is the voyage to which the reader is invited, as well as to approach of the implications it includes for justice, state, happiness and the effective realization of peace as well as for the always possible and sudden looming up treat of war.We shall accompagny Levinas in his striving for lucidity regarding the last century and its genocides and we shall endeavor to reconcile that lucidity with the hope his whole philosophy wants never theless to sustain
Ben, Moubamba Bruno. "La signification du concept de "paix" dans l'Augustinisme." Thesis, Reims, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012REIML004.
What interests Saint Augustine, is the way elected officials, distinguished from others by the grace of God and not on their merits which are non-existent, will live in exile among the ungodly of an earthly city, private rest so peace. But just as the latter is comparable to the state nor the city of God is totally identifiable with the Church. We understand that these are two cities in the allegorical sense empirically following are mixed (perplexae) here below. Gradually assimilating the first state and the second in the Church, the medieval théocratiens (such as political Islam today) have come against the thought of the bishop of Hippo, to submit the State the church, unaware of the way the eschatological perspective of the theme of the two.The disciples of St. Augustine were they faithful to the teaching of the doctor of the Christian West, especially in politically? To the extent that they were unanimous in recognizing that the true "civilization" is based on faith in a God who revealed himself, and when man understands it as an "ultimate radicalissime possibility of his being," c is to place it outside the world. It remained to fight any attempt to reduce the size of the empirical worldly existence of the human condition, in the narrowness of the earthly city, this, this company Adamic which always precedes the city to come and prepare the tribulations of human history: "Here we will rest and we'll see, we will see and we will love, we love and praise." (Works of Saint Augustine, George Combe French translation, Augustine Library, Paris, Desclée de Brower, 1959). Is not this a picture of the peace to which all things tend-humans?
Herriger, Alexandre. "La pratique de la philosophie avec les enfants et la mise en œuvre de la paix." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2004. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=885680201&sid=7&Fmt=2&clientId=9268&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Delton, Cendrine. "Le devenir des relations internationales : réflexion sur la philosophie de la paix des grandes organisations internationales (SDN, ONU)." Paris 12, 2004. https://athena.u-pec.fr/primo-explore/search?query=any,exact,990002134650204611&vid=upec.
To use Arendt words, this work emerge from an experimental background, September 11th 2001 and from the following confusion in which appeared political thinking. This work tries to reinvest the modem tradition of political philosophy in order to investigate the useful concepts to rediscover or to review to consider appropriately the contemporary international relations. Following closely R. Kagan who, in his essay, (Of paradise and power reactivates the opposition between political realism and juridical idealism, we vill first wonder to what extent this renewal is relevant. Then, we will initiate the critical examination of the idea according to which from global homogenezation of liberal democracy would arise a universal state ofpeace. At last, taking over R. Aron's concept of international "heterogeneity", we will develop the idea of a cosmopolitan doctrine of the right of war
Cervera-Marzal, Manuel. "Ni paix ni guerre : philosophie de la désobéissance civile et politique de la non violence." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/241296.
Le, Breton-Falézan Isabelle. "La place des régimes politiques internes dans l'analyse de la paix et de la guerre." Paris 10, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA100114.
Delton, Cendrine Castillo Monique. "Le devenir des relations internationales réflexion sur la philosophie de la paix des grandes organisations internationales (SDN, ONU) /." Créteil : Université de Paris-Val-de-Marne, 2004. http://doxa.scd.univ-paris12.fr:80/theses/th0213465.pdf.
Guertin, Marie. "La philosophie de la paix de jean jaures. De son developpement et de son articulation en idee et en action." Toulouse 2, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991TOU20023.
Because the jauresian philosophy of peace has never been the object of a systematic and complete study, we tried to do so in our thesis in giving an exhaustive and general synthesis. We conducted this analysis and this synthesis in three majorparts. In the first, philosophical prolegomena, we show how jaures in his first writings of 1880-86, and in the period of 1887-1904 has prepared his vast philosophy of peace which would be accompanied constantly by a generous action and we study its triple principles. In the 2nd part, the armed peace, we define this concept essential to jaures and we show how armed peace is a product of war which nourrishes new wars, hence is only a false peace. In following the action and speeches of jaures, we study the causes of war as he saw them active during 1880-1914. The true peace which we analyze the idea in our 3rd part, is completely at the opposite: it has for condition a total intellectual and moral revolution of humanity and it calls for a deep transformation of political life, inside and in the concert of nations. But it has also juridical conditions that we study as disarmement, arbitration, etc. We conclude in emphasizing the actuality of the jauresian message
Nahon, John-David. "Cosmopolitique d’un espace public mondial. Projet de paix perpétuelle et transformation des relations internationales." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040258.
