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Статті в журналах з теми "Parliamentary Country Parties"
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Kustec Lipicer, Simona. "Evaluation Remarks about Slovenian Parliamentary Democracy at Its Twenty-Fifth Anniversary." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 3 (December 5, 2016): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.3.03.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In order to evaluate the existing practices of the Slovenian parliamentary democracy, the author conducted a chronological overview of the shifts in prevailing democratic patterns, starting with the first parliamentary elections after the country gained independence onwards. Parliamentary and governmental political party behaviour was central to the analysis and, thus, was analysed using both statistical data and secondary sources, which primarily consisted of academic and research papers and media records. The analysis revealed that Slovenian parliamentary democracy in the initial (first) decade was according to the electoral data predictable and by programme orientation oriented towards democratic development. However, over the past three election cycles (second decade), the situation began to change quickly, indicating a predominance of internal party interests and conflicts that affect the country’s entire democratic arena. One of the main findings of the article suggests that political parties in Slovenia remain a fundamentally important pillar of parliamentary democracy, but their roles and activities within the parliamentary, governmental and other arenas increasingly warn of their central mission and democratic system functions. It can be detected that the potentials for electoral uncertainties increase with the intensities of internal and inter-parties’ conflicts which all give distinctly negative connotation to the country’s parliamentary democracy. To reverse the curve of parliamentary democracy in a country upwards again a new period of democratic transformation should be activated, built on the principles of a new model of democratic and party governance, as well as also global sustainability policies. A clear distance from narrow internal political parties’ interests, conflicts and in this regard negative competition needs to be considered as well.
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Lysek, Jakub, Ľubomír Zvada, and Michal Škop. "Mapping the 2020 Slovak Parliamentary Election. Analysis of Spatial Support and Voter Transition." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 278–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-278.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This contribution is a complex analysis of the geographic voting patterns in the 2020 Slovak parliamentary election using methods such as Geographically Weighted Regression, Hierarchical Regression Models, and Ecological Inference. It is focused on the winner of the 2020 parliamentary election, the populist OĽaNO, and on the loser, the traditional left-wing SMER-SD – within the context of electoral support and voter transition in comparison to the 2016 parliamentary election, and in part to the 2019 presidential election. The article contributes to the underdeveloped discourse relating to the spatial support of political parties in Slovakia and finds how the selected socio-economic indicators explain the varying voting patterns. The main finding is that Slovakia is an internally heterogeneous country. The socio-demographic factors have a differentiated (either positive or negative) effect on the electoral support for Slovakian parties. As a result, voting patterns differ not only between the western and eastern parts of the country but also between districts within a common geographic area or region. This reveals the complex set of dividing lines in the country and indicates future trends in Slovakian politics.
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Petrosyan, J. V. "Foreign Policy Aspects in Attitudes of Germany Parliamentary Parties during Period of A. Merkel’s Chancellorship (2005—2021)." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 8 (October 30, 2022): 403–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-8-403-419.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The main directions in the foreign policy agendas of the leading parties in Germany during the period of A. Merkel’s chancellorship are considered. The relevance of the study is due to the need to study the strategic program settings of the German parliamentary parties, which will allow a better understanding of what the country’s future foreign policy may be. It is emphasized that the party system of Germany is quite stable: only three parties have joined the parliamentary parties of the first convocation — the CDU / CSU, the FDP and the SDPG — at the present stage: the “Union 90 / Greens”, “Left” and since 2017 — “Alternative for Germany”. Particular attention is paid to the study of the election and fundamental programs of the parliamentary parties of Germany, as they reflect the party’s “worldview”, views on the place and role of the country in the world, the ultimate or most important goals to which the party should move, as well as the means and methods for achieving the set goals. Based on the analysis of these documents, it is concluded that there is a certain consensus among parliamentary parties on key issues related to the country’s foreign policy. Demands for a revision of the chosen course are heard only from right and left populists, who do not have a significant impact on German foreign policy.
