Дисертації: "Partiti politici europei"

1

BATTISTA, Gianluca. "I partiti politici a livello europeo." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Verona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11562/343895.

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La tesi di Dottorato ha per oggetto il tema dei partiti politici europei. Scopo del presente lavoro è descriverne la natura, la struttura ed organizzazione, analizzarne il processo di elaborazione politico-programmatica oltre che i profili di coor-dinamento con i gruppi al Parlamento europeo, originario strumento di azione politica a livello europeo. Il punto di partenza del presente lavoro è rappresentato dai gruppi parlamentari, i quali hanno costituito, sino alle prime elezioni dirette dei rappresentati al Parlamento europeo (tenutesi nel 1979), il più dinamico e attivo centro di aggregazione politica sul piano europeo. Il primo Capitolo si concentra sulla figura del gruppo al Parlamento europeo, del quale si analizza la posizione giuridica nel quadro dei Trattati e del “diritto parlamentare europeo”, si racconta la storia, si descrivono la struttura e la disciplina statutaria. Il secondo Capitolo si occupa in modo specifico della figura del partito politico europeo. Se ne traccia la storia, descrivendo la costituzione delle Internazionali di partito, nate negli anni Cinquanta intorno alle tre maggiori famiglie politiche europee (quella Cristiano Democratica, quella Socialista e quella Liberale), la successiva formazione delle più ristrette organizzazioni “transnazionali”, impegnate a svolgere attività politica in ambito europeo, ed infine l’introduzione dei «partiti politici a livello europeo». Quindi, si analizza la struttura giuridica dei partiti europei e la loro peculiare posizione “costituzionale” nel quadro dei Trattati, oltre che la struttura, l’organizzazione e la disciplina statutaria. Da ultimo, il terzo Capitolo analizza il processo di trasformazione del sistema politico-partitico italiano nel corso degli ultimi quindici anni alla luce dei più significativi processi politici verificatisi sulla scena europea. Il Capitolo mira a descrivere le relazioni esistenti tra il livello politico nazionale e quello europeo ed in quale misura essi appaiano idonei a contaminarsi reciprocamente. Gli elementi che si traggono dai tre capitoli portano a concludere che l’azione politica svolta da alcuni partiti politici a livello europeo ha effettivamente esercitato un’importante influenza su taluni sistemi partitici nazionali. Tuttavia, malgrado il riconoscimento giuridico e “costituzionale” da parte dei Trattati, i partiti politici europei non esercitano ancora un ruolo realmente incisivo nel quadro del “sistema politico europeo”, essenzialmente a causa della carente partecipazione da parte dei cittadini-elettori e del ruolo chiave tuttora svolto dai singoli partiti politici nazionali al loro interno.
The PhD thesis focuses on the European political parties. It aims to explain what European parties concretely are, how do they organize themselves, carry on political projects at the European level and manage the relationship with their national political partners. The starting point of the thesis are the party groups at the European Parliament, which until the first direct elections held in 1979 have been the most dynamic and committed political actors at the European level. The first Chapter fo-cuses on the EP party groups, studying their legal position in the Treaties and EP parliamentary law at first, and then describing their history, analyzing their structural organization and comparing their statutes and rules of procedure. In the second Chapter, the thesis focuses on the European political parties. It starts telling the history of the Interna-tionals of national parties created around the three most important political families (the Christian Democrats, the So-cialists and the Liberals) in the Fifties, then it describes their transformation during the Seventies into “transnational” EC-oriented organizations struggling for the creation of European-based policies; finally it represents the introduction into the Treaties of the «Political Parties at the European level» by the Maastricht process. The Chapter then analyzes the legal and “constitutional” position of the Europarties, their structure, organization and statutes. The third Chapter analyzes the transformation of the Italian political system during the last fifteen years in the light of the most important political processes taking place in the European arena. The Chapter aims to show what kind of rela-tions do exist between the national and the European political systems, and how the two levels are able to influence each other. The findings of the three Chapters lead to the conclusion that the political strategy of the European parties did exercise some influence over the national political parties. But, in spite of their legal and “constitutional” recognition by the Treaties, European political parties still do not play a decisive role in the EU system, essentially because of the almost complete lack of participation by the European citizens-voters and the key role still played by each single national party within them.

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2

Calossi, Enrico. "Organizzazione e funzioni dei partiti politici a livello europeo : il caso del Partito della sinistra europea." Thesis, IMT Alti Studi Lucca, 2009. http://e-theses.imtlucca.it/69/1/Calossi_phdthesis.pdf.

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The theme of so-called Europarties generally has been analysed from two main different points of view: one stressing on the party parliamentarian organisations (the Eurogroups) and one focusing on transnational federations (Parties at European Level) (Hix and Lord 1997, Kreppel 2002, Marks and Steenbergen 2004). The aim of my thesis is the empirical application of the theoretical framework of organisation and functioning of the extraparliamentarian federation to the case of the European Left. The first chapter of the thesis is devoted to define the object of the analysis. In literature a persistent lack of clarification in the use of terms such as Europarties, supranational parties, European party federations and Eurogroups still exists. This confusion is not longer acceptable after the approval of the EU regulation 2004/2003 that fixes the term of Political Party at European Level to define the European party federations. The analysis of these parties has been conducted from two different points of view. The first is based on an organisational approach. The well-known theory of cartel party, by Peter Mair and Richard Katz (1995), divides party organisation in three faces: the party in institutions (Party in Central Office/PPO);the extraparliamentarian structures (Party in Central Office/PCO); the membership and base units (Party on the Ground). This party organisation leads to a growing autonomy (stratarchy) of each part towards the others (Carty 2006). This model seems to function well for those parties operate at European level. Using this approach we can interpret the process of institutionalisation of Parties at European Level as the application of PCO concept in the European domain. Eurogroups and National Parties would be identified respectively with party in Public Office and with Party on the Ground. In this view the expression “Europarty” should be used to identify the amount of relations amongst these three faces. In this optical this work tries to define the ideal typical organisation of the Political Party at European Level, devoting particular attention to its bodies (congress, council of national leaders, executive board, and president), reporting the data of funds received from European Parliament and describing the growing role of the political foundations at European level. Parties at European level are then analyzed also along a functionalist approach, that is how parties perform their role of mediation between public institutions (the State) and society (the citizens). In classic literature (Bryce 1921, Schattschneider 1942, Neumann 1956, King 1969, Sartori 1976) the main party functions are: interests’ articulation and aggregation, vote structuring, political communication and citizens’ education, development and organization of citizens’ participation, and policy-making. In the analysis of these variables, chiefly on the review of the political parties at European level having lost much power in managing these functions. It seems they have devoted much power to the other faces of Europarty: National Parties and Eurogroups. Before facing the real application of ideal typical framework to the empirical case of the European Left, the first historical efforts of coordination of the alternative Left have been reconstructed. The first and the second Labour and Socialist Internationals were the earliest organisations to promote the cooperation of national groups, movements, trade union and parties at the international level. For this it can be said that Left parties have been the first partied to face with the problems related to international cooperation. After the critical juncture of the Russian Revolution a split occurred inside the Left parties’ family creating the apparently incurable dichotomy between the socialdemocratic and reformist Left and the other Left, nicknamed, according to different point of view, as Alternative, Extreme, Radical, Revolutionary, etc… At the beginning the coordination of this not-reformist Left has been directly managed by the Soviet Communist Party and by the Soviet Government. During the 70s the experiment of Eurocommunism tried to find a “third” way between Soviet Communist and pro-west Socialdemocracy. Only after the fall of the Soviet Union the Alternative Left succeded in creating its autonomous and not-governmental forms of coordination. In 1991 the New European Left Forum has been the first loose not-institutional attempt to coordinate again these parties. In 1994 the Eurogroup of the Ghauce Unitaire Européenne – Nordic Green Left (GUE-NGL) has been the first institutional coordination in the European Parliament. These organisations have bene the first steps towards the foundation of the Party of the European Left (EL) whose break-in in the European political system has been promoted just by some parties that were used to meet each other in these two preceding organisations. After having described the formation process of the European Left, in the third chapter, the general framework described in the first chapter, has been applied on the empirical case. Thus I have analyzed the party organizational structure and the functions’ performing of the European Left, taking care of the different party bodies and pointing out their real functioning. These studies have been carried out through the analysis of the official story (i.e. party Statutes, internal Regulations and financial budgets) and the interviews of privileged observers (EL President, members of internal bodies, party employees, etc…). In the analysis of budget I have stressed that only a minor part of the party expenses are dedicated to the organization and the strengthening of the relationships between the EL and the European citizens. Rather the largest part of funds is devoted to the organisation of meeting (of party organs or with other organisations or movements). This is also at the basis of what I have discovered in analyzing the EL role in performing party functions as they have been described in the first chapter. The main point I have stressed out is the general lack of contacts with the European citizens. This poor performance of the European Left is not only due to the common behavior of political parties at European level that devolve much power and many functions directly to Eurogroups and, especially, to National Parties. That is also reinforced by the fact that only a part of the national parties involved in the Cofederal Group of GUE-NGL are actually members of the Party of the European Left. This weak overlapping amongst parties of the same political family causes the feeble capacity of inclusivity and the partial presence of the EL in the European countries (some important countries are not covered by EL because the chief national Left party of the country is not EL member). This differentiation of parties’ behavior towards such an institutional supranational coordination is a symptom of huge and relevant divisions inside the political family EL would aim to represent. The state of division in the Alternative Left is significantly higher than in the other political families. Such a situation has motivated the fourth and last part of the thesis in which political lines of different political subgroups of Left parties are analysed. Previously the political positions of European Left (through the official positions in electoral platforms, statutes, congress thesis) have been divided in some issues: economy and job policy, civil rights and freedoms, environment, international relations and peace, alliances’ strategy and relation with other parties, EL cultural heritage and the historical judgment over the East-European regimes. These positions, analysed thought a qualitative approach, are confronted with those of several groups of Left parties (taken mainly from the electoral platforms for the European elections). The first is composed by the member parties of European Left. Then there are the political positions and strategies of the observer parties of EL, those of the so-called “communist” parties (the orthodox communists), those of the members of the Nordic Green Left Association (one of the official sub-group of GUE-NGL), those of the AntiCapitalist Left (of Trotskyist origins), and those of parties without any international affiliation that I define as “cani sciolti” (mavericks). These bilateral confrontations lead to some conclusions. For example the different positions on the East-European regimes is the key reason of not-affiliation of the “communists” to the EL (the Hungarian Communist Party has left the EL in the April 2009 just criticizing the EL position towards “Eastern experience”). Again for example NGLA and EL are divided especially over the idea of Europe: the EL (and EL parties) is pro-integrationist while the Nordic (Scandinavian) parties are strongly Eurosceptic. Without going on describing all the differences it is important to conclude this abstract affirming that the differences in more concrete policy field (as the Economic and labour policy, the environmental policy, the questions of civil rights, and the question of peace and opposition to war) are not so important for the political divisions within the Alternative Left parties. The idea of Europe, the strategy of alliances (at European and nation level) and, quite surprisingly, the judgment over real socialism in Eastern Europe are the main element of different international affiliation for the Alternative Left parties of the European Union.