How can the structure of international relations be transformed? The structure of international relations is defined by the absence of legitimate force and centralized executive power, which constrains nations to live in a semi-anarchical state characterized by a cycle of war and peace.To confront this problem – the problem of war and peace among nations – we will resort to the cosmopolitical model, the forerunner of collective security. Cosmopolitical is a union of States, the purpose of which is a legitimate and legal perpetual peace. Because of a number of flaws in kantian cosmopolitanism, and after a review of the main, contemporary theories in cosmopolitanism – cosmopolitan democracy, liberal cosmopolitanism and republican cosmopolitanism – we will defend a project of a federal, cosmopolitan union based on a worldwide Assembly and a Court of justice. Our goal is to adapt legality, publicity and civility – the three main principles of a public space – to international relations.How can we create – thanks to a cosmopolitan union – a worldwide public space, respectful of the liberty and plurality of people and nations, in order to make the project of perpetual peace happen?Key words : cosmopolitanism, cosmopolitical, nationalism, nation, state, nation-state, sovereignity, citizenship, public space, publicity, civility, globalization, westphalian model, collective security, United-Nations, global justice, federalism, war, peace
Lencastre, Cardoso Manuel. "Politiques du Léviathan : Hobbes et la science de la pratique du souverain." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0003.
The term Leviathan’s policies refers to the practical recommendations Hobbes suggests the sovereign should take in order to keep his political community at peace. This research analyses the way in which Hobbes makes public policy. Its aim is to capture Hobbes’s thinking on state administration by exploring the practical measures by which Hobbes believes a state can maintain civil peace.By its very nature, such an inquiry goes beyond the study of a collection of historical curiosities. It offers an in-depth understanding of Hobbes’s practical science of the sovereign, and it provides the possibility of re-examining, from Hobbes’s point of view, the public policies of contemporary states
Desmeules, Louis. "Considérations sur le fondement philosophique des mouvements pour la paix d’aujourd'hui." Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/9351.
Wola, Bangala Charles. "Politique éthique et Paix : du principe de "publicité" dans la philosophie pratique de Kant à la formation morale de la conscience politique." St. Ottilien EOS-Verl, 2008. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=3108409&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.
Wola, Bangala Charles. "Politique éthique et paix du principe de publicité dans la philosophie pratique de Kant à la formation morale de la conscience politique." St. Ottilien EOS, 2007. http://d-nb.info/988745763/04.
Brice, Benjamin. "La fin de la guerre ? : les ambiguïté de la « paix démocratique » : intérêts, passions et idées." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0041.
The most salient feature of contemporary international relations is probably the state of peace between liberal democracies across the globe: for almost two centuries, these have not waged war against one another. On the basis of this observation, "democratic peace" theorists - or more precisely "liberal peace" theorists - have tried to identify the "mechanisms" which explain this statistical correlation, and upon which a real international peace could be imagined, providing each political unit adopts the different aspects of the "liberal regime" (market economy, representative democracy and individual rights). Three main "mechanisms" are offered to support these theories: (1) national interests converge through trade and economic interdependence, (2) representative democracy tames the most warlike passions and (3) shared principles of justice in liberal democracies are likely to bring an end to the conflicts of ideas. We can recognize here the three main causes of war: interests, passions and ideas. These "mechanisms" have been discussed by political thinkers from the 18th century. Montesquieu for instance, usually dismissed by the "tradition" as the promoter of « doux commerce », is of great help to think through the ambivalence of the three different "mechanisms" at work: (1) alongside reconciling interests, modern trade gives rise to oppression and conquest, (2) pride in ruling and the desire to dominate do not disappear thanks to the revaluation of human passions, and (3) universal principles of justice, expected to establish an agreement between clashing ideas, easily transform into one form or another of imperialism. The purpose of this thesis is thus to understand what is changing and what is not in international affairs following the birth and the expansion of what we call the "liberal regime"
Nabirire, Musa. "L'actualité de l'héritage philosophique de Kant dans la construction d'une paix durable pour le développement de l'Afrique des Grands Lacs." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAK012.