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Baron, David P. "Comparative Dynamics of Parliamentary Governments." American Political Science Review 92, no. 3 (September 1998): 593–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585483.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article presents a dynamic theory of parliamentary governments that incorporates attributes of the institutional system in a country, exogenous events that shape parliamentary and electoral opportunities, and the strategies of the government and the opposition as structured by institutions and preferences. The dynamics are investigated in an infinitely repeated game in which events in the form of shocks to income or government resources occur and the government responds with a legislative proposal that is subject to a confidence or censure procedure and may lead to government continuation, reorganization, or dissolution. With a majority confidence procedure, governments are stable, and if parties are politically patient, voting cohesion within the government is high. A censure motion initiated by the opposition can result in voluntary dissolution of government, and the approach of required elections increases the likelihood of dissolution. If the events represent fluctuations in aggregate income, governnment dissolution occurs in good times for the government leader and bad times for the other parties.
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Acharya, Indu. "Challenges of Nepalese Women in Parliamentary Elections." Tribhuvan University Journal 28, no. 1-2 (December 2, 2013): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v28i1-2.26219.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The country has just passed from the 2nd election for the constituent assembly. Assuring the minimum level of women in the house has been a real challenge; however the recent CA election results have shown a clear decline in the presence of women lawmakers in the house. Despite hard struggle and pressure of women activists and civil society the political parties of the country have failed to keep the level of women's presence in the CA to a level of 33% as like in the previous CA. In this paper, the researcher has examined the issues and challenges related to women’s access to the legislatives in the country in general based on the comparative overview of the last two CA elections from the perspective of women's participation.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Russian-Bulgarian relations after the Bulgarian parliamentary elections: outcomes and forecasts." Science. Culture. Society 27, no. 3 (October 4, 2021): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.3.2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria held on 4 April and 11 July 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the 2017 and 2021 elections, and describes all leading Bulgarian political parties represented in parliament from 2017 to 2021. The results of the government led by GERB party leader Boyko Borisov, formed as a result of the 2017 elections, are analyzed. The reasons for this government's falling rating and its impact on the election campaign are identified. How the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to deal with its consequences have affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the country's main opposition parties, the centre-left Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Social Liberal Movement for Rights and Freedoms, are assessed. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament: the left-populist coalition "Rise Up! Mafia Get Out!", the right-populist party "There's Such a People!", and the liberal coalition "Democratic Bulgaria". The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Bulgarian relations is analyzed and forecasts of how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of that country and the relations between Russia and Bulgaria are given.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Russian-Bulgarian relations after the Bulgarian parliamentary elections: outcomes and forecasts." Science. Culture. Society 27, no. 3 (October 4, 2021): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.3.2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria held on 4 April and 11 July 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the 2017 and 2021 elections, and describes all leading Bulgarian political parties represented in parliament from 2017 to 2021. The results of the government led by GERB party leader Boyko Borisov, formed as a result of the 2017 elections, are analyzed. The reasons for this government's falling rating and its impact on the election campaign are identified. How the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to deal with its consequences have affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the country's main opposition parties, the centre-left Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Social Liberal Movement for Rights and Freedoms, are assessed. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament: the left-populist coalition "Rise Up! Mafia Get Out!", the right-populist party "There's Such a People!", and the liberal coalition "Democratic Bulgaria". The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Bulgarian relations is analyzed and forecasts of how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of that country and the relations between Russia and Bulgaria are given.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the parliamentary elections in Portugal and their impact on Russian-Portuguese relations." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 1 (March 25, 2022): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.1.3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the results of the Portuguese parliamentary elections held on January 30, 2022. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2015, 2019 and 2022, and characterizes all the leading Portuguese political parties represented in parliament from 2015 to 2021. The results of the government led by the leader of the Socialist Party, A. Costa, are presented. The results of the government headed by the leader of the Socialist Party, A. Costa, formed by the results of the 2015 elections are presented. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its impact on the election campaign are revealed. The article examines how the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences influenced the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the main opposition parties in this country are assessed: the liberal-conservative Social Democratic Party, the right-wing radical populist Chega Party and the Liberal Initiative Party. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as other political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections: the Liberal Initiative, the Left Bloc and the Unionist Democratic Coalition. The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their attitude to the new government coalition are presented. The state of Russian-Portuguese relations is analyzed. It forecasts how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the relations between Russia and Portugal.
