Дисертації з теми "Persuasion politique"
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Duteil-Mougel, Carine. "Persuasion et textualité : propositions pour l'analyse sémantique et rhétorique de textes persuasifs." Toulouse 2, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004TOU20059.
The aim of this thesis is to establish a number of concept needed for the analysis of persuasive texts. The issue of persuasion is placed within the theorical and epistemological framework of Interpretative Semantics. Semantics and Rhetoric are closely associated, since we seek to articulate questions of meaning Interpretative Semantics) with those of persuasion (Rhetoric). We consider that it is possible to recast the different aspects of Rhetoric within a semantic conception of textual products. We attempt to integrate the concepts issuing from Rhetoric into Interpretative Semantics, by adapting them to and articulating them with the concepts associated with text semantics. The study deals with advertising and political texts. Through close analysis of these texts, the relevant persuasive strategies and procedures are pinpointed
Abudayeh, Haneen. "Traduire l'émotion dans le discours politique." Caen, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010CAEN1593.
From a corpus that is of a particular interest for translation studies, the book Hussein de Jordanie: Ma “Guerre” avec Israël and its Arabic and English translations published in the 60s, this research explores the problem of political discourse translation in its cultural and emotional dimension. Based on the theoretical paradigm that takes into account the sociological dimension of translation which undermines the myth of a neutral translation and an invisible translator, this work aims at studying the translator’s marks. The analysis of the translator’s marks which can reveal either a conscious manipulation that seeks to produce a persuasive effect or a more or less unconscious interpretation permeated by the translator’s emotions, can show the changes that pathemic expressions may endure and the consequences resulting there from. Through a comparative study of three versions of the mentioned book and an experiment that opposes two Arabic translations separated by a period of 40 years, we will look for the marks left by translators when they have reports of familiarity or, on the contrary, strangeness with the Author
Godber, Amelia. "Towards an epistemology of propaganda." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0028.
Most of us have a notional understanding of what propaganda is, but it is a contested concept. There is no consensus on its extension — the set of things to which the term applies — so it has a demarcation problem: what is propaganda and what is not? This project attempts to answer the question by focusing on propaganda’s role in generating beliefs about politics. I put forward an epistemological interpretation of propaganda that clarifies the concept as one that is central to public discourse, and which turns on a combination of persuasive means that insufficiently engage respondents’ deliberative capacities. I articulate a typology of rhetorical strategies that includes non-rational, irrational and rational manipulative persuasion, and suggest that propaganda involves a combination of non-rational and either irrational or rational manipulative persuasive means. As these means subvert rational processes, I claim that the phenomenon is best understood as an illegitimate practice and that given its essentially deceptive nature, it necessarily runs counter to respondents’ epistemic interests. The concept aims to describe a set of familiar political tactics that agree with existing usage of the term, and explain what makes them effective. It has practical and theoretical applications that contribute to advancing current thinking about propaganda and related phenomena. In terms of the former, the concept can be operationalised as a tool that detects propaganda in public discourse at scale and in real time by harnessing large language model artificial intelligence technology. In terms of the latter, from the project’s theoretical framework emerges a taxonomy of various contributions to public discourse: it helps circumscribe a concept of propaganda’s legitimate counterpart, the type of political persuasion that is the bedrock of a healthy democracy, and it helps come to grips with adjacent concepts of fake news and conspiracy theories, which I suggest are varieties of propaganda. With a clear understanding of how these tactics work and the nature of the threat they pose, we are better equipped to disarm and defy them
Mouhsine, Elhassan. "Traitement sémio-rhétorique de la communication persuasive : une grammaire du discours politique." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA080048.
The present thesis aims at the analysis of the content and the techniques that are deployed in the persuasive process. It proposes to shed light on the substance of the content by showing how it is treated to convince or persuade. The discourse of influence elaborates most of the social organization and seems intrinsic to the majority of discourses insofar as people are more likely to insure than to demonstrate. Strongly asserting that persuasion is a phenomenon that lies solely in the sphere of rhetoric may be seen as a reductive analysis. However, the complexity and diversity of the persuasive phenomenon perfectly illustrate man's manifest use of the language. The identification of content in social exchanges can constitute the execution of an action and therefore justifies the study of the pragmatic dimension of language. Such use of language confers on persuasion a character so obscure that it shows itself as an elusive and confusing factor that lends itself little to semiotic modeling. This leads us to suppose that, under a certain complexity which arises in particular from the multiplicity of approaches to the persuasive phenomenon, separating them from each other, there is a structural adjustment model which is particularly in the field of semiotic. The elaboration of such a model for the supervision of intellectual operations, implied by all construction of argumentation, forces us to detect the constants that preside over its structural stratification in detail and to reveal the aspects that it conceals through the proposals that make it legitimate
Laks, André. "Loi et persuasion : recherche sur la structure de la pensée politique platonicienne." Paris 4, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA040443.