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Lourenço, Pedro Miguel Cardoso. "Cold pragmatism, warm radicalism : ideological differences between radical left parties from Nordic and Southern European countries." Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/22877.

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Mestrado em Ciência Política
The 2008 economic crisis brought an increasing support for some Western European radical left parties (RLPs) and renewed academic attention to this party family. Still, there is a lack of empirical knowledge on the ideological differences among RLPs – particularly across countries and regions. The present work conducts for the first time a systematic and direct cross-regional comparison of the ideological differences between RLPs from two different European regions (Nordic and Southern European countries). Manifesto and expert survey data are used for measuring and comparing party positions along several ideological dimensions and to evaluate to what extent a region-based ideological classification of RLPs finds empirical support. The results show that while some important ideological differences are found between Nordic and Southern European RLPs, these do not appear to be significant enough to classify them into two distinct ideological subgroups. Moreover, the results also suggest that, to compare the ideological differences between RLPs, we need more precise empirical instruments adapted to the study of its most characteristic ideological traits.
A crise económica de 2008 trouxe um crescente apoio a alguns partidos da esquerda radical (PER) da Europa Ocidental e uma renovada atenção académica a esta família partidária. Contudo, existe ainda uma falta de conhecimento empírico sobre as diferenças ideológicas entre os PER – particularmente entre países e regiões. O presente trabalho conduz pela primeira vez uma comparação sistemática e direta das diferenças ideológicas entre PER de duas diferentes regiões europeias (os países nórdicos e do Sul da Europa). Dados de manifestos eleitorais e inquéritos a especialistas são usados para medir e comparar as posições dos partidos em várias dimensões ideológicas e avaliar até que ponto uma classificação ideológica regional de PER encontra suporte empírico. Os resultados mostram que, embora sejam encontradas algumas diferenças ideológicas importantes entre os PER nórdicos e do Sul da Europa, estas não parecem ser suficientemente significativas para os classificar em dois subgrupos ideológicos distintos. Além disso, os resultados sugerem também que, para comparar as diferenças ideológicas entre PER, são necessários instrumentos empíricos mais precisos e adaptados ao estudo dos seus traços ideológicos mais característicos.

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Forti, Neto Octávio 1987. "Embates políticos ideológicos na crise europeia : o caso da centro-esquerda e da centro-direita no Parlamento Europeu." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279733.

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Orientador: Rachel Meneguello
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T05:44:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FortiNeto_Octavio_M.pdf: 2173532 bytes, checksum: 963976fc6f40603ae3158ade312723cd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014
Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo demonstrar os posicionamentos partidários das duas maiores agremiações e grupos transnacionais do Parlamento Europeu em relação à crise europeia, que se refletiu na área econômica, financeira, social e de emprego, no período entre 2009 e 2011. Para isto, esta dissertação analisou os programas partidários do S&D e do PPE-DC e seus documentos produzidos em quatro comissões do Parlamento Europeu. A principal conclusão dessa dissertação é que a ideologia foi importante para definir posicionamentos observados no âmbito das agremiações transnacionais. A partir desta descoberta, identificou-se também que a agremiação transnacional de esquerda e seu respectivo grupo no Parlamento Europeu produziram respostas políticas relacionadas a elementos da Terceira Via. Com referência à direita, descobriu-se que ainda persiste a defesa de políticas neoliberais. Outro achado importante foi que embora ambos os grupos apresentassem respostas e soluções diferenciadas para a crise, votaram em conjunto em muitos relatórios finais, mostrando que em âmbito transnacional os grupos tendem a cooperar mais do que competir
Abstract: This research aims to demonstrate the party positions of the two major parties and transnational groups in the European Parliament in relation to the European crisis, which was reflected in the economic, financial, social and employment areas in the period between 2009 and 2011. To this end, this dissertation analyzed the party programs of the S&D and EPP-CD and their documents produced in four Parliamentary Committees of the European Parliament. The main conclusion is that the ideology was important to define positions observed in the context of transnational parties. From this finding, we also identified that the transnational leftist party and its respective group party in the EP produced political responses related to elements of the Third Way. In regards the right wing, it still defends neoliberal responses to the crisis. Another important finding was that although both groups presented different answers and solutions to the crisis, they voted together on many final reports, showing that at transnational dimension they tend to cooperate more than compete
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política

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Šanda, Jakub. "Politický marketing ve střední Evropě." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-74198.

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Diploma thesis Political Marketing in Central Europe analyzes the historical background, culture specifics, economical, geographical and socio-demographical factors which are influencing voters' decisions in individual countries, mentions the communication of political parties and analyzes the results of parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic, Slovak Republic, Hungary, and presidential elections in Austria and Poland, which took place in 2010. Based on the findings the author tries to predict the probable further development of political parties in the political scenes in the country and identifies key factors of voters' decisions in each country.

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von, Sydow Göran. "Politicizing Europe : Patterns of party-based opposition to European integration." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-88732.

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European integration was for a long time perceived as an elite-driven project that received public acceptance through what was coined as the permissive consensus. With the expansion of the domain of community actions and capacities, and the turmoil in the ratification processes following changes of the treaties, an increased public contestation over European integration can be observed. European integration now covers policy areas that are more prone to political debate and polarization. The weak public support for the EU has not been matched by electoral support for Eurosceptic parties. Hence, this mismatch increases the political opportunity structures for political entrepreneurs wishing to profit from the public dissent regarding the integration process. This study focuses on the conditions under which European integration is politicized, where politicization refers more specifically to party-politicization. Political parties that oppose the EU and their electoral fortunes are used as a proxy for the politicization of European integration. It is a comparative study over time (1984-2009) and space (14 member states) which assesses the conditional power of a number of enabling and constraining institutional factors that influence the variation in number of Eurosceptic parties, success of those parties, and the success of single-issue Eurosceptic parties over time and space. The analysis demonstrates the importance of the party system features and the use of referendum over European integration for the emergence of party-based Euroscepticism. It also places special emphasis on the combination of factors and their impact on the outcome. The study relates the findings to the democratic credentials of the European Union, with special reference to the role of opposition and representation.

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Farooq, Mohammad Ameer Hassan. "The Social Representation of Populism in Europe : A cross-sectional case study of populist supporters across four European states." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-392276.

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The following paper focuses on the relatively new rise of populism which has seen a surge across states across the western world. Populism refers to governance of and for the people, as opposed to the ruling elites. As the sensation of democratic deficits and partisan cleavages increase, the reaction is populism which aims to restore the fundamental democratic values back to the people, advocating a more transparent form of democracy, where power moves away from the ruling elites, back to the people. We explore what populism entails through defining it through its theoretical identifiers and analyzing which political and social attitudes are present in supporters of populist parties. This study is meant to complement Staerkle and Greens study about the social representation of right-populists. By using the same research methodology as Staerkle and Green but also including left populists. This means looking at the social representation of left-right populist supporters and identifying mutual conventions and relations through a cross sectional case study of four countries which have seen a rise in populist parties. The findings lead us to see convergence in left-right populist parties toward institutional distrust and divergence in opinion towards globalism and multiculturalism. In essence, we compare and present the social representation of populist supporters of left-right populist parties and investigate which attributes cause the divergence in their political and social identities.