The pacification of the African Great Lakes plagued by violence during these last two decades is the ultimate goal of this thesis. After the failure of several initiatives to end violence in the region, our concern was to look in the Kantism a new reason to hope. Thus, this work attempts to show how the philosophical legacy of Kant can contribute to peace and development in Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo, three countries of the region ravaged by wars. Our approach has been to consider the moral and political thought of Kant in which we found the foundations of this theory of peace developed in the context of wars in Europe. The discussion of its receipt and the rise of nationalism stigmatizing the Kantian cosmopolitanism, has led us to establish a connection between the promotion by the Nazi regime of the aryan race supposed to be superior than others and considered as a model of the social organization, with the spread of similar prejudices by the colonial administration in the African Great Lakes applicant Tutsi supremacy "created to rule " the Hutu and Twa, simple doomed to slavery negroes. Exploited by politicians anxious to gain power, this "racist judgment," unfounded, will be one of the causes of the genocidal massacre in which will be engulfed Rwanda and Burundi before extending its effects on the Congo, where conflicts will take an economic dimension and involve a number of African countries and other non-African actors. However, capitalizing the reemergence of cosmopolitanism recovery by the founders of the League of Nations and those of the UN, we have stressed the relevance of cooperation and articulation of differences as a precondition for lasting peace. With Ricœur and Arendt, two post-Kantians, we launched the foundation for reconciliation in the three countries, referring to the Franco-German and South African experience. We stressed the importance of the reform of the UN institutions and states of the region so that through the republicanism the state of law should be promoted. The hospitality expressed by cosmopolitanism and international trade in the kantian thought, would result states’ cooperation and the gathering of regional organizations in an economic and monetary union which would lay the foundation of a federation of African states and ensure a lasting peace on the continent and in the Great Lakes region
Masset, Thibault. "Critique et clinique des stratégies de paix au XXIème siècle : une critique deleuzo-guattarienne du pouvoir au XXIème siècle." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA080008.
My thesis proposes a method of identification of the power, a creation of abstract tools to this end, an critical evaluation of the diversity of the forms of expression of the power and a proposition of measures in order to solved power problems within the framework of a materialistic deleuzo-guattarian political philosophy. Our subject is divided at four moments: the first one is a critical moment of identification of the configuration of the scientifico-political power and the definition of the task of the political philosophy towards him since an at first abstract analysis then the put in perspective of this one by a concrete analysis of the contemporary historic and political processes. The second moment consists in establishing a theory of including political philosophy with regard to all the existing critical approaches. In the third moment, it is a question at first of proposing a contents in the political theory by the presentation of concrete operators of analysis and then to legitimize the position of the political deleuzo-guattarian philosophy in the contemporary field. Finally, according to the materialistic perspective applied to the field of the political philosophy, we formulate concrete proposals for the establishment of a lasting peace by investing the contemporary political legal and strategic field. The objective is to offer a key for understanding contemporary politics by the critical approach guaranteeing a knowledge of the desirous processes presiding over the most viable and livable possible forms of order of the social organizations. We propose strategies to reach these goals
Bardyn, Christophe. "Montaigne, la politique et la religion : le moyenneur de la paix." Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0118.
The aim of this work was to determine Montaigne's position in the midst of the civil and religious wars of his time. We took for granted that, in this context, political commitment could not be separated from religious concern. As for philosophy, we suggested that Montaigne is a mitigated cynic, wich allowed us to explain some of his contradictions. In the first Part, the most significant point is the role of political authority to solve conflicts, and an utter preferences for republicanism. Reading the Essais, we understand Montaigne's political thought as centered upon the theme of frankness, both a freedom and sincerity, leading us a new towards a cynical statement. The second Part of our work bears more specifically on Montaigne's religion. We first examined the grounds of the opinion according to wich Montaigne would have been an excellent catholic. A confrontation between Montaigne and Augustine fills most of this Part of our work. The result of those analyses was that Montaigne opposes each and every fundamental thesis of Augustine, as much metaphysical ones as ethical or theological ones. Montaigne eventually appears as a thinker most concerned by the political impact of religious theses and desirous to find merely political solutions. He is a moyenneur and an irénique. His endeavor to propose an original solution to the theological-political problem of his time led to a renewal of the literary forms
Condé, Pierre-Yves. "Des juges à La Haye : formation d’une judiciabilité universaliste, des amis de la paix à la lutte contre l’impunité." Thesis, Cachan, Ecole normale supérieure, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012DENS0020.
This dissertation addresses the concrete historicity of “international justice”. It tries to map and analyze some important processes involved in the formation of a universalist judiciability since the 19th Century. By “judiciability”, it highlights a historical form of authority, general as well as specific – the very object of the inquiry. It therefore endeavours to bridge the gap between the sociology of the institutionalization of international courts on the one hand and the sociology of justice in action on the other and departs from analyses focusing on such or such international court, from assumptions of a common normative horizon allowing connections to be made between various courts, and from comparisons between courts and their respective political function, if any. More precisely, “universalist judiciability” refers to a form of authority associated with a particular horizon of meaning, the approximately systematic set of connotations of the phrase “international justice”: it is about justice and war and peace, appeasement, and reconciliation, expectations of solace, reform, or even wordly redemption. Based on a methodological presentism, the dissertation’s primary focus is on the most intensive experiments in international justice, which also happen to be the most recent ones. Two claims are made: firstly, that the concrete historicity of “international justice” cannot be grasped properly if due attention is not paid to relatively long range processes- secondly, that besides normative issues issues of truth have been multiplying in this field of universalist judiciability whose historical formation spans two centuries
Dos, Santos Matthes da Costa Maíra. "Les raisons de la guerre : Le jus ad bellum entre le pacifisme libéral et la guerre juste." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Paris Cité, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021UNIP7248.