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Woźniak, Joanna. "Parliamentary Elections in Italy 2013 Struggle Between Demagogy and Pragmatism." Reality of Politics 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2013): 336–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201320.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Parliamentary elections in Italy, which took place on 24 – 25 February 2013 in a very specific political circumstances caused by economical crisis and the internal situation of the Italian State.The fall of the Silvio Berlusconi’s government and replacement it with a technical government did not improve the internal situation of the country, and indeed it has deepened. The withdrawal of support by the Popolo della Libertàto the government of Prime Minister Mario Monti has caused the need for early parliamentary elections. On the political scene appeared new political parties, including Movimento Cinque Stelle (Five Stars Movement), which stood out from the traditionally corrupt politics and proposed a new form of campaign, using such means as the Internet, blogs, and tour around the country. The new group has also set up outgoing Prime Minister Mario Monti called Scelta Civica (Civic Choice) aided by the smaller parties which were in the Parliament and supported of the European Union austerity policies. In addition, in the election participated the Democratic Party, the Northern League and the Popolo della Libertà (People of Freedom). In total, their participation in the elections reported 215 political parties. Elections minimally won leftist Democratic Party with a score of 29.54% (Chamber of Deputies). Surprisingly Popolo dellaLibertà of Silvio Berlusconi received 29.13% (Chamber of Deputies). But the biggest winner was the Five Star Movement, which won 25.55% of the seats, while the biggest loser was the group of Mario Monti, because he received only 10.54% of votes. The result above shows that the creation of the coalition will be very difficult. Political class will have to regain the trust of the society to be able to make the necessary reforms to cure the economical situation of Italy and they should focus on the problems of the country and not the Silvio Berlusconi’s excesses.
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Astafieva, E. M. "Singapore: general election campaign 2020." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 1(46) (2020): 407–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-1-1-46-407-412.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes the alignment of political forces on the eve of the general parliamentary elections in Singapore. The author dwells on main political parties of the country, cites data on the results of the last parliamentary elections held in Singapore in 2015. Particular attention is paid to changing the procedure for conducting both the election campaign and the elections themselves in the context of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic. In conclusion, the author makes a forecast about the results of the elections, which will be held on 10 July 2020.
Книги з теми "Parliamentary Country Parties"
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Back, Hanna, Marc Debus, and Jorge M. Fernandes, eds. The Politics of Legislative Debates. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849063.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Legislative debates make democracy and representation work. Political actors engage in legislative debates to make their voice heard to voters. Parties use debates to shore up their brand. This book makes the most comprehensive study of legislative debates thus far, looking at the politics of legislative debates in thirty-three liberal democracies in Europe, North America and Latin America, Africa, Asia, and Oceania. The book begins with theoretical chapters focused on the key concepts in the study of legislative debates. Michael Laver, Slapin and Proksch, and Taylor examine the politics of legislative debates in parliamentary and presidential democracies. Subsequently, Goplerud makes a critical review of the methodological challenges in the study of legislative debates. Schwalbach and Rauh further discuss the difficulties in the comparative empirical study of debates. Country-chapters offer a wealth of original material organized around structured sections. Each chapter begins with a detailed discussion of the institutional design, focusing on the electoral system, legislative organization, and party parties, to which a section on the formal and informal rules of legislative debates ensues. Next, each country-chapter focuses on analyzing the determinants of floor access, with a particular emphasis on the role of gender, seniority, and legislative party positions, among others. In the concluding chapter, the editors explore comparative patterns and point out to multiple research avenues opened by this edited volume.