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Ovey, Joey-David. "Between Nation and Europe : labour, the SPD and labour in the European Parliament, 1994-1999 /." Opladen : Leske + Budrich, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/50738826.html.

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DULLAGHAN, Neil. "Getting into bed with the enemy : exploring trends and effects of coalition congruence in Western Europe 1945-2015." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/70875.

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Defence date: 09 April 2021
Examining Board: Professor Dr. Stefano Bartolini (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Elias Dinas (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel); Professor Dr. Heike Klüver (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin)
Over the last seventy years Europe has seen government authority decentralised to subnational bodies, offering up new arenas for political contestation. At the same time, the typical cleavages in society that provided solid bases of support for political parties have crumbled, leaving parties in search of new alliances to obtain governing power. Political parties find themselves caught between the desire to get into office in as many government authorities as possible and the desire to present a coherent brand to the public, as signalled by their coalition partner choices. This research project stands at this tense intersection of interests and provides new clarity to the historical record and some exploratory lines of inquiry into the effects of this dynamic. The existing work on measuring the extent to which regional and national governments mirror each other is investigated and critiqued in order to develop a new operationalisation of coalition congruence that is amenable to large-N research. On the basis of this new measure, the historical record from 1945 to 2015 of coalition congruence in nine Western European countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) is mapped out in order to identify broad trends running alongside the wider trend of dealignment from party politics. Following this, a number of hypotheses about the institutional determinants of congruence and effects of congruence on party perceptions are explored. The number of regional governments that cut across the government-opposition divide has been on the increase in Europe, especially so in some countries, and these cross-cutting governments appear to play a role in party attachment, but not through the causal mechanism of shifting left-right perceptions of party brands as expected by the literature. This project adds a new operationalisation of a concept, a new empirical dataset, extends the branding model of partisanship to the subnational level, and contributes to moving forward the fourth wave of coalition studies.

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Marino, Bruno. "Why do parties open their leader selection rules? Evidence from Western Europe between party change and personalisation of politics (1985-2015)." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86217.

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Lilliefeldt, Emelie. "European Party Politics and Gender : Configuring Gender-Balanced Parliamentary Presence." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-63628.

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In the late 20th century, the proportions of women and men elected into European national parliaments became increasingly equal. Political parties shape these outcomes by selecting and fielding candidates in elections. Scholars recognise that parties' actions do not occur in isolation; yet there is little systematically comparative research about the configurations of conditions in which these actions occur. Previous research also often relies on studies of West European parties. This doctoral thesis investigates how conditions inside and outside parties combine to create gender-equal parliamentary presence. The thesis examines the extent to which Western European experiences apply to Central and East European parties, and explores the conditions that stand in the way of progress towards gender balance. It presents three empirical studies. The first is a qualitative comparative analysis of 57 West European parties during the late 1980s, a period in which the trend towards equality accelerated. The second study applies the knowledge produced in the first analysis to cases in Central and Eastern Europe. It uses an original dataset covering six parties in four EU member states in a structured focused comparison. Finally, the thesis presents an in-depth case study of an unexpectedly gender-balanced Latvian party. The analyses show that gender-equal parliamentary presence is achieved when conditions inside and outside parties combine, and that no condition is necessary or singularly sufficient. The absence of gender-equal parliaments is sustained by combinations other than the absence of those that lead to gender-balance. Operationalisations from Western Europe turn out to be largely applicable to cases in Central and Eastern Europe. These latter cases also demonstrate that organisational instability need not impede women’s presence in elected office.
Under sent 1900-tal har andelen kvinnor och män i nationella demokratiska parlament i Europa blivit alltmer jämstora. Politiska partier formar politisk representation genom att välja egna kandidater till val. Forskare har visat att partiers beteende på den punkten inte sker i isolering, men det finns ändå en brist på systematiskt jämförande studier om vilka kombinationer av villkor som leder till jämn könsrepresentation i nationella parlament. Dessutom vilar tidigare studier ofta på kunskap om situationen i Västeuropa. Den här doktorsavhandlingen undersöker hur villkor i och utanför politiska partier kombineras för att uppnå jämställd parlamentarisk representation. Den utforskar i vilken grad de västeuropeiska erfarenheterna är användbara i Öst- och Centraleuropa, och studerar villkoren som upprätthåller manlig dominans i parlamentariska partier. Den presenterar tre empiriska studier. Den första är en kvalitativt jämförande studie (fsQCA) av 57 Västeuropeiska partier under sent 1980-tal, en period då andelen kvinnor i nationella parlament ökade. Den andra studien tillämpar kunskapen från den första studien på fall i Öst- och Centraleuropa. Studien bygger på ett unikt dataset med sex partier från fyra EU-stater, i en strukturerad fokuserad jämförelse. Slutligen presenteras en fallstudie av ett ovanligt jämställt parti i Lettland. Analyserna visar att lika andelar kvinnor och män i nationella parlament åstadkoms när villkor i och utanför partier kombineras, och att inget villkor är nödvändigt eller ensamt tillräckligt. Frånvaro av jämn representation upprätthålls av andra kombinationer än de som leder till jämn representation. Operationaliseringarna som utvecklades för Västeuropa är applicerbara i Öst- och Centraleuropa. De senare fallen visar också att organisatorisk instabilitet inte behöver hindra en jämställd parlamentarisk närvaro.

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Fletcher, Jody D. (Jody Daniel). "The Pull to the Right in Western Europe: an Analysis of Electoral Support for the Extreme-Right." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278202/.

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This study develops a model explaining support for contemporary extreme-right parties. The history and political setting of relevant countries are examined. The research explores necessary state-level conditions, which are postindustrialism, convergence to the center by major parties, and proportional representation. Individual support is probed using survey data with bivariate and probit analyses. Being male and younger proved to be significant variables, while socio-economic status did not. Concerning issues, personal disaffection for immigrants, favoring nationalistic hiring practices, and free-market tendencies were significant variables. Opposition to feminism and pride to be from one's nation were insignificant explanations for extreme-right support. Implications of the analysis are discussed as are issues concerning future research.

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Blew, Dennis Jan. "The Europeanization of Political Parties: A Study of Political Parties in Poland 2009-2014." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2567.

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On May 1st 2004, Poland entered the European Union (EU), introducing new variables into the domestic politics of the Polish Republic. Since gaining its independence from Soviet control in 1989, Poland’s political landscape can be described as a dynamic and ever changing force towards democratic maturation. With the accession of Poland to the EU, questions of European integration and Europeanization have arisen, most specifically with how these two processes effect and shape the behaviors of domestic political actors. With Poland entering its second decade of EU membership, this study attempts to explain how, and if, further European integration has had any effect on the Europeanization of political parties in Poland. Building upon the work of various scholars, most notably Aleks Szczerbiak, this study examines the years 2009-2014, and examines Poland’s political parties through Robert Ladrech’s framework of Europeanization.

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Kelbel, Camille. "Itineraries of Spoiled Children: An Analysis of Candidate Selection Processes for European Elections." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/276946.

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This PhD dissertation analyses the processes used by political parties to select candidates for the European elections, making the unique institutional setting and electoral dynamics of the European Parliament a “litmus test” for party organisations. By applying an institutional design theory to the ways parties nominate their candidates for the EP, I can test a wide range of pre-existing postulates about parties’ behaviours, and can do so across many different countries (thus considering various electoral settings and socio-political arenas) while also accounting for the multi-level setting in which they operate. To this end, I thoroughly explore the intra-party “machinery” at work in the drafting of nominees. More specifically, this dissertation first provides a descriptive account of the main intra-party formal rules that govern the EP selection procedures from a comparative perspective. Concretely, this descriptive analysis serves to measure the relative power of individuals, party organs, and party levels, and to establish what imperatives (membership fees, endorsements, incompatibilities, quotas) are prescribed by the various parties. On that basis, I identify the patterns of selection rules put in place by the parties. I then explore the factors that condition the parties' choices of procedures by relating the aforementioned observations to a number of national- and EU-level characteristics. Later, I confront these rules with the parties’ informal practices during the actual process, and further trace an entire process from the rules' enactment to the choice of candidates. In doing so, I hope to contribute a small but important building block to the understanding of current political parties, while also speaking directly to those who are more generally interested in comparative politics and EU politics.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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15

Dilling, Matthias. "Organizational choices and organizational adaptability in political parties : the case of Western European Christian democracy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8e6a932c-ca78-4520-8458-b67608c917f7.