This study focuses on the laws of Plato and the theory of legislative preambles. The principles of the theory are clarified in chapter I (the double legislation) by means of a detailed analysis of laws iv, 718a-723b. Chapter II (constitution and consensus) shows how the platonic notion of a constitution struggles with the tension caused by two potentially opposed criteria, knowledge and harmony, and suggests that the theory of legislation can be viewed as a response to this problem. Chapter III (polis and self-control) considers the consequences of this legislative model at the level of the "internal constitution" of the soul. The relation between reason and pleasure appears as the fundamental problem of politics. The political aspects of the Socratic paradox are analysed. Chapter IV (education and rhetoric) assesses the value of rhetoric in Plato’s pedagogical scheme. Chapter V (what is a preamble?) Distinguishes various forms of persuasion in the laws. Chapter VI (the theory of possibility) traces the framework in which the doctrine of legislative preambles becomes meaningful on the basis of an analysis of the relationship between the republic and the laws. Chapter vii (goodness and chance) is a concluding chapter on the ambivalence of politics in Plato
Laks, André. "Loi et persuasion recherche sur la structure de la pensée politique platonicienne /." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37606892h.
Aguilar-Leyva, Javier Oquitzin. "Du sens au persuasif : explorations cognitives de la "persuasion" audiovisuelle, lecture de spots de la campagne présidentielle 2000 au Mexique." Paris, EHESS, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004EHES0070.
Based on recent findings in the field of cognitive linguistics with regard to the semantic activity of the mind and the general modus operandi of the construction of meaning, this thesis looks at persuasion in the media, political adverts and audiovisual meaning. For the purposes of this research we have conducted an in-depth analysis of a series of adverts from the electoral campaign in Mexico in the year 2000, which many consider to be a prototype of current trends in (tele)political communication. The observations presented map out a "cognitive radiography" of the configurations under-specified by the audio/scripto/visual indicia, and make it possible to explain the mental processes involved. Intended to be innovative, this window allows the reader to enter a world dotted with cognitive entities : mental spaces, elements, connections and semantic structures, whose flotations, projections and blends direct the drawing of inferences and in this way after the representational panorama of the participants. Distancing itself from structuralist and more conventional approaches to the subject - both sociological and psychological - the starting point for this research is where cognition meets power, an advantageous viewpoint from which it's possible to form the following observation : the cognitive influence of political adverts rests in their capacity to under-determine the mental operations of the particpants and to act as guidance in this way for their activity of meaning construction. These explorations have two concerns : that of proposing solid methodological principles for analysing audiovisual texts and images and the -much greater- task of advancing our knowledge in the scarcely explored reaches "From meaning to persuasion"
Mouhsine, Elhassan. "Traitement sémio-rhétorique de la communication persuasive : une grammaire du discours politique." Thesis, Paris 8, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA080048.
The present thesis aims at the analysis of the content and the techniques that are deployed in the persuasive process. It proposes to shed light on the substance of the content by showing how it is treated to convince or persuade. The discourse of influence elaborates most of the social organization and seems intrinsic to the majority of discourses insofar as people are more likely to insure than to demonstrate. Strongly asserting that persuasion is a phenomenon that lies solely in the sphere of rhetoric may be seen as a reductive analysis. However, the complexity and diversity of the persuasive phenomenon perfectly illustrate man's manifest use of the language. The identification of content in social exchanges can constitute the execution of an action and therefore justifies the study of the pragmatic dimension of language. Such use of language confers on persuasion a character so obscure that it shows itself as an elusive and confusing factor that lends itself little to semiotic modeling. This leads us to suppose that, under a certain complexity which arises in particular from the multiplicity of approaches to the persuasive phenomenon, separating them from each other, there is a structural adjustment model which is particularly in the field of semiotic. The elaboration of such a model for the supervision of intellectual operations, implied by all construction of argumentation, forces us to detect the constants that preside over its structural stratification in detail and to reveal the aspects that it conceals through the proposals that make it legitimate
Le, Maitre Stéphanie. "Gestion des déchets ménagers : du consommateur à l"acteur-citoyen" entre contrainte et persuasion." Aix-Marseille 2, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009AIX24003.