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Wagner, Wolfgang. The Democratic Politics of Military Interventions. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846796.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
According to a widely shared notion, foreign affairs are exempted from democratic politics, i.e., party-political divisions are overcome—and should be overcome—for the sake of a common national interest. This book shows that this is not the case. Examining votes in the US Congress and several European parliaments, the book demonstrates that contestation over foreign affairs is barely different from contestation over domestic politics. Analyses of a new collection of deployment votes, of party manifestos, and of expert survey data show that political parties differ systematically over foreign policy and military interventions in particular. The left/right divide is the best guide to the pattern of party-political contestation: support is weakest at the far left of the spectrum and increases as one moves along the left/right axis to green, social democratic, liberal, and conservative parties; amongst parties of the far right, support is again weaker than amongst parties of the centre. An analysis of parliamentary debates in Canada, Germany, and the United Kingdom about the interventions in Afghanistan and against Daesh in Iraq and Syria shows that political parties also differ systematically in how they frame the use of force abroad. For example, parties on the right tend to frame their country’s participation in the US-led missions in terms of national security and national interests whereas parties on the left tend to engage in ‘spiral model thinking’, i.e., they critically reflect on the unintended consequences of the use of force in fuelling the conflicts with the Taliban and Daesh.
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Zaid, Al-Ali. Part 5 Emerging Constitutions in Islamic Countries, 5.8 Constitutional Legitimacy in Iraq: What Role Local Context? Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199759880.003.0034.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter explores how it can be that, despite the attention of international institutions and experts in a particular constitutional process, and despite the application of international norms relating to democratic processes and fundamental rights, a constitutional process can give rise to a text that is incapable of achieving acceptance within the relevant country's borders. It argues that local context is the most important factor that should be considered if a constitution is to have any chance of acquiring some form of internal legitimacy in the future. The chapter begins by defining constitutional legitimacy and by arguing that although the 2006 Constitution has been endorsed by the international community, it was essentially dead on arrival in Iraq. It presents two case studies, to explain how this situation was brought about. The first shows how the drafters' lack of understanding of Iraq's institutional context led to the collapse of its system of parliamentary oversight under the 2006 Constitution, while the second shows how the constitutional drafters (and the internationals who advised and guided the constitutional process) had misjudged the relative popularity of the parties that were allowed to control the drafting process and that dictated the final text's content. Finally, the chapter attempts define the meaning of “local context” and identify its different components, particularly with a view to encouraging greater attention and understanding of local considerations and interests by all parties involved in a constitutional process in the future.
Частини книг з теми "Parliamentary Country Parties"
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Szulecki, Kacper, Marta Bivand Erdal, and Ben Stanley. "External Voting Patterns: CEE Migrants in Western Europe." In External Voting, 37–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19246-3_3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis chapter compares external voting of CEE diasporas in Western Europe with voting patterns observed in those diasporas’ respective countries of origin. It focuses on electoral turnout, overall variation in support for parties, and variation in support for parties with respect to key ideological dimensions and issues. Using quantitative data on all parliamentary and presidential elections held in Bulgaria, Czechia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, and Poland, it analyzes the aggregate patterns of divergence and convergence between diaspora and origin-country electorates from the last pre-EU-accession election onward. The analysis shows that diaspora voters are less likely to turn out in elections, but that those who do vote make choices which are legible with respect to origin-country political dynamics and relatively consistent over time, with no evidence of divergence or convergence. The chapter concludes by identifying three important issues to be investigated at the individual level: the impact of election laws and infrastructure on propensity to participate in elections, the relative importance of migration experiences and socio-demographic factors in determining diaspora vote choices, and the impact of host-country society and politics on the behavior of diaspora voters.
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O'Donoghue, Martin. "Conclusion." In The Legacy of the Irish Parliamentary Party in Independent Ireland, 1922-1949, 221–32. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620306.003.0009.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The conclusion of this book reflects in particular on the Irish Party legacy and Treatyite politics, but also the presence in all parties of members with home rule roots or the political education and example provided by the pre-revolutionary movement. There is also consideration of how the refusal of many individuals and groupings to adopt the labels of parties with a Sinn Féin derivation affected the dynamics of party politics in this period as well as assessment of the contribution those from Irish Party backgrounds made to debates on the constitutional status of the state. The conclusion affirms that the Irish Party’s role in developing the parliamentary tradition in the country, the proliferation of commemorative events devoted to the Redmond family, the presence of former Irish Party members in politics, and the ways in which they influenced party politics for decades after the IPP’s demise.