Under what circumstances is the recourse to force legitimate? International law regarding the use of force allows three possibilities: 1/ Member States may claim self-defense against an armed attack; 2/ Member States may use force if the Security Council issues a resolution authorizing it; 3/ Member States may use force inside another State with its free consent. All other uses of military force, or threats to use force, are illegal. This thesis will first show how this legal construction takes root in Western liberal thought. It dates back to the 18th century and considers war a corrosive force, the direct opposite of humanity's true interests. Conceptually, liberal thought on the use of force is opposed to the idea of a just war, which has its roots in the Christian concept of world order. Its classic version, in effect, accepts three justifications for war: the defense of rights against an unjust attack; the restoration of rights in the event of harm suffered; and vindication when justice has been violated. It is therefore our second objective to show the philosophical bases of this second paradigm justifying war. We argue that two main paradigms exist affecting the justification of war that differ widely in their origins and issues - liberal pacifism and just war theory. The first is governed according to a logic of presumption against war. It judges war as immoral and tries to find a political solution to the problem. Just war theory, on the contrary, judges that war can be a moral activity under the condition of not being subsumed by power politics. Therefore, it puts forward a logic of conditional permissiveness. The ways in which morality and politics are articulated are thus very different according to each of these traditions, which has consequences for the moral evaluation of war. At the end, two conclusions will be developed. First, from a logical point of view, the synthesis between liberal pacifism and just war is not possible. Second, the multitude of possible compromises between these two paradigms generates only the possibility of precarious conciliations
Chen, Hsin-Pai [Verfasser], and Otfried [Akademischer Betreuer] Höffe. "Moralität und Gerechtigkeit. Politische Gerechtigkeit als die Sittlichkeit im Zusammenleben der Personen in Kants praktischer Philosophie / Hsin-Pai Chen ; Betreuer: Otfried Höffe." Tübingen : Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1199615390/34.
Belissa, Marc. "La cosmopolitique du droit des gens (1713-1795) : fraternité universelle et intérêt national au siècle des Lumières et pendant la Révolution française." Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010502.
From the project ofr a perpetual peace of the abbé des Saint-Pierre in 1713 to Kant's in 1795, XVIIIth century's philosophers debate of peace making and of new relations between the peoples. The concept of the law of nations inherited from the philosophical debates of the xvith and xviith centuries plays a central role in this reflexion. People of the enlightment argue about the abilitiy of humanity to achieve peace, and about the means of achieving a civil relationship between nations. The manners of the ancien regime are submitted to the critique of reason : conquest, the laws of war and diplomacy are rejected. How to conciliate universal brotherhood with the love of one's country ? How to conceive an economic development wich respects the reciprocity of the rights of peoples ? The answers to these questions give the outlines of political trends crystallise in french and american revelutions between 1776 et 1795. Two approaches materialize progressively. The first approach intends to build a national power able to defend its own interests in a political space made of independant nations and wich are tried by a positive law of nations. In this system the nation-state sovereignity replaces the private order of the ancien regime. The other approach, wich we call a "cosmopolitics of the law of nations", aims to build a civil and federate society of nations wich would be a warrant for the rights of the peoples
Sapien, Cordoba Abraham. "The Unpleasantness of Pain." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL089.
Pain is unpleasant. Given that pain is the paradigmatic example of an unpleasant experience, I aim to shed light on what pain and unpleasantness are by trying to understand what it means for a pain to be unpleasant, what the structure of unpleasantness is, and by tackling several problematic aspects of the relation between pain and unpleasantness. By doing this, I will also provide a general account of what it means for an experience that might not be a pain to be unpleasant.The thesis is organised into seven chapters and divided by three main themes: i) what the unpleasantness of pain consists in, ii) how we can account for the great phenomenal diversity among experiences of unpleasantness, and iii) which cases suggest that there could be pains that are not unpleasant. Broadly, the first two chapters deal with the first theme, the third and fourth chapter with the second theme, and the fifth and sixth chapter focus on the third theme. In the final chapter I offer a conclusion of the three main themes by providing my own view on the unpleasantness of pain. According to this account, an unpleasant experience is something felt, it is a phenomenal property of mental states, and this property should be understood using the determinable-determinate distinction. By doing all of this, this thesis will provide a detailed understanding of the nature of pain and unpleasantness
Le, Bohec Jean-Baptiste. "La question internationale dans l'oeuvre de Norberto Bobbio." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Rennes 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013REN1S037.