In 2006, the french communes collected per capita, 536 kilograms of municipal garbage and 350 kilograms are produced by the households. It becomes exigent to inflecting this growth. This thesis demonstrates the necessity to transform the consumer in actor-citizen who should participate in the waste management programs. The 1st chapter gives the background : complexity of the "waste sphere", diversity of the subtances, plurality of the actors ; laws, degrees and circular : repercussions on the economic and social life of the country. Chapter 2 introduces two instruments adapted to integrate the households in waste programs : the fiscal system and voluntary agreement. The 1st contribution : "gestion des déchets : consommateurs versus producteurs" demonstrates that a charge based on the amount of waste gives rise to citizen behaviours. Chapter 3 commends a "two-part tariff", i. E. , a disposal fee and an advanced fee witch is directly include in the price of the goods. The two contributions written with Hubert Stahn : "waste management and household effort : toward an enhanced ADF policy" and "toward waste contract management", propose a contract which specify a waste treatment target (obtained with households' efforts) in counterpart to a lower disposal fee. Chapter 4 establishes the growth of ecological sensitiveness among the economic agents. The portentus role of public campaigns of information in the waste management programs is illusttrated in the last contribution : "le rôle des campagnes d'information dans les politiques de gestion de déchets ménagers"
Najjar, Emna. "La communication politique en Tunisie de 1987 à 2007. : Les rapports du discours politique, la presse écrite et l'opinion publique." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA064.
This thesis traces the self-evident and less obvious aspects of the process that led to the overthrow in Tunisia of th regime of President Ben Ali (November 7th 1987 - 14th 2011); it centers on the dynamics behind the conflict between the media and political apparatus and the civilian population. The uprising between December 2010 and January 2011 ended in the dismantling of Ben Ali's regime, due mainly to economic and political factors. This study highlights the failures that led to popular discontent. We center on a discursive viewpoint, observing and analysing the interaction between three components of the public space: the political, media, and citizen spheres. Throughout Ben Ali's rule of two decades, political power and the media blatantly collaborated so as to maintain the legitimacy of the President and his system. This pact also put aside citizen expression, rendering them mute, as they were reduced to an instrument of those in power. We then studied how they sought emancipation and to alter their limited role via a social psychology approach
Bortolin-Jandot, Aurélia. "Politiques et médias français face au nucléaire civil et militaire, des années 1960 aux années 1990 : l’exemple de L’Express." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne (2017-2020), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017CLFAL006.
Communication on nuclear power in France has evolved in time, to become today often critical, political and conflictual outside the circles directly involved. This evolution questions. It is studied here more specifically through the major weekly of the period, L’Express. The first part of this study allows to understand better how, between 1965 and 1974, the nuclear “fact” became the “question” of nuclear power, entering then into the national political debate. Between 1975 and 1986, second part of this study, a new stage has emerged, during which nuclear power, a politicized object, became electoral motives and arguments, while being at the same time trivialized, locked into contrasted stereotypes, between its dangerous character and its essential aspect. 1986 to 1997 is the strangest moment of this study, between major shocks and a gradual appeasement of the positions on nuclear power, the negative aspect of this technology having been installed durably then, other concerns having also gained the upper hand. At the end of this third part, a balance sheet is made, both on the political use of nuclear power and on the mental images of nuclear power in L’Express. This balance sheet is completed by brief syntheses allowing to understand better the framework of this study, including L’Express and its leaders, the evolutions of politics and the media, or an orderly introduction of the journalists of the weekly having written on nuclear power. Finally, some important documents are reproduced, in order to perceive better what has been the evolution of this communication on nuclear power over time
Pereira, Braz Ana Cristina. "L'ironie dans le discours parlementaire portugais : degrès d'implicitation, indices linguistiques et stratégies discursives." Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080078.