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While political parties in Europe are incredibly adaptable organizations, they have varied in the extent to which they are able to adapt to social and political transformations. I explain parties' adaptability in two steps. 1) Adaptability depends on factionalism in a nonlinear way. Giving too much room and no room at all to factions undermines a party's ability to adapt. 2) Factionalism depends on early organizational characteristics. The more centralized the initially introduced leadership selection process is, the more party elites will be incentivized to form factions. This argument applies to political parties that allow for internal competition and elect their leaders according to formal rules. I use statistical tools, a medium- and small-N analysis and systematic process tracing to test my framework against competing explanations. I focus on Christian democracy to use a most-similar system design. The main empirical part of the thesis relies on a structured focused comparison of the Italian DC, Austrian ÃVP and German CDU. It is guided by a nested analysis and builds on a large amount of primary data which has not been analyzed before. I test my theory on the additional cases of the Portuguese, Dutch and Luxembourgian Christian Democrats and the French MRP. My main finding is that early organizational choices matter. The initial form the leadership selection process takes has a decisive impact on the incentives of intra-party actors to form factions. The initial level of factionalism becomes deeply entrenched in the party's organization and internal code of practice. This explains why party elites are unlikely to change it when they realize that their party's level of factionalism undermines its adaptability. Moving beyond the focus of path dependence on a single level has thus important implications for the literature on party politics, factionalism, party organizations and institutional development.

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16

Best, Robin E. "Political parties, voters, and institutions an examination of party system fragmentation in advanced democracies, 1950-2005 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2007.

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17

Vicente-Merino, Maria Rosa. "Parties online : a comparative analysis of European party websites." Thesis, University of Hull, 2009. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5805.

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18

Close, Caroline. "Explaining parliamentary party dissent In European national legislatures: a comparative analysis." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209333.

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Within the literature devoted to the study of political parties, scholars have recently directed more attention towards intraparty dynamics. The ‘party as a unitary actor’ assumption seems to have withered away in the last decades. The party is increasingly viewed as a heterogeneous entity, in which dissenting attitudes are frequent. Yet the causes of intraparty dissensions remain quite obscure. This dissertation aims at providing a better understanding of the causes of dissent within parties, especially within parliamentary party groups.

Intraparty conflicts, dissent or ‘voice’ phenomena have been studied through different literatures that have developed independently from each other: studies dealing with party factionalism, social-psychological and economic theories of organizations (e.g. Hirschman’s trilogy of exit, voice and loyalty), and legislative studies dealing with parliamentary party voting unity. The dissertation attempts to (re)conciliate these separate literatures, and shows how legislative studies, factionalism literature and theories of organizations can help to rethink the concept of dissent, and to grasp why parliamentarians are more or less likely to dissent from their party line.

The dissertation defines dissent in the parliamentary party as a two-dimensional concept, and operationalizes it as the MP’s frequency of disagreement with her/his party and the MP’s attitude of (non)loyalty in case of such disagreement. At the theoretical level, the dissertation draws on several theoretical approaches –institutional, rational and sociological– and formulates a broad set of hypotheses linking system-, party- and individual-level factors to these two dimensions of dissent. At the empirical level, the dissertation analyzes the causes of dissent within parliamentary parties in a comparative perspective. The analysis examines parliamentarians’ attitudes across 15 European national parliaments and tests the hypotheses formulated in the theoretical part by using the PARTIREP MP Survey dataset.

The results first show that, while European parliamentary parties are usually viewed as united blocks in terms of voting behavior, looking at MPs’ attitudes provides a more nuanced picture: European parliamentary parties show important variations in their MPs’ frequency of disagreement and attitudes of non-loyalty. Among the factors that explain these variations, both institutional (electoral rules, state structure, effective number of parties, intraparty organization) and sociological (gender, age, socialization, ideological preferences) factors need to be considered. In addition, the research shows that the two dimensions of dissent, though they are connected by a sequential relationship, should be studied distinctly, as different factors affect them respectively. The frequency of disagreement is best explained by the MP’s gender and previous elected office at a lower level than the national one, by the ideological distance between the MP and her/his party’s position in interaction with the party ‘family’, and by intraparty organizational factors (candidate selection procedures and EPO-PPO power balance). Non-loyalty depends more on the institutional structure (multilevel vs. unitary state, ENP) and on the candidate-centeredness of the electoral system; but is also affected by individual-level factors (age and length of incumbency) and by the party ‘family’. On the whole, by contrast to what is usually argued, ‘the party’ matters’ in determining the level of intraparty cohesion: the impact of intraparty organizational structure and party ideology or family is determinant, but more research is definitely needed in order to disentangle the ‘organizational’ vs. the ‘ideological’ effects.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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19

Hellström, Johan. "Dynamic Interactions : National Political Parties, Voters and European Integration." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-25925.

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This thesis consists of an introduction and four self-contained papers, designated I-IV, which extend previous research on national political parties and voters in Western Europe. More specifically, the issues addressed are parties’ positions and voters’ opinions on European integration and their dynamic interactions, i.e. the extent to which parties’ influence voters’ opinions, voters influence parties, and the conditions under which they influence each other. All four papers make contributions to both the content of the research field and methodology (statistical techniques) applied. Paper I re-examines and evaluates several hypotheses regarding the way national political parties position themselves with respect to European integration. Based on analysis of panel data on references to Europe in the election manifestos of political parties in 16 West European countries between 1970 and 2003, I present evidence that their stances on European integration have been largely determined by their ideology, here measured by the locations of the parties within party families and their general orientation along the left/right ideological continuum. The results indicate that the influence of ideology has diminished over time and parties have adopted more favourable positions towards the European project, but it is too early to ignore the connection between left/right and pro/anti integration, since many marginal parties are still taking oppositional stances that are strongly related to their ideological commitments. In Paper II, I discuss how configurational comparative methods (i.e. Qualitative Comparative Analysis, QCA) and statistical methods can be combined to provide tests for the sufficiency of any given set of combination of causal conditions. The potential utility of the mixed-method approach for analyzing political phenomena is demonstrated by applying it to cross-national data regarding party-based Euroscepti¬cism in Western Europe. The findings show that oppositional stances to European integration are mainly restricted to non-governmental ideological fringe parties on both the left and right. Further, radical left parties with Eurosceptical positions are largely restricted to countries with social democratic (i.e. Nordic) welfare state regimes. The empirical example presented in this paper demonstrates that configurational methods can be successfully combined with related statistical methods. Paper III examines and evaluates the link between electorates’ opinions and national political parties’ positions on European integration, i.e. the extent to which political parties lead and/or follow public opinion on this issue. Applying a method for causal modelling to panel data concerning political parties’ positions and voters’ opinions in 15 countries from 1973 to 2003, I find (contrary to previous investigations of this relationship) that there is little empirical support for an electoral connection or reciprocal causation between party positions and electorates’ opinion regarding European integration. Parties have an influence on voter opinions, but they are largely unresponsive to changes in voter opinion. In Paper IV, I examine when parties do (and do not) influence voters’ opinions about EU policy issues. According to previous research, whether parties are able to persuade their constituents to adopt their standpoints depends on several conditions: characteristics and preferences of individual voters, intra-party factors, inter-party factors and several factors that affect the salience of EU issues at the domestic level. Applying hierarchical linear models to data concerning voters’ opinions and political parties’ positions in 14 West European countries, I present findings regarding the conditions under which parties are actually able to influence voters’ opinions concerning European integration.

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20

Irene, Landini. "Welfare chauvinism and social policy: how politicians justify migrants’ exclusion from social programs in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/11385/223878.

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21

Prosser, Christopher. "Rethinking representation and European integration." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f596c7e-bfb9-43ff-b3e8-2de716f234ec.

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In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.

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22

Carey, Sean D. "The impact of political parties on public support for European integration." Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268699.

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23

Fernandes, Daniel Alves. "The economy and new political parties." Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/23037.

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Mestrado em Ciência Política
Does the economy affect the electoral success of new political parties? Despite the profound scholarly interest on this subject, previous studies have not found consistent empirical evidence linking economic conditions to new party success. We argue in this thesis that the lack of compelling evidence derives from incorrectly drawn expectations about this precise relationship. By and large, previous scholars claim that bad economic conjunctures drive voters to support new political parties. This seems not always to be the case, however, as voters can punish incumbents for poor economic performance by supporting opposition parties instead. As such, we argue that new parties only benefit from bad economic conditions if voters are discontented with the existing parties as a whole. We tested this hypothesis drawing on a unique dataset that comprises all elections to the national legislatures in west European countries of the European Union, from 1986 to 2015. Statistical evidence appears to corroborate the aforementioned claim. Unfavorable economic conjunctures benefit new entrants if there is a large pool of discontented individuals. On the other hand, poor economic performance appears to slightly hamper their electoral success if voters are fairly satisfied with the existing parties.
As condições económicas afectam o sucesso de novos partidos? Embora esta questão seja basilar para a Ciência Política, os estudos existentes não dispõem de evidência empírica concreta que corrobore uma relação entre os dois fenómenos. Nesta tese argumentamos que as expectativas teóricas destes estudos podem explicar, pelo menos parcialmente, estes resultados inconsistentes. Os estudos anteriores consideram em grosso modo que as más conjunturas económicas incentivam os eleitores a votar em novos partidos políticos. Estes eleitores podem, contudo, punir os incumbentes pelo mau desempenho económico apoiando os partidos da oposição. Deste modo, consideramos que as novas formações partidárias só beneficiam das más condições económicas quando os eleitores estão descontentes com todas as alternativas partidárias existentes, inclusive partidos de oposição. Esta hipótese foi testada com base em testes estatísticos em 135 eleições para os parlamentos nacionais dos países da Europa ocidental membros da União Europeia entre 1986 e 2015. Os resultados corroboram a hipótese anterior. Os períodos económicos mais desfavoráveis são benéficos para as novas formações partidárias caso haja um grande número de eleitores descontentes com as opções partidárias existentes. Por outro lado, o mau desempenho económico constrange, ainda que a um grau mais limitado, o sucesso eleitoral dos novos partidos quando os eleitores estão relativamente satisfeitos com os partidos estabelecidos.