Is a war waged with modern instruments of destruction still justifiable ? Does the Marxist theory of imperialism exhaust the issue of war? Is it still possible today, in view of the risk of a universal conflagration, to propose a philosophy of history? What can international law do against the state of nature between nations? These questions pervade the works of 20th century Italian jurist and philosopher, Norberto Bobbio. They can all be considered as corollaries of his fundamental angst in dealing with the problem of war. This research proposes to introduce the French reader to Bobbio’s internationalist theories; theories currently disseminated in scores of books, essays, articles and lectures, most of which have not yet been translated. Nevertheless, the dispersion of his writings does not rule out the possibility of a systematic presentation of his thinking, forged by the amalgamation of political philosophy, the history of ideas, political science and the philosophy of the law. Indeed, Bobbio is the author of an analytical policy which sought to clarify contemporary issues in light of concepts taken from both Anglo-Saxon and Continental philosophies. He is part of a tradition which, in the wake of Kant, Bentham and Saint-Simon, has indefatigably endeavored to think of the requirements for surpassing international anarchy. Thus, from the ongoing dialogue between the legacy of political and juridical thought, Bobbio has forged conceptual weapons to fight against the international system’s specific logic of power, against the persistence of the traditional justifications of war, and for the federalist plan of global democracy
Le, Bohec Jean-Baptiste. "La question internationale dans l'oeuvre de Norberto Bobbio." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013REN1S037/document.
Is a war waged with modern instruments of destruction still justifiable ? Does the Marxist theory of imperialism exhaust the issue of war? Is it still possible today, in view of the risk of a universal conflagration, to propose a philosophy of history? What can international law do against the state of nature between nations? These questions pervade the works of 20th century Italian jurist and philosopher, Norberto Bobbio. They can all be considered as corollaries of his fundamental angst in dealing with the problem of war. This research proposes to introduce the French reader to Bobbio’s internationalist theories; theories currently disseminated in scores of books, essays, articles and lectures, most of which have not yet been translated. Nevertheless, the dispersion of his writings does not rule out the possibility of a systematic presentation of his thinking, forged by the amalgamation of political philosophy, the history of ideas, political science and the philosophy of the law. Indeed, Bobbio is the author of an analytical policy which sought to clarify contemporary issues in light of concepts taken from both Anglo-Saxon and Continental philosophies. He is part of a tradition which, in the wake of Kant, Bentham and Saint-Simon, has indefatigably endeavored to think of the requirements for surpassing international anarchy. Thus, from the ongoing dialogue between the legacy of political and juridical thought, Bobbio has forged conceptual weapons to fight against the international system’s specific logic of power, against the persistence of the traditional justifications of war, and for the federalist plan of global democracy
Hueber, Bruno. "La démocratie et la question de la guerre dans l'oeuvre d'A. de Tocqueville." Thesis, Tours, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013TOUR2007/document.
Two obvious ideas cross the political speech of today. On one hand, the « democracy » would represent shape of the most justifiable society or most possible emancipator, and on the other hand, the war would be from now on the obvious sign of a failure in the treatment of the disputes enter sovereign States. The thesis tries hard to extract from the work of Tocqueville, from elements of answer to a triple interrogation. What are the cultural and institutional elements which allow to support the idea, and which ratifies the author, according to which, a democratic society would be paceful ? What are the factors, the trends, the interests chich, inside thos social structure, can disrupt or cancel this pacifism of departure ? Finally, we can be sure that the peace which propose the democracies it would note hide a potential of alienation much worse than the one that the war generates obvioulsy ?
Damba, Nicole. "Education à la paix." Paris 8, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA081774.
Courtil, Jean-Christophe. "Sapientia contemptrix doloris : le corps souffrant dans l'œuvre philosophique de Sénèque." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013TOU20103.
Seneca scrupulously respects Stoic orthodoxy by repeatedly asserting that physical health, as a moral “indifferent”, should never be an object of attention. However, alongside these considerations, he composed a work in which physical suffering holds an important place. The intent of this study, through the analysis of theories and representations of physical dolor in Seneca’s philosophical works, is to solve this apparent paradox and to accurately establish the functions of such use. In a first time, after having defined the notion of physical dolor and established a precise typology, we demonstrate the omnipresence of the pattern of the suffering body and draw external reasons for it, whether they might be socio-anthropological and cultural, political, literary and even personal. In a second time, we study the medical aspect of the representations of suffering in order to define in the philosopher the level of his knowledge of specialized authors and the possible origin of the pathological and therapeutic theories that emerge in his work. In a third time, we consider the physical dolor in Seneca’s philosophical thought. We apply to demonstrate that the physical dolor has a first order ethical function and that Seneca does not confine himself to submitting dogmatic elements, but he also develops a series of practical exercises that allow to emerge victorious from the fight against physical pain
Christmann, Olivia. "La consolidation de la paix en Bosnie-Herzégovine : instruments de paix européens et limites." Paris 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA010273.