The subject of this study is a semantic, pragmatic and discursive analysis of irony in Portuguese parliamentary debate. We study in particular the implicitation degrees of ironic criticism, the signals, the functions and the discursive strategies of irony. Our interdisciplinary theoretical approach covers the multiple forms that irony takes in our corpus, and includes operating concepts deriving from : the speech act theory (Austin 1962 and Searle 1969 and 1979) ; Grice´s conversational maxims (1975) ; the antiphrastic irony´s point of view (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980) ; the linguistic theory of polyphony (Ducrot 1984) ; the verbal politeness theory (Brown & Levinson 1987 and Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 and 2010) and studies on argumentation (Amossy 2000). The first part of this work focuses on the characteristics of the Portuguese parliamentary discourse and on the critical analysis of different studies on irony. In the second part, we study the different forms of irony in our corpus and identify the most common signals of irony. In the third part, we focus on the main discursive functions and strategies that underlie the use of irony in the discursive genre being analysed. This approach has allowed us to conceive irony as an axiological linguistic-discursive mechanism that aims to depreciate someone, while supporting argumentation and persuasion
O objeto de estudo deste trabalho é a análise semântico-pragmático-discursiva da ironia no debate parlamentar português. São estudados em particular os graus de implicitação da crítica irónica, os índices, as funções e as estratégias discursivas da ironia. A abordagem teórica interdisciplinar permite contemplar a multiplicidade de formas de expressão da ironia no nosso corpus e inclui conceitos operatórios oriundos nomeadamente: da teoria dos atos de fala (Austin 1962 e Searle 1969 e 1979); das máximas conversacionais de Grice (1975); da perspetiva antifrástica da ironia (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980); das teorias da polifonia linguística (Ducrot 1984) e da cortesia verbal (Brown & Levinson 1987 e Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 e 2010), assim como dos estudos sobre a argumentação (Amossy 2000). A primeira parte do trabalho é dedicada à caracterização do discurso parlamentar português e à análise crítica de determinados estudos sobre a ironia. Na segunda parte, estudamos as várias formas de manifestação da ironia no corpus em análise, estabelecendo três grandes classes de ironia a partir dos diferentes graus de implicitação da apreciação irónica; identificamos igualmente os índices de ironia mais frequentes. Na terceira parte, debruçamo-nos sobre as principais funções e estratégias discursivas da ironia que subjazem à utilização da ironia no género discursivo em questão. Este procedimento permitiu-nos considerar a ironia como um mecanismo linguístico-discursivo de natureza axiológica, que visa a desqualificação de outrem, estando ao serviço da argumentação e da persuasão
Codou, Olivier. "De l'idéologie à le perception sociale, une application du modèle de Doise : le cas du libéralisme." Nice, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008NICE2023.
The aim of this research is three-fold. First we investigate, in a sery of 6 experimental studies, questions raised by Beauvois in 1976 regarding the relations between occidental people and the liberal ideology or cultural corpus. After having identified some dimensions of the liberal cultural corpus (i. E. , individual freedom, autonomy, hedonism and inter-individual difference), we target everydaylife objects (i. E. , adds and coaching flyers) particularly linked to liberal values. By focusing on the link between ideology and social perception, we show, using a priming paradigm causal relations between the liberal cultural corpus and some dimensions of individualism (i. E. , internality, autonomy and individual inscription). We also identify effects of this cultural corpus on the orientation toward competition. On a cognitive side, we show how the liberal ideology can influence processes such as group homogeneisation and in turn modify judgements. Then, our social perception can become globally modelled by an ideology. Second, at an epistemologic level, we emphasize how the opposition between the cognitive and social views reflects an accepted way of viewing that incites us to reason in a binary and exclusive way. Turning from this common sense and invoking the doise's (1982) model, we show, from methodologic (numeric/verbal; qualitative/quantitative) and theoretical points of views (cultural/idéological; social/cognitive), that integrative or plural approaches can open new scientific fields. Finally, this work has permitted to enrich the priming paradigm. By using complex and ecological primes involving liberal values, we support Bargh (2006) wishes on the evolution of this paradigm. The inter-relations between these three levels permits to investigate in an original manner a theoretical field up to now not or seldomly studied experimentally
Pereira, Braz Ana Cristina. "L'ironie dans le discours parlementaire portugais : degrès d'implicitation, indices linguistiques et stratégies discursives." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080078.
The subject of this study is a semantic, pragmatic and discursive analysis of irony in Portuguese parliamentary debate. We study in particular the implicitation degrees of ironic criticism, the signals, the functions and the discursive strategies of irony. Our interdisciplinary theoretical approach covers the multiple forms that irony takes in our corpus, and includes operating concepts deriving from : the speech act theory (Austin 1962 and Searle 1969 and 1979) ; Grice´s conversational maxims (1975) ; the antiphrastic irony´s point of view (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980) ; the linguistic theory of polyphony (Ducrot 1984) ; the verbal politeness theory (Brown & Levinson 1987 and Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 and 2010) and studies on argumentation (Amossy 2000). The first part of this work focuses on the characteristics of the Portuguese parliamentary discourse and on the critical analysis of different studies on irony. In the second part, we study the different forms of irony in our corpus and identify the most common signals of irony. In the third part, we focus on the main discursive functions and strategies that underlie the use of irony in the discursive genre being analysed. This approach has allowed us to conceive irony as an axiological linguistic-discursive mechanism that aims to depreciate someone, while supporting argumentation and persuasion
O objeto de estudo deste trabalho é a análise semântico-pragmático-discursiva da ironia no debate parlamentar português. São estudados em particular os graus de implicitação da crítica irónica, os índices, as funções e as estratégias discursivas da ironia. A abordagem teórica interdisciplinar permite contemplar a multiplicidade de formas de expressão da ironia no nosso corpus e inclui conceitos operatórios oriundos nomeadamente: da teoria dos atos de fala (Austin 1962 e Searle 1969 e 1979); das máximas conversacionais de Grice (1975); da perspetiva antifrástica da ironia (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980); das teorias da polifonia linguística (Ducrot 1984) e da cortesia verbal (Brown & Levinson 1987 e Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2005 e 2010), assim como dos estudos sobre a argumentação (Amossy 2000). A primeira parte do trabalho é dedicada à caracterização do discurso parlamentar português e à análise crítica de determinados estudos sobre a ironia. Na segunda parte, estudamos as várias formas de manifestação da ironia no corpus em análise, estabelecendo três grandes classes de ironia a partir dos diferentes graus de implicitação da apreciação irónica; identificamos igualmente os índices de ironia mais frequentes. Na terceira parte, debruçamo-nos sobre as principais funções e estratégias discursivas da ironia que subjazem à utilização da ironia no género discursivo em questão. Este procedimento permitiu-nos considerar a ironia como um mecanismo linguístico-discursivo de natureza axiológica, que visa a desqualificação de outrem, estando ao serviço da argumentação e da persuasão
Smets, Patrick. "La légitimité au quotidien: l'idéologie dans le discours managérial." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211100.