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24

Biassoni, D. "EXCLUSIONIST RIGHT PARTIES IN WESTERN EUROPEAN PARTY SYSTEMS." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/159458.

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This dissertation is mainly concerned with political parties that usually cluster inside the area of right-wing radicalism. Major changes concerning Western European party systems represent the background of analysis. The study is underpinned on the recognition that, after the emergence of ecology and left-libertarian parties, the rise of right-wing parties is the most relevant and debated transformation in the configuration of party systems. Fourteen EU-member states are included in the set of inquiry and life-span analysis ranges from1990 to 2009. Firstly, the examination focuses on the identification of parties at stakes with the purpose of elaborating a suitable label. By exploring the right deviancy on value and cultural topics through expert survey datasets, the final label for those actors is Exclusionist Right Parties (ERPs). Secondly, the research takes into account factors that potentially affected the electoral performances of ERPs. The related framework is two-fold, composed of demand and supply sides. On the one hand, for the demand side, individual-level data are inspected; on the other hand, for the supply side, expert judgments have been employed to plot party positions along a couple of domains, i.e. economy and immigration. In conclusion, the aim of the final chapter is to shed light on the different ERPs’ electoral fortunes by pinpointing patterns of multiple combinations of conditions and constructing a weighted additive index.

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25

Szczerbiak, Aleksander Andrzej. "The emergence and development of political parties in post-communist Poland." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1318021/.

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This study provides a detailed, empirically based examination of the institutional dynamics of the new parties and political groupings that have emerged Poland, the largest country of the former Soviet bloc, since the collapse of communist rule in 1989. It draws upon and utilises the models developed in the contemporary West European party literature as an analytical framework with which to examine the main parties from a structural and organisational perspective and considers how they approximate to these taxonomical ideals. It examines the six main parties and political groupings around which the Polish party system appeared to be consolidating in the run up to the 1997 parliamentary elections. The study considers: the internal distribution of power and modes of representation with the parties; the role of the party bureaucracy; the relationship between the parties and their electorates; the development of parties as membership organisations; and the relationship between parties and the state. It concludes that the new Polish parties are strong at the level of state institutions and appear capable of fulfilling their role in terms of structuring elections, institutions and recruiting elites. However, they are also likely to develop as remote and somewhat distant institutions that are weak at the societal level. Given that the nature of the links between parties and their electorates are likely to remain fairly shallow, the new parties are likely to prove less successful at aggregating societal interests and relatively ineffective in mobilising the citizenry and integrating them into the political process. The study, therefore, draws broader conclusions about the process of party development in post-communist Eastern Europe at the same time as augmenting the relatively undeveloped literature on internal party dynamics.

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26

Dague, Jennifer Lee. "Europeanization and the Rise of Extremist Parties." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc103305/.

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The research question addressed by this study is: what is the relationship between Europeanization and the rise of extremist parties? In particular I examine the impact of Europeanization on the rise of extreme right parties in Europe from 1984 to 2006. Europeanization in this paper is defined as a process whereby the transformation of governance at the European level and European integration as a whole has caused distinctive changes in domestic politics. This process of Europeanization is one part of a structure of opportunities for extremist parties (which also include social, economic, and electoral factors). Although this study finds that Europeanization does not have a statistically significant effect it is still an important factor when examining domestic political phenomenon in Europe.

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27

Janjic, Biljana. "Cultural racism in contemporary Europe| Securitization of immigration and radical right-wing parties." Thesis, Webster University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1525311.

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The purpose of this research is to contribute to the studies of cultural racism in contemporary Europe by observing the effects of securitization of immigration and assumed confusion between terms `radical' and `radicalization' on the rise of this phenomenon. Within the framework of securitization theory developed by the Copenhagen school and its connection to the integration approaches, I firstly hypothesize that the security and integration policies show divergence in the equality protection of minority immigrant groups. Then, by treating the securitization of immigration as a fluctuating political opportunity structure, I also hypothesize that such divergence created favorable conditions for radical right-wing parties to emphasize their xenophobic and ethnocentrist appeals and target Muslim immigrant communities as a particular out-group. This is grounded in the theoretical arguments about the construction of a master frame by the radical right-wing parties which involves diffusion processes across various European countries. The research applies fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis and observes the levels of immigration, ethnic profiling of immigrant groups in security and integration policies, and the political discourse of radical right-wing parties as conditions for the surge of cultural racism. The conditions are observed in the cases of Austria, Bulgaria, Sweden and Switzerland in the period between 2000 and 2013. The main findings are that ethnic profiling and portraying minority immigrant groups as security threats are the most relevant conditions for the surge of cultural racism. On the other hand, the levels of immigration alone cannot always be claimed as sufficient constitutive condition for the increase in racist practices in Europe. The research also concludes that radical right-wing parties not only constructed Muslim immigrant minorities as particular out-group incompatible with European values but also shifted their political rhetoric to the fit the arguments of individualism, gender equality and human rights. Thus the radical right-wing parties portray themselves as defenders of the national identities and culture by incorporating arguments that have traditionally been at the opposite of their political discourse. The incomplete equality protection framework in security and integration policies created by the mainstream parties and the changing political rhetoric of radical right-wing parties produce favorable conditions for the emergence and rise of the cultural racism in selected cases.

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28

De, Waele Jean-Michel. "Analyse comparée du processus d'émergence des partis et des systèmes politiques en Europe centrale après 1989: la République tchèque, la Slovaquie et la Pologne." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212287.

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29

Keith, Daniel James. "Party organisation and party adaptation : Western European communist and successor parties." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6897/.

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This study examines the development of Western European Communist parties (WECPs) and their post-Communist successor parties. These parties had always adapted in surprising ways as they struggled in political systems that they sought to overthrow. Following the collapse of Communism in 1989 in central and Eastern Europe (CEE) they continued to amaze. Some reformed themselves dramatically, sacrificing or transforming their policies in search of office and votes. A number of them moved into mainstream politics and became more influential as other parties brought them into governing coalitions or they expanded at elections. Several WECPs disappeared but others resisted compromising their orthodox Marxism- Leninism. These hard-line Stalinist parties managed to remain significant players in their party systems. This in-depth study analyses the reasons behind the divergent trajectories of five WECPs and their post-Communist successor parties in the Netherlands, Sweden, Ireland and Portugal. It does this by importing and refining an analytical framework developed to explain the diverse adaptation of Communist parties in CEE. Extensive primary research based on elite interviews and the analysis of party programmes is used to evaluate the framework's usefulness and its implications for studying the trajectories of Communist parties in Western Europe (and beyond). There are two main empirical findings from this research. First, it was elites with experience in working with groups and institutions outside their parties that led efforts to reform WECPs, just as in CEE successor parties. Second, mid-level elites in WECPs were not necessarily hardliners bent on resisting reform. Their leaders could be extremely effective in advocating reforms and convincing members into supporting them, meaning that organisational democratisation could be compatible with reform. This meant that organisational centralisation was not as necessary as it was in the successor parties in CEE. Moreover, reformist party leaders had not, like their counterparts in CEE, learnt to be centralisers through past struggles over reform. When party leaders did pursue elitist strategies to promote programmatic transformation this usually took place through shifting power to the party in public office rather than central office.

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30

Öhlén, Mats. "The Eastward Enlargement of European Parties : Party Adaptation in the Light of EU-enlargement." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-28635.