BENCHEIKH, LATMANI OMAR. "L'ocean indien : zone de paix." Paris 1, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA010315.
Jocelyne, Vivien. "Élaboration d’un matériel pédagogique pour l’éducation à la paix basé sur des modèles de paix." Thèse, Université de Sherbrooke, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/9600.
Akemakou, Njinga Nessan. "L’existence d’une « paix autoritaire » en Afrique ? : une réflexion antithétique à la théorie de la paix démocratique." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOU10022.
The theory of democratic peace derived from Kantianism posits that democratic states maintain peaceful relationships amongst them. However, one cannot fail to observe nolens volens that since 1945 there has been no direct military confrontation between two regimes considered as democratic. Notwithstanding the arguments that have been put forward to explain this state of peace—the peaceful nature of democracies, the values of economic and political liberalism, etc.—are questionable, especially when some virtues of peacefulness are attributed to democracies and warmongering vices to autocracies. This study attempts to put to the test the premises of this theoretical liberal model while introducing the hypothesis of an “authoritarian peace”. It transpires that the nature of a regime does not affect the way it handles its external affairs. The authoritarian regimes like their democratic counterparts generally exist peacefully side by side. Yet, this hypothesis is not without its own limitations. While authoritarianism does not represent an aggravating factor of conflictuality internationally, it can have an adverse effect domestically. It is for instance a cause and a catalyst of the dynamics of internal warfare in African states. It weakens the social body and causes the autolysis of its cells, ie. the citizens. Other factors such as the monopolization of political power, neo-property management, lack of effective governance, ethnicity, etc. can explain the high prevalence of civil wars in Africa. The identity factor is not as important as the current literature suggests. In fact, despite the plurality of their causes, these conflicts generally occur due to the lack of equitable sharing of political power and economic resources. There is also the fact that the power-holders often fail to pay proper regard to some ethnic communities. Ethnicity is therefore simply the by-product of these main causes, stoked up by some political entrepreneurs in pursuit of their political ends. These causes of conflictuality should not be divorced from the failure of the post-colonial African state, structurally inadequate and therefore incapable of bringing to a halt the fratricidal spiral of warfare which has transformed Africa into a large sepulchre. In view of this fact, there is a need to find a theory for a model of state and governance that could guarantee a lasting peace; that would be suitable for the African countries; and that would take into account their endogenous realities and their own cultural and sociological characteristics
Sapién-Córdoba, Abraham. "The unpleasantness of pain." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/9017/.
Clerc, Lidwine. "Semer les graines de la paix : les Organisations Internationales et l’éducation à la paix au Kenya." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016GREAH034.
This thesis investigates Kenya's governmental journey into peace education through a qualitative case study and multi-sited ethnography. The relentless post-election violence of 2007-2008 signed the beginning of extensive peace building activities. Our analysis starts right at independence, in 1963; a corner stone in the national history since it rendered Kenya to Kenyans but also because the country's structural violence, social injustices, started building up in the hands of Africans. We reviewed the history of national politics to understand notions of ethnic group, ethnic community, ethnic politics in addition to unequal land allocations and internal borders. Accordingly main reasons of ethnic conflicts were assessed as well. Besides behavioural violence, Kenya is greatly challenged in terms of internal security; by rapid urbanization and ever growing slum areas with high rates of unemployed youth and by facing daily tough issues with over 500,000 refugees on its soil. We also reviewed briefly the ubiquitous corruption as an underlying matter of the issues above mentioned. Kenya made peace with an international mediation and the implementation of four agendas attending to proximate and long term issues. This thesis explored why, and most importantly, how peace education rallied round to the national peace building cause; further wondering if peace education had an impact on structural violence. Our review started at the beginning of the peace education programme in the MoEST headquarters with UNHCR and later with UNICEF. Afterwards, a national peace education campaign was built in sight of the notably peaceful 2013-general election, alongside with other activities. Kenya became the continental lead country of the ADEA: ICQN-PE, learning and sharing experiences with fellow African countries. A governmental policy on peace education was launched in 2014 with UNICEF and UNESCO; peace education now belongs to the patrimony of Kenya
MacLean, Brian J. "Self-consciousness, self-awareness and pain." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/4617.
Ekwa, Mateke Wilfried. "Le processus de paix en Angola." Paris 2, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA020092.