Abdulbaqi, Ibrahim Khaleel. "L’analyse phonostylistique du discours politique oral de Dominique de Villepin." Thesis, Besançon, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BESA1029.
This thesis studies the phonostylistical analysis of Mr. Dominique de Villepin's political oral discourse. A study which requires several of his vocal style in his different oral speeches in a way that allows us to analyze the discourse and prosodic elements throughout his political speeches. The study will focus on the dual coding (linguistic and paralinguistic) hidden behind his political purposes. The corpus of study is the set of samples taken from his different speeches: debate, conference, interviews. This study also rises to explain his discursive and communicative competence which is manifested by using linguistic, prosodic and discursive units in order to disclose the praxeological role of social practices, political roles and the role of experience in his speeches. Concerning the discursive level, the present study aims to analyze the pragmatic elements such as the tour of speech and verbal and persuasive effects. Concerning the phonostylistical level, several of phonostylistic phenomena which have prosodic values (intonation, melody, accent and pause) are analyzed under the Praat software to identify different pragmatic and enunciative roles in terms of persuasive strategy of this political man. The thesis is to demonstrate the role of prosodic phenomena in the establishment of new information, capable of transmitting a second vocal message to his audience. This phonostylistical message, which supports the first message carried through discursive illocutionary forces, adds to the style of Dominique de Villepin a new method to influence and persuade the public audience
Ruel, Jacinthe. "Clio dans l'arène publique : usages du passé et références à l'histoire dans les mémoires déposés devant la Commission sur l'avenir politique et constitutionnel du Québec." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/17658.
Helou, Zeina. "Linguistique juridique. L’art de la persuasion dans les grandes plaidoiries politiques contemporaines." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040034.
What are argumentatives techniques used by lawyers litigants to convince the judges? Such is thequestion that we try to answer in this thesis concerning a linguistic study of the legal speech in the bigpolitical trials of the Second World War. The work consists of a theoretical part where are expose thecategories of analysis of the rhetorician of the Antiquity Aristote and of the contemporary rhetoricianChaïm Perelman who explain the main strategies of persuasion. The second part of this work isdedicated to the analysis of authentic texts: after an analysis of the pleas of lawyers in the trials of theregime of Vichy, our conclusion is: The defense counsels do not plead in the same way as those of thecharge on one hand, and, on the other hand, the traditional plea has no same shape as the modern plea. How consists a traditional plea? How consists a modern plea? What are the specific techniques in the charge or in the defense? Are there common techniques? Through this study, we invite you todiscover the answer to these questions and many others else
Nicolas, Loïc. "La rhétorique et sa critique: à la rencontre du discours et de la liberté." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209942.
Je m’efforce tout d’abord de montrer que, dès l’origine, la rhétorique a représenté une compétence nouvelle, mais aussi une occasion unique de dire, d’habiter et de séculariser le monde. Ma démarche consiste donc à réfléchir l’émergence de la rhétorique dans la Grèce ancienne. À ce titre, j’analyse la fonction politique, sociale, symbolique, attribuée à la parole dans cette Cité démocratique dont elle a accompagné l’invention. Parole qui s’est vue accorder une place inégalée :comme support et comme condition de l’action citoyenne. Pourtant, force est de constater que, malgré ce succès, la rhétorique a très vite été dénoncée comme un art de tromper, de mentir, de dissimuler ses lacunes. Des générations de philosophes, d’hommes d’Église ou de scientifiques se sont attachés à démonter son fonctionnement, sa dynamique, à décrier son enseignement et, finalement, à souhaiter son évincement. C’est pourquoi, je m’intéresse aux critiques qui ont été adressées à la parole rhétorique depuis l’Antiquité jusqu’au XIXe siècle. Par là, j’entends donner une vision nouvelle de cette antique « fonction » du langage, par-delà la synthèse de ses caricatures.