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Bäck, Hanna, and Johan Hellström. "Minority Governments in Sweden." In Minority Governments in Comparative Perspective, 129–48. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871657.003.0007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This chapter focuses on governments in Sweden, a country which has a relatively high share of minority governments, over 70 percent, in the post-war period. Most governments formed during this period have been single-party Social Democratic cabinets, supported by one or more parties in parliament, but there have also been several cases of minority coalitions. Swedish politics has historically been characterized by a strong emphasis on a near-unidimensional political conflict along the left–right policy dimension, and a negative parliamentary system which most likely account for the high occurrence of minority cabinets. The chapter describes Sweden as a prime example of what has been called ‘contract parliamentarism’, where minority governments often had support party arrangements in the form of an explicit written contract with one or more opposition parties, publicly committing the partners to a policy agreement. The chapter also shows that minority governments in Sweden have performed well, with a high share of government bills having passed through parliament, a high survival of cabinets, and a high level of electoral support. The legislative successes are partly because of contract parliamentarism but also because opposition parties can gain substantial policy influence via the rather strong parliamentary committee system.
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Koc-Michalska, Karolina, and Darren G. Lilleker. "Evolving In Step or Poles Apart?" In Public Affairs and Administration, 1307–30. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8358-7.ch064.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Comparative studies are rare in the study of online communication campaigning. The authors chose two cases, Poland and France, to describe the two campaigns for the Parliamentary elections. Content analysis allowed the authors to detect online communication strategies and parties' attempt to reach different audiences. Web-cartography illustrates the parties' network connections. The authors find strong cross-country and resource-based differences for the more interactive and engaging features (Web 2.0), which are not that powerful for explaining audience-targeting strategies. Overall a sales strategy and a focus on marketing dominated over e-representation (exhibiting the parties' political record). In both countries social media platforms are well incorporated into online strategies. Facebook dominates in Poland, Twitter in France. Web cartography gives a counterintuitive picture of the Polish parties' network being much more personalized but also of more ghettoing within the supporting environment.
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Field, Bonnie N., and Shane Martin. "The Politics of Minority Government." In Minority Governments in Comparative Perspective, 3–18. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871657.003.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Approximately one-third of parliamentary democracies are governed by a minority government. Minority governments are governments in which the party or parties that hold cabinet posts in the executive do not simultaneously hold a majority of seats in the legislature. This chapter introduces the volume, setting out more closely what a minority government is and is not. It then examines the rate of minority governments more precisely, and how this varies over time and from country to country. It offers an important innovation in how cabinet composition and cabinet change is counted by scholars, suggesting the need to take account of cases where gaining legislators or losing legislators owing to, for example, party switching, can flip a government from majority to minority status, or vice versa, with implications for how the rate of minority government is calculated. We set out the context and motivation for this comparative volume on minority governments, and the questions we are seeking to answer—in particular why they form, how they operate, and how well they perform. Finally, we explain why we selected the thirteen countries for an in-depth study of minority government.
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Guleryuz, Ece H. "Determinants of Public Spending Composition in OECD and MENA Countries." In Handbook of Research on Global Enterprise Operations and Opportunities, 197–223. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2245-4.ch013.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper examines the determinants of different public spending components in the OECD and MENA countries from a political economy perspective. The authors primarily concentrate on partisan motivation approach. Yet, they control for macroeconomic and institutional variables besides the political economy variables in the estimations. They use panel data estimation with country and year fixed effects (two-way fixed effects model) covering the period of 1980 and 2008. Regarding the estimation results of the OECD countries sample, compared to a presidential system, in assembly – elected president and parliamentary systems expansions in public agriculture, education, health, defense, and social protection spending are supported more. Among the macroeconomic variables, current account balance and GDP per capita turn out to be statistically significant. Regarding the estimation results of the MENA countries sample, it is found that right – wing ruling parties support higher levels of public spending in various areas.