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The aim of the study is to map out and analyse the integration of political parties from Central and Eastern Europe into the main European party families. The prospect of eastern enlargement of the EU implicated opportunities and above all challenges for the West European party families. The challenges consisted of integrating new parties with a different historical legacy. The study focuses on mainly how the European party families handled these challenges and what motives that have driven them in this engagement. At a more general level the thesis sketches two alternatives interpretations of the process: Western neo-colonialism and contribution to democratisation. The method used for the study is comparative case-study method and the main sources that have been utilised are party documents and in-depth interviews. The study is delimited to the three main European party families: the Christian democrats, the social democrats and the liberals. The countries of interest in Central and Eastern Europe are those postcommunist countries that became EU-members in 2004 and 2007: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. The time-frame is limited to the first party contacts in 1989 to the final inclusion of the new parties in 2000-2006. The results suggest that the European parties have responded with ambitious means to the challenge of integrating new parties from a postcommunist context. They have set up new coordinating bodies and organised educational programmes for the applicant parties, mainly directed to young politicians. The Christian democrats and the social democrats have also used parallel organisations as buffer-zones, which provided certain flexibility. As for motives, the Christian democrats stand out as the party family with the clearest power-oriented motives. At the other end, the liberals stand out as the party family that is most steered by ideology and identity. The social democrats went through a change with ideological considerations dominating the early phase and became increasingly poweroriented as the EU enlargement drew closer. When it comes to the two alternative interpretations of this process, the main conclusion is that they are intertwined and more or less impossible to separate from each other.

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31

Morgan, Jason William. "Essays on Party System Institutionalization in East-Central Europe." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1437609450.

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32

Gish, Kathleen. "NATIVIST NOTIONS: THE EFFECTS OF ANTI-IMMIGRATION PARTIES ON MAINSTREAM CONSERVATIVE PARTIES IN WESTERN EUROPEAN DEMOCRACIES." UKnowledge, 2010. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_theses/74.

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This is an analysis of flank and shift effects in political sociology that focuses on anti-immigrant parties in eight European countries. In a positive radical flank effect the radical party makes the moderate and mildly-threatening parties look good. In turn, that moderate party then gains power or at least many of their ends. A negative radical flank effect occurs when the actual or perceived association of the moderate party with the radical party causes the moderate party to lose support. Radical shift effects are when the moderate or conservative party shifts its policy toward the radical direction. In this case, the radical party may become a coalition partner with the moderate or conservative party. And conservative or moderate shift is when the radical party shifts its policy toward a more moderate direction in order to assume power or court votes. The radical flank effects have some currency in the civil rights literature, but the other two effects have been largely ignored. This thesis shows that the radical shifts, radical flank, and moderate shift effects do have explanatory value in political sociology.

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33

Lahti, Sara. "Den långsamma marschen mot Europa : En studie om europeiseringen av svenska politiska partier från 1998 till 2016." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352308.

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Анотація:

Denna studie undersöker europeiseringen av svenska politiska partier från 1998 till 2016. Syftet har konkretiserats i frågeställningen ”På vilka sätt har svenska politiska partiers skrivande om samt inställning till EU-medlemskapet och unionen generellt utvecklats över tid?” och dess underfråga ”Har en europeisering av dessa partier skett?”. Det empiriska materialet har erhållits med hjälp av både kvalitativ och kvantitativ ansats i form av text- och innehållsanalys, och har innefattat Vänsterpartiets, Centerpartiets och Liberalernas partiprogram och valmanifest. De mätpunkter som har varit i fokus är omfång, inställning och policy vs. polity. För att analysera materialet användes europeiseringsteorin. Studieresultaten visade att samtliga partier har europeiserats inom åtminstone en av mätpunkterna. I Vänsterpartiet syns en svag europeisering vad gäller omfånget av vilket de nämner EU eller ord kopplade till unionen, i Centerpartiet syns en europeisering vad gäller inställningen till EU och det svenska medlemskapet och i Liberalerna syns en svag europeisering vad gäller inställningen till EU och det svenska medlemskapet såväl som vad gäller indelningen av olika politikområden kontra unionen i sig. Slutsatserna som dragits är att Europeiska unionen alltså har påverkat de svenska politiska partierna, men att denna europeisering tar tid och är väldigt varierande beroende på parti, mätpunkt och årtal.
This study examines the Europeanisation of Swedish political parties from 1998 to 2016. The purpose has been concretised in the research question “In what ways have the Swedish political parties’ writing of and attitude towards the EU-membership and the Union in general developed over time?” and its sub question “Has a Europeanisation of these parties occurred?”. The empirical material has been obtained by both a qualitative and a quantitative approach in the form of text and content analyses, and has included the Left Party’s, the Centre Party’s and the Liberals’ party platforms and manifestos. The measurement points that have been in focus are range, attitude and policy vs. polity. To analyse the material the Europeanisation theory was used. The study results showed that all parties have been Europeanised in at least one of the measurement points. In the Left Party a weak Europeanisation regarding the range of which they mention the EU or words linked to the Union was visible, in the Centre Party a Europeanisation regarding the attitude towards EU and the Swedish membership was visible and in the Liberals a weak Europeanisation regarding the attitude towards EU and the Swedish membership as well as regarding the dividing of different political areas contra the Union itself was visible. The conclusions that have been drawn are that the European Union thus have affected the Swedish political parties, but that this Europeanisation takes time and is very varying depending on party, measurement point and year.

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Gemenis, Kostas. "The impact of the European Union on political parties' environmental policy positions." Thesis, Keele University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528356.

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This thesis investigates the impact of the European Union (EU) on the way political parties emphasise and frame environmental issues in their election manifestos. In particular, I formulate a set of testable hypotheses regarding the impact of the EU on parties' policy positions on environmental issues and draw on competing theoretical arguments to derive alternative hypotheses which are contrasted to Europeanisation. The thesis reduces the methodological divide in comparative politics by adopting a 'mixed methods' research design that combines quantitative and qualitative methods. In the quantitative part, I test the hypotheses statistically by using the data of the Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP) for 54 parties in 19 West European party systems. In the qualitative part, I focus on causal mechanisms and compare three parties in Belgium , Britain and Greece by using empirical evidence drawn from extensive archival research conducted in the aforementioned countries. The primary empirical conclusion of the thesis is that the impact of the EU is certainly observable but rather minimal when compared to the impact of variables at the national or party level. Furthermore, on a methodological note, the thesis illustrates the usefulness of political text in estimating parties' policy positions especially when the content analysis of the CMP is supplemented with a qualitative discourse analysis.

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35

Šimkutė, Aistė. "Lietuvos ir Slovėnijos partinių sistemų ypatybės Vidurio Rytų Europos kontekste." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110606_113716-15774.

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Analizuojama posocialistinių valstybių partinių sistemų nestabilumo problematika. Svarbiausi Vidurio Rytų Europos partinių sistemų aspektai - pliuralizmo pradžia pereinamuoju laikotarpiu, partinių sistemų fragmentacija, ideologinis pasiskirstymas, partijų ir rinkėjų ryšys - atskleidžiami Lietuvos ir Slovėnijos partinių sistemų lyginamojoje analizėje.
The subject of this paper is the party systems in Central Eastern Europe. The main characteristics of the party systems in the region, such as the emergence of pluralism in tranzition period, party system fragmentation, ideologigal alignments,and party-citizen connection - are used in comparative analysis of Lithuanian and Slovenian party systems.

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36

SANDU, ROXANA IONELA. "The European Union: Voting, Turnout and Legitimacy." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1429.

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Perseguendo politiche comuni per gli Stati membri, l'Unione Europea si è trasformata da unione puramente economica ad unione politica. Tuttavia, per quanto riguarda quest'ultimo aspetto, è stato fatto poco. Lo scetticismo è venuto a caratterizzare il clima politico dell'Unione Europea e l’elevata eterogeneità nei termini degli Stati membri hanno causato difficoltà nel processo decisionale. Questa tesi si concentra sulle politiche europee da tre aspetti: la legittimità, che si riferisce al sostegno politico dei cittadini, il comportamento di voto e di partecipazione dei cittadini. Una delle questioni principali della ricerca riguarda l’esistenza delle basi per la genesi di veri e propri partiti politici europei, come via d’uscita dalla crisi di legittimità dell'Unione Europea. Ci si chiede poi quali sono i principali fattori che influenzano la partecipazione alle elezioni del Parlamento Europeo, dal momento che esso è l'unica fonte diretta di legittimità. Infine, si studiano le cause del gap in affluenza per le elezioni europee e nazionali, guardando la quota di voto del partito. L'argomento principale per l’esistenza dei partiti pan-europei è quello di difendere gli stessi interessi e valori su scala europea. I risultati empirici sottolineano che la polarizzazione di classe sociale, è già presente nei primi 12 Stati membri dell'UE, e anche nei nuovi Stati membri, mentre nelle elezioni del Parlamento europeo gli elettori votano sinceramente. In conclusione: l'Europa soddisfa la base per la creazione di partiti pan-Europei che difendino vere e proprie politiche europee, mirate ai gruppi sociali che rappresentano, come una possibile soluzione per la crisi di legittimità.
By pursuing common policies for its Member States, the European Union moved from being a purely economic union, to being a political one as well. However, little has been done to tackle the latter aspect. Skepticism has come to characterize the political climate of the European Union and high heterogeneity in terms of Member States has induced difficulties in the decision-making process. This thesis focuses on the European Politics from three aspects: legitimacy, which refers to citizens’ political support, voting behavior and turnout. One of the main research questions we address is whether or not the basis for the existence of true European party politics exists, as a way out of the European Union legitimacy crisis. Then, we ask what are the main factors that influence electoral participation in the European Parliament elections since it is the only source of direct legitimacy. Lastly, we investigate what are the causes for the turnout gap across European and National elections, looking at the party vote share. The main argument for pan-European to exist is to defend the same values and interests European-wide. Empirical results point out that social class's polarization already exists in the initial 12 EU Member States, as well as later entries, while in the European Parliament elections voters cast their vote sincerely. We conclude that Europe fulfils the base requirement for the creation of true European politics, party politics and social groups' targeted-policies being a possible solution for the legitimacy crisis.