En outre, mon propos s’attache à mettre en lumière les lieux communs sur lesquels se fonde notre relation au discours. Dans une optique qui va d’Aristote à Perelman, je défends l’idée selon laquelle la rhétorique ne constitue pas (comme on pourrait le penser) une méthode pour apprendre à vivre ensemble dans la paix des mots, mais, avant tout, une façon de pratiquer la critique avec et contre l’autre :l’adversaire. Et ceci afin de prendre des décisions dans le monde contingent des affaires humaines. Or, c’est justement au titre de sa fonction agonistique que la rhétorique a perdu sa place et son sens dans nos démocraties. Face à cela, l’enjeu de mon travail est de mettre en évidence, après Perelman, l’existence d’une raison tout à la fois une et plurielle. En effet, la multiplicité des voies possibles, leur antagonisme, n’est pas le signe d’une raison anarchique et inconséquente, le signe d’une raison hantée par la déraison. Il s’agit, au contraire, d’une chance offerte à la raison de se mettre à l’épreuve et de risquer la liberté. Du reste, perdre cette dimension agonistique, la dénoncer, la condamner comme irrationnelle, ainsi que le font les théories normatives de l’argumentation, revient à manifester la coupure entre le langage et les ressources critiques de la rhétoriques qui permettent de faire de nos prises de parole un moyen et une ressource de l’émancipation.
Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Sathirasut, Atiporn. "Olympe de Gouges ou la rhétorique pamphlétaire : l'analyse argumentative dans les écrits politiques d'Olympe de Gouges." Paris 8, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA082255.
Dacheux, Éric. "La Communication persuasive intra-communautaire : communiquer autrement dans la communauté européenne de demain." Rennes 2, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994REN20002.
How to create persuasive ways of communicating capable of changing attitudes or behaviours in a multicultural population amongst the countries of the european communty? The corporate presidents, the european comminttee and the non governmental associations all respond to this question in one and the same way. By talking advantage of the communication agencies. However these agencies employ a large range of persuasive techniques that reinforce the habits of consumption, but are unable to provoke deep and durable behavioural changes. These techniques created for and by the lucrative sector meet the industrial managers requirements (widen the range of the European economy) but do not allow the European committee ant the ngo to obtain their respective goals : to create an intercultural European union, and to provoke an anti productive cultural revolution. In fact, the European social actors who pursue non lucrative objectives have to starting tomorrow forgo a persuasive communication, that plays on the subconscience of the consumer, in order to create a new persuasive communication model, that enlists the conscious participation of the European citizen. True persuasive communication is not education, it is creation
Tay, Loubane. "Le rôle des médias dans les rapports dialectiques entre leaders et masses (Liban 2004 - 2010)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Côte d'Azur, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022COAZ2020.
During the years 2004-2010, Lebanon faced several disturbances that affected its citizen's lives. These disturbances have resulted in significant changes with respect to the Lebanese security, political and social life's environment. The media treated these disturbances in a diffrentiated way, and then they had communicated them to the Lebanese population, which they had prepared to accept them. After having conducted an documentary analysis and various surveys in a difficult context of this phenomenon, three hypotheses emerge and constitute the frame of this thesis : The main stream media transform and influence political speeches prior to transmitting them to the Lebanese population ; these mainstream media, via their programs and reporting, proceed to certain extent, a persuasive communication to influence the relations between the leaders and the masses ; In a sort that, media are not being a simple transmitter of the discourses produced by a leader, but they produce a real influence on the population : an influence that we will analyze in this research.This research helped us to draw the conclusion that we propose at the end of this thesis and also opened the way to other subjects of study. Indeed, in this research, we were able to observe the lack of objectivity, but also of professionalism of the Lebanese media during the period studied. This is due to their alignment or submission to editorial lines that often adopt a blatant bias, not hiding or no longer hiding their affinity without even feeling obliged to defend their choices. The fact remains that the media play an important role in the judgment of the masses towards the political world; these masses during the period studied were mainly informed about the policies through these media. The only means available to individuals to inform themselves was to confront the discourse of the media
Bouillé, Julien. "L'influence du Webactivisme sur les intentions comportementales de résistance des consommateurs." Rennes 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010REN1G012.