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Carty, R. Kenneth. "A Century of Dominance." In The Government Party, 16–31. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192858481.003.0002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For most of the twentieth century, Canada’s Liberal party has been that country’s “natural government party,” making it one of the most successful parties in the democratic world. After tracing the story of its dominance, the analysis explores the party’s purposes and practice as the primary democratic instrument for articulating and maintaining the political bargain that defines the Canadian state. The Liberals long employed a distinctive decentralized organizational form, linking its parliamentary caucus to its supporters on the ground, which allowed it to successfully respond to the country’s continually changing social and demographic underpinning. Its leadership politics reflected the imperatives of balancing the divergent demands of its several electoral constituencies and produced a strong but fragile leadership that became the focus of intraparty competition. Despite a long, slow, secular decline, the party entered the twenty-first century as the country’s preeminent political organization.
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Carty, R. Kenneth. "Government Parties and Democratic Dominance." In The Government Party, 167–78. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192858481.003.0011.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Democratic dominance generates, and depends upon, the existence of a distinctive type of political party—the “government party.” These organizations, different than superficially similar catch-all parties, are integral to the definition, legitimation, and operation of the states they command as fundamental parts of a country’s political regime. Their long-term survival requires them to deal successfully with the problem of leadership succession as well as respond to any significant changes in the existential nation- or state-building challenges that called the parties into being. As the primary democratic political instrument of the state, a government party is forced to build and maintain an organization capable of reaching across and down into the society. Stratarchical organizational forms provide a frame for such democratic mobilization, but their decentralized and personalized forms require the discipline of institutionalized intraparty structures and norms. Practising an essentially conservative politics, government parties ultimately inhibit the development of a healthy responsible democratic parliamentary government.
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Carty, R. Kenneth. "Leadership and Dominant Party Politics." In The Government Party, 129–46. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192858481.003.0009.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Dominant parties may enjoy long periods in office and power but that does not translate into common patterns of government leadership. The tenure and influence of government party prime ministers vary enormously from being among the most powerful in the parliamentary world to being the least. These differences are rooted in the internal organizational forms and operating norms of the parties themselves and reflect both their origins and their consequent place in the constitutional and normative order of the country’s wider political system. Providing acceptable processes, and outcomes, in the inevitable leadership succession contests becomes one of the critical tests of a dominant party and its capacity for long-term survival. Given their different origins and challenges, dominant parties are driven to find different solutions to this problem.
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Rai, Shirin M., and Carole Spary. "Contesting Elections." In Performing Representation, 80–122. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199489053.003.0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The chapter argues that although women’s representation has increased in numerical terms over the last 20 years, this increase has been marginal. It traces this argument through an analysis of the role of political parties as gatekeepers to parliamentary politics. Using both quantitative and qualitative methodologies, this chapter explores women’s participation as candidates in general elections for the Lok Sabha over the last two decades to understand the role that elections and the election process have on opportunities for women to enter Parliament. By analysing trends in the nomination of women by political parties and across states and regions it contests notions of incrementalism, which are often used to counter proposals for quotas, and which argue that women’s presence in elected bodies will increase over time.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Parliamentary Country Parties"
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Blažić, Đorđije, and Anika Kovačević. "IZVRŠNA VLAST U VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.247b.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The author analyzes the provisions of the Vidоvdan Constitution which regulate the position and competence of the executive branch. With the Vidovdan Constitution, the Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenes was proclaimed a constitutional parliamentary and hereditary monarchy in which the King has a central constitutional position and the position of an undisputed holder of executive power. The executive power is made available to the king, which is exercised by the ministers for him, with him and his subordinates. Ministers form the Council of Ministers (Government) and are at the head of certain administrative departments. Although the Constitution proclaimed parliamentarism, there was no classic parliamentary responsibility of ministers before the Assembly. The king was a political factor that enters the field of competence of other holders of power, and thus the division of power provided by the constitution "falls away". The king's power extends to the civil and military field of life of the state, to the external and internal spheres. Although the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution aimed to create a unified system of organization and division of power, the internal state and political situation in the country, after the adoption of the Constitution, became more complicated and filled with frequent ministerial crises and conflicts of political parties. The King's domination and his frequent "going out" outside the constitutional framework resulted in increasing centralization and, in the end, a coup d'etat and the establishment of King Alexander Karadjordjevic's personal dictatorship.