The latest developments seem to point towards some acceleration in the national reconciliation process xhich has been so much hoped for yet always turned down. Years of savage and destructive war finally tired the belligerents who agreed to negociations with the four powers which are u. S. A. , angola, cuba and republic of south africa in may 1988. The parties solemnly signed two peace-agreements in new york in december 1988, putting an end to the "international conflict" in angola. One problem remained - finding a solution for the conflict within angola itself. Harsh bargaining between the mpla in power and the unita, under the mediation of zaire, finally led to the agreements of gbadolite, in 1989, but these short-lived. New negociations conducted by portugal in lisbon from 1990 ended by the signing of the bicesse agreement on may 31st, 1991. These paved the way for a democratic angola to come into existence with the end of general and presidential elections scheduled for 1992. Unfortunately, unita resumed hostilities after their poll defeat in order to gain power by force. Confrontation turned to the advantage of those in power. The rebels, after this total defeat, accepted to sign the lusaka agreements, thus establishing mpla supremacy in november 1994. Which structural and conjonctural reasons have forced the protagonists to open talks and sign peace-agreements ? were there any deciding interior or exterior factors after all ?
Claparède-Albernhe, Brigitte. "Amos Oz, une écriture de paix /." Paris ; Budapest ; Torino : l'Harmattan, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb399472278.
Hamdi, Mehdi. "Les opérations de consolidation de la paix." Phd thesis, Université d'Angers, 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00474193.
Silva, Ramon Ara?jo. "Vida de caminhoneiro: sofrimento e paix?o." Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica de Campinas, 2015. http://tede.bibliotecadigital.puc-campinas.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/351.
Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica de Campinas
Daily truck drivers are subjected to long working hours, they spend several days away from the family, they are forced to go through sleepless nights and, to perform multiple rounds, they are forced to make use of stimulant drugs. Whereas the work occupies a central place in their lives and that has a direct impact on the living conditions and health, this research, qualitative, expressed the belief that the above conditions result in an extremely exhausting daily work. The objective of this study was to analyze the characteristics of everyday working of the long routes drivers truck, from their own perspectives, and check the possible relations of this routinewith the mental health of these workers. To do this, this research, located in the field of Social Work Psychology, used the ethnographic method, with the completion ofreflexive interviews and travel with truck drivers. Research has shown that many truckers say they love the road, but on the other hand, the work is extremely stressful and can reverberate directly on the physical and mental health. In the field work, the hardship and the precarious nature of this activity stood out. But beyond them, it was also possible to identify some aspects that characterize the profession, such as the affection of drivers with regard to work; the excessive control exercised by carriers through the tracker and the cell; the isolation; the functional use of drugs that ends, in many cases, to trigger dysfunctional; the difficulty of these workers to organize collectively and contradictions of the strikes carried out by truck drivers. It was considered that the main difficulties of the truck activity are due mainly to the strong influence that the capitalist logic has on the road loads sector, especially with regard to the exploitation of surplus value which obliges drivers to comply with a long working hours.
Cotidianamente os caminhoneiros est?o sujeitos a longas jornadas de trabalho, passam v?rios dias distantes da fam?lia, s?o obrigados a atravessar noites sem dormir e, para executar m?ltiplas jornadas s?o obrigados a fazer uso de drogas estimulantes. Considerando que o trabalho ocupa um lugar central na vida dos sujeitos e que repercute diretamente nas condi??es de vida e sa?de, esta pesquisa, de natureza qualitativa, partiu do pressuposto que as condi??es citadas acima resultam em um cotidiano de trabalho extremamente desgastante. O objetivo deste trabalho foi analisar as caracter?sticas do cotidiano de trabalho de caminhoneiros de rotas longas, a partir de suas pr?prias perspectivas, e verificar as poss?veis rela??es desse cotidiano com a sa?de mental desses trabalhadores. Para tal, esta pesquisa, situada no campo da Psicologia Social do Trabalho, utilizou-se do m?todo etnogr?fico, com a realiza??o de entrevistas reflexivas e viagens junto com caminhoneiros. A pesquisa permitiu verificar que muitos caminhoneiros se dizem apaixonados pela estrada, mas, por outro lado, o trabalho ? extremamente desgastante e pode repercutir diretamente sobre a sa?de f?sica e mental. No trabalho de campo, a penosidade e a precariedade dessa atividade se destacaram. Tamb?m foram identificados alguns aspectos que caracterizam essa profiss?o, tais como o afeto dos motoristas com rela??o ao trabalho; o controle excessivo exercido pelas transportadoras atrav?s do rastreador e do celular; o isolamento; o uso funcional de drogas que, em muitos casos, desencadeia o disfuncional; a dificuldade desses trabalhadores de se organizarem coletivamente e as contradi??es das paralisa??es realizadas pelos caminhoneiros. Considerou-se que as principais dificuldades da atividade dos caminhoneiros devem-se, principalmente, ? forte influ?ncia que a l?gica capitalista exerce sobre o setor rodovi?rio de cargas, especialmente no que diz respeito ? explora??o da mais-valia que obriga os motoristas a cumprir uma extensa jornada de trabalho.
Bouchet, Christian. "La guerre et la paix chez Demosthène." Paris 4, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA040222.