On the spur of Web 2. 0 technologies, Internet has been shilling towards a participative use of its applications and services for almost ten years. Given this new technical context, this research aims at providing a deeper understanding of the Webactivism phenomenon within the framework of both social Web and consumer resistance. To be more accurate, we investigate the conditions in which Webactivism shapes individual and collective dynamics of consumer resistance. In a theoretical perspective, we draw up an analytical grid of consumer resistance that emphasizes its dynamic structure as well as its structural issues. Three different levels are identified: micro-tactics, macro-politics and meso¬dynamics. In a methodological way, we design and run two experiments based on social psychology models of persuasion. These experiments strive to capture the impact of Webactivism on militant message acceptance and consumers' behavioural intentions of resistance. While experiment I explores the persuasive influence of Web source credibility and type of platform on those behavioural intentions, experiment 2 manipulates objective argument quality, message sidedness and logical justification (which is actually an implementation of Boltanski and Thévenot's Polity Model). Study 1 shows that the higher the Web source credibility, the greater the message acceptance and intentions to revisit the website. No effects are observed for the type of platform. Study 2 finds that a good quality of arguments, a one-sided message and a domestic polity justification bring about more persuasion and behavioural intentions of resistance. Under cover of these findings, both academic and managerial implications are discussed
Sabil, Mariem. "L’autorité renforcée des accords multilatéraux sur l’environnement : essai sur la nature, la place et la fonction de la procédure de non-conformité." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30106.
Multilateral agreements on the environment are generally characterized by their normative authority diminished because of the difficulties for states to ensure their effective implementation and efficiency. The non-compliance procedure, for the first time experienced by the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer and extended since then, attempts to provide appropriate solutions to the peculiarities of this branch of public international law.The study of its development, its evolution and sophistication through its nature, its place and function and to determine whether this technique helps to strengthen executive authority of multilateral environmental agreements
Tremblay, Marie-Claude. "Effets des appels émotionnels et rationnels sur l'évaluation affective des publicités électorales télévisées." Thesis, Université Laval, 2008. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2008/25078/25078.pdf.
Tremblay, Marie-Claude. "Effets des appels émotionnels et rationnels sur l'évaluation affective des publicités électorales télévisées /." 2008. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2008/25078/25078.pdf.
Comprend aussi un résumé en français et en anglais. Bibliogr.: f. [183]-197. Webographie: f. [198]. Publié aussi en version électronique dans la Collection Mémoires et thèses électroniques.
Mludek, Ivo. "Negativní, difamující a zesměšňující politické kampaně v ČR v letech 2006 až 2010 a jejich dopady na veřejnou politiku [PRÁCE DOČASNĚ ZNEVEŘEJNĚNA]." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298316.
Dhawraj, Ronesh. "A conceptual framework for digital political communication to promote party-political issue ownership via an urban electioneering platform." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26232.
This Grounded Theory study focused on understanding how South Africa’s two numerically-dominant political parties, the African National Congress (ANC) and Democratic Alliance (DA), used micro-blogging site, Twitter, as part of their electioneering arsenal in the 2016 municipal elections to promote party-political digital issue ownership within an urban context. Using each party’s 2016 election manifesto and corpus of tweets, this three-phased study found that while both the ANC and DA used Twitter as a digital political communication platform to communicate their election campaigns, the DA notably leveraged the social networking site for intense ‘focused’ messaging of its negative campaign against the ANC while simultaneously promoting positive electoral messages around its own ‘core’ issues and metro mayoral candidates. ‘Battleground’ metros were identified by the DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane and Nelson Mandela Bay, leading to an emphasised urban campaign here to either activate the party’s own support base and/ or to suppress the ANC’s turnout in these highly-contested areas. Additionally, it was found that both the ANC and DA used Twitter for explicit and implicit partypolitical issue ownership claiming in the 2016 municipal elections. Lastly, this study also culminated in the proposal of three but interconnected different elements of a conceptual framework for digital political communication that political parties could use to promote digital party-political issue ownership within a pronounced urban electioneering setting. These elements – ‘coordinating and managing how an election is tweeted’, 'focus' messaging the election’ and ‘audience-segmenting as a message-tailoring strategy’ – when used in unison can help political parties communicate better and ultimately more effectively in a highly mediatised technological media landscape