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Reire, Gunda. "Opening of new election polling stations: the effect on turnout and diaspora voting patterns." In 22nd International Scientific Conference. “Economic Science for Rural Development 2021”. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2021.55.062.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Opening of additional polling stations in foreign countries has been brought forward as a method to raise the turnout of diaspora voters in Latvian parliamentary election, and the number of polling stations abroad during last four elections has almost doubled. In this article, the author tests the argument that the increase in the sheer number of polling stations and the expansion of territorial coverage is an election parameter in foreign countries with the potential to raise the election turnout. In sharp contrast to a popular argument and the academic debate, the results of the Latvian data analysis show that opening of new polling stations did not meet the intended goal and cannot be regarded as an effective method for raising the diaspora voter turnout; the means must be sought in other factors of election organisation and voter behaviour. To compare data of voter behaviour in foreign countries in four separate parliamentary elections and to determine tendencies in diaspora voting patterns, the deviation of the elections outcome in foreign countries from the general national results are analysed by the help of calculation model that uses the Voting Outcome Coefficient. The article outlines that the third and fourth wave of emigration have introduced a new tendency of extreme stratification in the results between the Latvian Association of Regions (2014), KPV LV (2018) and the rest of the political parties. The article also analyses the deviation of the elections outcome in the new polling stations from the vote share in particular foreign countries by the help of Polling Station Coefficient, and concludes that in the 13th Saeima election, all newly opened polling stations were beneficial for KPV LV as results in all of them were proportionally even better than the list’s overall results in a particular country.
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Usher, James, and Pierpaolo Dondio. "BREXIT: Predicting the Brexit UK Election Results by Constituency using Twitter Location based Sentiment and Machine Learning." In 4th International Conference on Machine Learning & Applications (CMLA 2022). Academy and Industry Research Collaboration Center (AIRCC), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5121/csit.2022.121101.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
After parliament failed to approve his revised version of the ‘Withdrawal Agreement’, UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson called a snap general election in October 2019 to capitalise on his growing support to ‘Get Brexit Done’. Johnson’s belief was that he had enough support countrywide to gain a majority to push his Brexit mandate through parliament based on a parliamentary seat majority strategy. The increased availability of large-scale Twitter data provides rich information for the study of constituency dynamics. In Twitter, the location of tweets can be identified by the GPS and the location field. This provides a mechanism for location-based sentiment analysis which is the use of natural language processing or machine learning algorithms to extract, identify, or distinguish the sentiment content of a tweet (in our case), according to the location of origin of said tweet. This paper examines location-based Twitter sentiment for UK constituencies per country and aims to understand if location-based Twitter sentiment majorities per UK constituencies could determine the outcome of the UK Brexit election. Tweets are gathered from the whisperings of the UK Brexit election on September 4th 2019 until polling day, 12th December 2019. A Naive Bayes classification algorithm is applied to assess political public Twitter sentiment. We identify the sentiment of Twitter users per constituency per country towards the political parties’ mandate on Brexit and plot our findings for visualisation. We compare the grouping of location-based sentiment per constituency for each of the four UK countries to the final Brexit election first party results per constituency to determine the accuracy of location-based sentiment in determining the Brexit election result. Our results indicate that location-based sentiment had the single biggest effect on constituency result predictions in Northern Ireland and Scotland and a marginal effect on Wales base constituencies whilst there was no significant prediction accuracy to England’s constituencies. Decision tree, neural network, and Naïve Bayes machine learning algorithms are then created to forecast the election results per constituency using location-based sentiment and constituency-based data from the UK electorate at national level. The predictive accuracy of the machine learning models was compared comprehensively to a computed-baseline model. The comparison results show that the machine learning models outperformed the baseline model predicting Brexit Election constituency results at national level showing an accuracy rate of 97.87%, 95.74 and 93.62% respectively. The results indicate that location-based sentiment is a useful variable in predicting elections.