Bouchet, Christian. "La Guerre et la paix chez Démosthène." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37596279b.
Iersel, Adrianus Henricus Maria van Spanjersberg Marijke. "Vrede leren in de Kerk /." Kampen : J. H. Kok, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37061717g.
Alesandrini, Diana-Maria. "Contribution à l'étude de l'administration internationale au service de la paix : le cas des missions de consolidation de la paix." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM1061.
Study of contemporary international relations shows the increasing involvement of the international community and especially the international organizations in states'internal affairs. On behalf of the need to mitigate the threats to security and to international peace, the shield, which once represented the state sovereignty is gradually cracked and areas reserved to the states wither. Instituted to preserve peace but confronted with new forms of conflict, the United Nations have adapted their actions to protect the population. We first experienced the maintenance of peace missions and then operations to enforce peace have emerged. Finally, peacebuilding has become ubiquitous and the United Nations sometimes opts for the direct administration of territories. The international administration of territory however is not a phenomenon created by the United Nations, since there is an occupation regime. In the wake of these occupations, was established a regime supposed to promote the return of peace. First from states, the administration of territories has evolved. It has gradually institutionalized. There are rules dedicated to the administration of a territory by an authority which does not emanate: it is the law of occupation. It was therefore appropriate in this study to question these rules and consider the possibility of applying them to peacebuilding missions, if they participate in the administration of a territory and have in their power the civilian population. We are more committed to bring a global perspective on the institutionalization of the process, keeping in mind the rules governing the occupation of the territories
Ducroquetz, Florence. "L'Union européenne et le maintien de la paix." Phd thesis, Université du Droit et de la Santé - Lille II, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00579597.
Moundounga, Séraphin. "L'Union européenne et la paix en Afrique subsaharienne." Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00871641.
Le, Boeuf Romain. "Le traité de paix en droit international public." Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100046.
Peace treaty is an international legal act of a contractual nature, concluded by two or more States in order to end the war between them. Nevertheless, regarding both the circumstances of its conclusion and its content, this instrument is remotely compatible with the classical figure of international treaty. The requirement of free and equal wills faces both the existence of a prior use of force and the lack of reciprocity on the agreed rights and obligations. This does not mean that the instrument is solely the product of two forces confronting each other. In practice, the winner does not arbitrarily dictate its terms to a coerced vanquished. On the contrary, a peace treaty finds itself at the intersection of several legal mechanisms which partly determine the content and the extent of the respective rights and obligations of belligerents. Those mechanisms are mostly borrowed from the law of international responsibility and the law of collective security. They invite to consider the peace treaty not as the product of the exclusive application of the law of treaties, but as the result of simultaneous and potentially conflicting requirements of different bodies of rules. This dynamic approach of the instrument brings a new light on the substantive rules governing the end of international armed conflicts. It also permits to discuss certain representations sometimes hastily associated with the very concept of treaty
Roggero, Claude. "Le sport : guerre et paix, le désir mimétique." Nice, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000NICE0009.
Nestorovic, Sacha. "L'assistance électorale multilatérale au service de la paix." Paris 5, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA05D001.
The concept of peace has been redefined in the aftermath of the Cold War. Peace operations have also followed this evolution. In the context of the new peace operations, the notions of democracy and of State of law have reached a whole new dimension. While as a notion of constitutional law democracy was traditionally analysed as a mode of devolution of power, it has further become an element of peace consolidation - a notion in international law. This internationalization of the "democracy imperative" has been emphasized by multilateral electoral assistance which has in the last years been an important factor for the adoption of a certain number of solutions for the end of the crisis. Is there an "international law of electoral assistance" beyond the apparent diversity of geopolitical contexts? What is its contribution to peace? These are some of the questions examined throughout this work
Ducroquetz, Florence. "L’Union européenne et le maintien de la paix." Thesis, Lille 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010LIL20008/document.
Since 2001, the EU has conducted more than twenty military operations and civilian missions, and is now seen as one of the leading organizations in the field of peacekeeping. For a long time perceived as an intergovernmental organization, the establishment of an integrated structure for crisis management into the heart of the organization, as well as the delegation of this crisis management to the different European organs, have contributed to the gradual empowerment of the EU toward its member states. This process of becoming autonomous is also evident in the international legal order. A large set of rules thus applies to the EU due to its involvement in the international legal order, including rules relating to the international responsibility for regional organizations. The effective intervention of the European Union in the field of peacekeeping – as a regional organization– is in keeping with an unclear legal framework. However, the phenomen on of regionalization could have been interpreted as prejudicing the collective security system established by the UN Charter.Two aspects of the effective intervention of the European Union call for analysis : the conformity of its action to the UN framework and its contribution to the evolution of peacekeeping
Bély, Lucien. "Diplomates et diplomatie autour de la paix d'Utrecht." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37602781m.