Hierdie Gegronde Teorie Studie fokus op die verduideliking hoe Suid-Afrika se twee numeriese dominante politieke partye, die African National Congress (ANC) en Demokratiese Alliansie (DA), van die mikro-blog platform, Twitter, gebruik gemaak het tydens hulle verkiessingsstrategie in die 2016 munisipale verkiessings om die party politieke digitale kwessie rondom eienaarskap binne ‘n stedelike verband te bevorder. Deur elke party se 2016 verkiessings manifesto en arsenaal van twiets te gebruik, het hierdie drie-fase studie bevind dat beide die ANC en DA, Twitter gebruik het as ‘n digitale politieke kommunikasie platform. Die DA het egter die sosiale media netwerk kenmerkend gebruik vir ‘n intense gefokusde negatiewe veldtog teen die ANC terwyl hulle terselfdertyd ‘n positiewe verkiessings boodskap rondom die party se eie kernkwessies en metro burgermeesters kandidate gesentreer het. ‘Oorlogsgebied’ metros is deur die DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane en Nelson Mandela Bay geidentifiseer wat ‘n defnitiewe stedelike veldtog tot gevolg gehad het om die party se eie ondersteuningsbasis te bevorder en/of die ANC se ondersteuning in hierdie hoogs betwiste areas te onderdruk. Daar was ook bevind dat beide die ANC en DA van Twitter gebruik gemaak het vir eksplisiete en implisiete party politieke kwessies rondom eiernaarskap tydens die 2016 munisipale verkiessings. Hierdie studie kan saamgevat word in drie onderskeie maar verwante elemente om ‘n raamwerk te vorm van die digitale politieke kommunikasie wat politieke partye kan gebruik om digitale party politieke kwessies binne ‘n stedelike verkiessings omgewing te bevorder. Wanneer hierdie elemente – ‘koordinering en bestuur van hoe twiets tydens ‘n verkiesing gebruik word’, ‘’die focus van die boodksap tydens die verkiessing’ and ‘die gehoorsegmentasie can ‘n boodskap strategie’ – in ‘n eenheid gebruik word kan dit politieke partye help om beter en meer effektief te kommunikeer binne ‘n baie kompiterende en tegnologiese medialandskap.
Inkcazo-bungcali yesisifundo ibigxile ekuqondeni ukuba uMzantsi Africa lo unamaqela amakhulu amabini ezopolitiko, ukutsho, iAfrican National Congress (ANC) kunye ne Democratic Alliance (DA), la maqela asebenzise iwebhusayithi encinane uTwitter, njengenxalenye yezixhobo zonxibelelwano kunyulo loo masipala ngo-2016. Bekwenza oku ngelikhuthaza amaqela ezopolitiko nebango lawo kwimiba yezinto abathi bazithethe kwisithuba sedijithali,kumxholo wendawo zase dolophini. Esi sifundo sisebenzisa imanifesto kunye nothotho lwe tweets zeqela ngalinye, nesenziwe ngokwezigaba ezithathu, sifumanise ukuba nangona iANC kunye ne DA zisebenzise uTwitter njenge qonga lonxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali (ngokolwimi lwasemzini) ukunxibelelana namaphulo onyulo, iDA izibonakalise amandla kwindawo yokuncokola kwiqonga uTwitter,ngokuthi imiyalezo yayo igxile kwaye itsole. Miyalezo leyo ithe yagxila ngokungafanelekanga kumkhankaso weANC. Ngaxeshanye, imiyalezo yayo yona iDA ibeyeyakhayo, kwaye incedisana nephulo layo kwimiba ephambili kunye nabagqatswa bosodolophu bo masipala abambaxa. Oomasipala abambaxa abathi babenongquzulwano bachongwe yiDA Ekurhuleni, eRhawutini, eTshwane nase Bhayi. Lonto ibangele ukuba bagxininise ekukhokeleni iphulo ledolophu ukuze bavuselele inkxaso ye DA apho okanye bacinezele ukuvela kwe-ANC kwezi ndawo kuphikiswana kakhulu ngazo. Ukongeza, kufumaniseke ukuba iANC kunye neDA zisebenzise uTwitter ngokwendlela ecacileyo nengathanga ngqo kwimeko yobunini bemicimbi yepolitiki ukuze bafumane ibango kunyulo loomasipala lwango 2016. Okokugqibela, esisifundo sigqibele kwisindululo sezinto ezintathu azahlukeneyo kodwa ezidityaniswe yinkqubosikhokelo eqingqiweyo kunxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali. Ezi zinto zizinto ezisenakho ukusetyenziswa ngamaqela ezopolitiko ukukhuthaza ubunini bemicimbi yezopolitiko ngaphakathi kulungiselelo lonyulo lwedolophu olubhengeziweyo. Ezi zinto- 'ukulungelelanisa nokulawula indlela unyulo luthunyelwe ngayo kusetyeziswa uTwitter', 'kugxilwe' kwimiyalezo yonyulo kunye nokuhlukaniswa kwabaphulaphuli okanye ababukeli njengecebo lokulungisa umyalezo '- xa zisetyenziswa ngazwinye zinokuwanceda amaqela ezopolitiko anxibelelane ngcono kwaye ekugqibeleni ngokuyimpumelelo kakhulu kuxhamlo olunamandla kakhulu kubume beendaba kumhlaba wetekhnoloji (ngokolwimi lwesiNgesi).
Communication Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)