Звіти організацій з теми "Parliamentary Country Parties"
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Mahdavian, Farnaz. Germany Country Report. University of Stavanger, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.180.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Germany is a parliamentary democracy (The Federal Government, 2021) with two politically independent levels of 1) Federal (Bund) and 2) State (Länder or Bundesländer), and has a highly differentiated decentralized system of Government and administration (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit, 2021). The 16 states in Germany have their own government and legislations which means the federal authority has the responsibility of formulating policy, and the states are responsible for implementation (Franzke, 2020). The Federal Government supports the states in dealing with extraordinary danger and the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) supports the states' operations with technology, expertise and other services (Federal Ministry of Interior, Building and Community, 2020). Due to the decentralized system of government, the Federal Government does not have the power to impose pandemic emergency measures. In the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, in order to slowdown the spread of coronavirus, on 16 March 2020 the federal and state governments attempted to harmonize joint guidelines, however one month later State governments started to act more independently (Franzke & Kuhlmann, 2021). In Germany, health insurance is compulsory and more than 11% of Germany’s GDP goes into healthcare spending (Federal Statistical Office, 2021). Health related policy at the federal level is the primary responsibility of the Federal Ministry of Health. This ministry supervises institutions dealing with higher level of public health including the Federal Institute for Drugs and Medical Devices (BfArM), the Paul-Ehrlich-Institute (PEI), the Robert Koch Institute (RKI) and the Federal Centre for Health Education (Federal Ministry of Health, 2020). The first German National Pandemic Plan (NPP), published in 2005, comprises two parts. Part one, updated in 2017, provides a framework for the pandemic plans of the states and the implementation plans of the municipalities, and part two, updated in 2016, is the scientific part of the National Pandemic Plan (Robert Koch Institut, 2017). The joint Federal-State working group on pandemic planning was established in 2005. A pandemic plan for German citizens abroad was published by the German Foreign Office on its website in 2005 (Robert Koch Institut, 2017). In 2007, the federal and state Governments, under the joint leadership of the Federal Ministry of the Interior and the Federal Ministry of Health, simulated influenza pandemic exercise called LÜKEX 07, and trained cross-states and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007b). In 2017, within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with representatives from WHO and the World Bank to prepare for future pandemic events (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). By the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, on 27 February 2020, a joint crisis team of the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) and the Federal Ministry of Health (BMG) was established (Die Bundesregierung, 2020a). On 4 March 2020 RKI published a Supplement to the National Pandemic Plan for COVID-19 (Robert Koch Institut, 2020d), and on 28 March 2020, a law for the protection of the population in an epidemic situation of national scope (Infektionsschutzgesetz) came into force (Bundesgesundheitsministerium, 2020b). In the first early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, Germany managed to slow down the speed of the outbreak but was less successful in dealing with the second phase. Coronavirus-related information and measures were communicated through various platforms including TV, radio, press conferences, federal and state government official homepages, social media and applications. In mid-March 2020, the federal and state governments implemented extensive measures nationwide for pandemic containment. Step by step, social distancing and shutdowns were enforced by all Federal States, involving closing schools, day-cares and kindergartens, pubs, restaurants, shops, prayer services, borders, and imposing a curfew. To support those affected financially by the pandemic, the German Government provided large economic packages (Bundesministerium der Finanzen, 2020). These measures have adopted to the COVID-19 situation and changed over the pandemic. On 22 April 2020, the clinical trial of the corona vaccine was approved by Paul Ehrlich Institute, and in late December 2020, the distribution of vaccination in Germany and all other EU countries