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37

SANDU, ROXANA IONELA. "The European Union: Voting, Turnout and Legitimacy." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1429.

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Анотація:

Perseguendo politiche comuni per gli Stati membri, l'Unione Europea si è trasformata da unione puramente economica ad unione politica. Tuttavia, per quanto riguarda quest'ultimo aspetto, è stato fatto poco. Lo scetticismo è venuto a caratterizzare il clima politico dell'Unione Europea e l’elevata eterogeneità nei termini degli Stati membri hanno causato difficoltà nel processo decisionale. Questa tesi si concentra sulle politiche europee da tre aspetti: la legittimità, che si riferisce al sostegno politico dei cittadini, il comportamento di voto e di partecipazione dei cittadini. Una delle questioni principali della ricerca riguarda l’esistenza delle basi per la genesi di veri e propri partiti politici europei, come via d’uscita dalla crisi di legittimità dell'Unione Europea. Ci si chiede poi quali sono i principali fattori che influenzano la partecipazione alle elezioni del Parlamento Europeo, dal momento che esso è l'unica fonte diretta di legittimità. Infine, si studiano le cause del gap in affluenza per le elezioni europee e nazionali, guardando la quota di voto del partito. L'argomento principale per l’esistenza dei partiti pan-europei è quello di difendere gli stessi interessi e valori su scala europea. I risultati empirici sottolineano che la polarizzazione di classe sociale, è già presente nei primi 12 Stati membri dell'UE, e anche nei nuovi Stati membri, mentre nelle elezioni del Parlamento europeo gli elettori votano sinceramente. In conclusione: l'Europa soddisfa la base per la creazione di partiti pan-Europei che difendino vere e proprie politiche europee, mirate ai gruppi sociali che rappresentano, come una possibile soluzione per la crisi di legittimità.
By pursuing common policies for its Member States, the European Union moved from being a purely economic union, to being a political one as well. However, little has been done to tackle the latter aspect. Skepticism has come to characterize the political climate of the European Union and high heterogeneity in terms of Member States has induced difficulties in the decision-making process. This thesis focuses on the European Politics from three aspects: legitimacy, which refers to citizens’ political support, voting behavior and turnout. One of the main research questions we address is whether or not the basis for the existence of true European party politics exists, as a way out of the European Union legitimacy crisis. Then, we ask what are the main factors that influence electoral participation in the European Parliament elections since it is the only source of direct legitimacy. Lastly, we investigate what are the causes for the turnout gap across European and National elections, looking at the party vote share. The main argument for pan-European to exist is to defend the same values and interests European-wide. Empirical results point out that social class's polarization already exists in the initial 12 EU Member States, as well as later entries, while in the European Parliament elections voters cast their vote sincerely. We conclude that Europe fulfils the base requirement for the creation of true European politics, party politics and social groups' targeted-policies being a possible solution for the legitimacy crisis.

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38

Zanoglio, Alessandra <1995&gt. "Le disuguaglianze di genere nel mercato culturale europeo. Un'analisi delle politiche europee per la parità di genere a partire dall'entrata in vigore del Regolamento CE del 2006." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/19379.

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L'elaborato ha l'obiettivo di presentare un'analisi dell'impatto che le politiche messe in campo dall'Unione Europea hanno avuto nel raggiungimento di una parità di genere nel mondo artistico. In particolare si concentra sugli effetti ottenuti in seguito all'istituzione dell'EIGE e della campagna di fondi successiva, erogata dal FSE, sulla presenza e valorizzazione delle donne e delle artiste nel mercato del lavoro culturale e artistico.

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39

Van, Kessel Stijn Theodoor. "Supply and demand : identifying populist parties in Europe and explaining their electoral performance." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7521/.

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The past decades have witnessed a surge in the scholarly use of the concept „populism‟, especially where the European context is concerned. Populism is a problematic concept, however, as it is often ill-defined and haphazardly applied. The surge of populism is, nevertheless, important as it is considered to be an indicator for the state of representative democracy. This study has two main aims. The first is to relate the concept populism to political parties and to identify the populist parties that have recently managed to enter parliament in 31 European countries. In the European context, populism has predominantly been associated with extreme or radical right parties. This study broadens the scope by also considering populist parties that are not typical examples of this type of party. This dissertation further contributes to the scholarly literature by moving beyond Western Europe and studying populist parties across the whole of Europe. An important lesson of this dissertation is that scholars should be very careful when applying the concept populism to political parties to prevent further concept-stretching. The second aim of the study is to explain the electoral performance of populist parties in Europe. A relatively novel technique, Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), is applied. This method is particularly geared at demonstrating causal complexity. The results of this analysis are triangulated with three in-depth qualitative case studies of populist parties in three countries: The Netherlands, Poland and the United Kingdom. The study explicitly focuses on the agency of political parties and the credibility of populist parties in particular. In addition to the presence of a conducive environment, this turns out to be a crucial factor in explaining the electoral performance of populist parties. Further comparative research should, therefore, not refrain from taking the agency of populist parties themselves into account.

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40

Kula, Mari-Helen. "From scepticism to engagement : Europeanization of the Green Party and Sinn Féin in Ireland inelection campaigns 2009–2020." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-186522.

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This study examines the impact of the European Union and the programmatic and policy changes in two Irish political parties, the Green Party and Sinn Féin. The Europeanization concept is the theoretical basis of the study and it is operationalized by the use of EU salience. The study is carried out by content analysis of national and European election manifestos prepared by the parties during the 2009–2020 time period. The findings showed an increased salience on the European Union in national election campaigns by both parties, and in the European Parliament elections by Sinn Féin. A process of Europeanization has taken place in both parties regarding foreign policy and issues related to external relations. The Green Party showed an increased emphasis on the European Union regarding environmental issues. This study contributes to the research on the European impact on national political parties and the increased importance of European level politics in the national systems.

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41

Cavallaro, Matteo. "Towards a political economy of radical parties." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCD048/document.

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Cette thèse porte sur les impacts réels et potentiels des partis de droite radicale (PDR) sur l'économie et évalue ces impacts - quantitativement et qualitativement - en considérant la politique économique et les performances économiques de 27 pays européens.Nous commençons par discuter les définitions de pdr (chapitre 1) et leur position sur les questions économiques (chapitre 2). Nous en déduisons une taxonomie des positions de ces partis sur les questions économiques et confirmons l'hétérogénéité entre les PDR sur ces questions. Le chapitre 3 résume la littérature sur les déterminants politiques de l'économie, dont nous tirons nos hypothèses. Le chapitre 4 teste ces hypothèses à l’aide d’économétrie sur des données de panel. Nous montrons que la présence de PDR semble avoir des effets sur l’économie mais différent en europe de l’est et de l’ouest. En europe de l'est, les scores électoraux des PDR, ainsi que leur inclusion dans une coalition au pouvoir sont significativement liés à l'augmentation des importations et de la diminution des exportations. En europe de l’ouest, leur inclusion dans une coalition au pouvoir est lié à l’accroissement de l'écart entre les taux de chômage de la main-d'oeuvre autochtone et étrangère.Afin de comprendre les mécanismes qui sous-tendent nos résultats, le chapitre 5 propose une contribution originale à l'approche néo-réaliste d'amable et palombarini (2005). Nous soutenons que la politique économique est le résultat de la régulation politique des conflits sociaux et illustrons notre point de vue avec l'étude de cas de la ligue du nord italienne
This PhD Thesis discusses the actual and potential impacts of Radical Right Parties (RRPs) on the economy and assesses these impacts – quantitatively and qualitatively – by considering the economic policy and performances of 27 European countries.We start discussing the different definitions of RRPs (Chapter 1) and their position on economic issues (Chapter 2 We derive an original taxonomy of RRPs’ positions on economic matters confirming the heterogeneity between RRPs. In Chapter 3, we critically review the literature on the political determinants of the economy and identify three conceptualisations of the ‘political’ in neo-classical economics: opportunistic, partisan, and institutional models. Chapter 4 tests our main hypotheses by using a dynamic panel data model. Results show no significant and robust evidence in support of an impact on authoritarian (e.g. security) and populist (e.g. deficits) indicators. We find evidence in support of a nativist impact, different in Eastern and Western European countries. In Eastern Europe, RRPs’ electoral scores, as well as their inclusion in a ruling coalition, are a significant predictor of increased imports and decreased exports. In Western Europe, RRPs’ strength and presence in a ruling coalition are a significant predictor of increasing gap in unemployment rates between native and foreign workforce.In order to understand the mechanisms behind our results, Chapter 5 proposes an original contribution to Amable and Palombarini (2005)’s neo-realist approach. We argue that economic policy is the result of the political regulation of social conflict and illustrate our framework with the case study of the Italian Lega Nord

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42

Blomgren, Magnus. "Cross-Pressure and Political Representation in Europe : A comparative study of MEPs and the intra-party arena." Doctoral thesis, Umeå : Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Univ. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-110.

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43

Lindberg, Björn. "Fit for European Democracy? : Party Discipline in the European Parliament." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8631.

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This study evaluates the fitness of political parties for the democratisation of the European Union. At the national level political parties have successfully functioned as transmission belts between voter’s preferences and political outcomes in representative democracies. Some scholars have therefore argued that an increase in party competition at the European level could make the European Union more democratic; other scholars claim that European political parties are too weak to fend off public pressure, which would arise from an increase in political competition. Since cohesive voting behaviour of political parties is the basic prerequisite for a functioning representative democracy, this study analyses how the transnational party groups of the European Parliament are able to generate voting cohesion. Drawing on rational institutionalist theories of political parties and theories of collective action, the study outlines two competitive scenarios for explaining party group voting cohesion in the European Parliament. In the party group disciplinary scenario, the party group leadership is able to enforce voting cohesion through its disciplinary powers. The national party discipline scenario predicts that party group voting cohesion is dependent on the voluntary cooperation of the national party delegations. The empirical analysis of party disciplinary effects in the European Parliament corroborates the party group disciplinary scenario. The party group leadership of the two largest party groups is able to discipline it is members for disloyal voting behaviour. The findings do, however, also show that the party group leadership is not able to sanction national party delegations if they fail to toe the party group line. The study concludes that it will be difficult for the party groups to maintain voting cohesion, if public pressure on Members of the European Parliament increases through a more open form of political contestation at the European level. The responsibility for a successful democratisation of the European Union through party competition, therefore, lies in the hands of national political parties.

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44

Hearl, D. "The politics of intrusion : A theory of the rise and fall of new parties in Belgium and the Netherlands." Thesis, University of Essex, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354478.

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45

SCHULTE-CLOOS, Julia. "European integration and the surge of the populist radical right." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63506.

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Defence date: 2 July 2019
Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Elias Dinas, European University Institute; Professor Liesbet Hooghe, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; Professor Kai Arzheimer, Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz
Does European integration contribute to the rise of the radical right? This dissertation offers three empirical contributions that aid understanding the interplay between political integration within the European Union (EU) and the surge of the populist radical right across Europe. The first account studies the impact that the European Parliament (EP) elections have for the national fortune of the populist right. The findings of a country fixed-effects model leveraging variation in the European electoral cycle demonstrate that EP elections foster the domestic prospects of the radical right when national and EP elections are close in time. The second study demonstrates that the populist radical right cannot use the EP elections as a platform to socialise the most impressionable voters. The results of a regression discontinuity analysis highlight that the EP contest does not instil partisan ties to the political antagonists of the European idea. The third study shows that anti-European integration sentiments that existed prior to accession to the EU cast a long shadow in the present by contributing to the success of contemporary populist right actors. Relying on an original dataset entailing data on all EU accession referenda on the level of municipalities and exploiting variation within regions, the study demonstrates that those localities that were most hostile to the European project before even becoming part of the Union, today, vote in the largest numbers for the radical right. In synthesis, the dissertation approaches the relationship between two major current transformations of social reality: European integration and the surge of the radical right. The results highlight that contention around the issue of European integration provides a fertile ground for the populist radical right, helping to activate nationalistic and EU-hostile sentiments among parts of the European public.

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46

Grassetti, Danny <1990&gt. "Populist Parties in Europe: a comparison between Podemos, the Northern League and the 5 Stars Movement." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/13483.

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Questa tesi mira ad analizzare il complesso fenomeno del populismo e dei partiti populisti in Europa, facendo una comparazione meticolosa tra tre casi di studio: Movimento 5 stelle, Lega Nord e Podemos. Al fine di acquisire una conoscenza approfondita del fenomeno populista il primo capitolo della tesi si focalizzerà sullo studio del concetto di populismo, tracciandone le origini storiche. Inoltre verrà anche proposta una mappa dei partiti populisti in Europa, al fine di mostrare come oggi questo fenomeno sia profondamente radicato nei paesi membri dell’Unione Europea. Dopo aver definito con più chiarezza il concetto di Populismo, la tesi si concentrerà sull’analisi dei tre casi studio sopracitati. Infatti verrà presentata la storia e l’evoluzione di ogni caso studio, con particolare attenzione a definire il ruolo di leader all’interno di ciascun partito e a definire il suo linguaggio e strategia comunicativa nei confronti del popolo per ottenere un vasto consenso. Infine, verrà effettuata una comparazione tra i tre diversi partiti, basata sul confronto di diverse tematiche rilevanti (lavoro, tasse, pensioni, immigrazione, rapporto con l’unione Europea...) presenti nei loro programmi elettorali. Tale progetto di ricerca è finalizzato a indicare quali differenze e similitudini è possibile riscontrare in questi partiti al fine di capire se, nonostante tutte le differenze programmatiche ed ideologiche, ci sia o meno un nucleo di idee e valori che li accomuni.

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47

Smith, Jason Matthew. "Extreme Politics: An Analysis of the State Level Conditions Favoring Far Right Parties in the European Union." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4177/.

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Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.

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48

Stojić, Marko. "The attitudes of political parties in Serbia and Croatia towards the European Union in comparative perspective." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/48633/.

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The thesis examines how parties in Serbia and Croatia have responded to the significant challenges brought by European integration since 2000. It seeks to identify and categorise the broad, underlying stances on the substance of the European integration as expressed by relevant, parliamentary parties across both countries. The thesis also intends to discern the most important factors that determined the formation of their attitudes. It explores the interaction and effects of five explanatory variables: party ideology, party strategy, position within the party system, relations with electoral constituencies and socio-economic groups, and transnational and bilateral party linkages. As a qualitative comparative study, it draws on a qualitative content analysis of party programmatic documents as well as interviews with senior party officials, country experts and officials of the EU and European transnational parties. The thesis makes a major empirical contribution to our knowledge on party responses to Europe by looking systematically and comparatively at two under-researched cases. It also makes a more general theoretical contribution by using a new set of cases to test, amend and develop the literature on party positions on the EU. The thesis found that party ideology and strategy were the most important drivers of parties' attitudes towards the EU. Although Serbian and Croatian parties had generally loose ideological underpinnings, a party's ideology was the single most important source of motivation for a response to Europe in the majority of these parties. This was due to the nature of European issues, closely related to identity and statehood issues, in the context of these post-communist and post-conflict societies. Additionally, due to the specific conditions pertaining to the political milieu of candidate countries, a number of former nationalist and Eurosceptic parties fundamentally shifted their long-term positions on the EU. This volte-face was a strategically driven response to internal and external incentives in the context of dynamic electoral competition and strong EU presence, and aimed at maximising their chances of securing executive office. Other factors generally proved to be of secondary importance since their effect was mostly mediated through party ideology and strategy.

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49

Jonsson, Alexander. "Do Eurosceptic Parties Affect the Turnout in European Elections? : A quantitative study on Eurosceptic Parties and how their vote shares in National Parliament elections influences the changes between European Elections." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412432.

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50

Michalopoulos, Georgios. "Political parties, irredentism and the Foreign Ministry : Greece and Macedonia, 1878-1910." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cdc024cb-2d15-4c67-8687-881267934f39.

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The Macedonian Question has attracted much attention since the 1990s due to the emergence of the dispute over the name of Macedonia between Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. In Greece there is a prolific literature on this subject, but some basic questions remain unanswered. In particular, the role of the government, and of government institutions – especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – have attracted little or no attention: on the contrary, historians have focused on the „heroes‟ of the conflict, the fighters themselves, the result being that the Macedonian Question is understood as a military fight of good versus evil. In this D.Phil. thesis, we examine how the government got involved with the Macedonian Question and second, in what ways it was involved, especially given that an official acknowledgement of the government‟s involvement with the paramilitary operations was diplomatically impossible. We approached these questions by examining the personal archives of Greek politicians and diplomats (most notably of the Dragoumis family) and the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, especially the Archives of the Greek Embassies in London, Paris and Constantinople, which have only recently become available. The key finding is that the Greek government, despite its declarations to the opposite effect, was involved heavily with the paramilitary fighting in Macedonia, but also that the official involvement with Macedonia was constrained and influenced by electoral concerns and by the powerful Macedonian lobbies in Athens. Decisions were rarely made in a rational, bureaucratic way, but were more often reached after consultations with journalists, military officers and intellectuals and always bearing domestic political realities in mind. These findings suggest that future research should move away from understanding the „Macedonian Struggle‟ solely as a military issue, and put it into the wider context of early twentieth-century Greek political and diplomatic history.

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Дисертації з теми "Partiti politici europei"

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