Дисертації: "Papua Land of Peace"

1

Hernawan, Yohanes Budi. "From the theatre of torture to the theatre of peace: The politics of torture and re-imagining peacebuilding in Papua, Indonesia." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/10325.

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This thesis provides the first full-length of scholarly examination of the half century of the politics of torture and peacebuilding frameworks in Papua, Indonesia. It has assembled a data base of 431 reported torture cases for the period 1963-2010 as well as examined 214 testimonies of state actors, survivors and third parties from Indonesia, Australia, Papua New Guinea, the United States, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. While the current resurgence of scholarly interests on torture largely focuses on the utilitarian nature of torture as part of the war on terror, the findings of this study take a non-utilitarian turn. First, torture has been deployed strategically by the Indonesian state in Papua as a mode of governance. Second, torture constitutes a spectacle of the sovereign by which the sovereign communicates to a broader audience through the public display of the tortured body. Third, torture has constituted a crime against humanity punishable by both Indonesian and International Human Rights Law. Fourth, the five-decade practice of torture with almost complete impunity has constructed a theatre of torture in which the interactions of survivors, perpetrators, and spectators have produced and reproduced contesting narratives of suffering, domination and witnessing. Based on these four conclusions, peacebuilding in Papua can be reconceptualised as developing a theatre of peacebuilding to transform the theatre of torture. The theatre of peacebuilding model reveals that torture has not always entirely and permanently converted a subject into an ‘abject’. Many survivors not only regain their subjectivity but also their agency. They are able to resist the domination of perpetrators and to take control over their own bodies and histories. In this process of regaining agency, memoria passionis (the memory of suffering) may be beginning to push Papua toward a tipping point that is transforming the theatre of torture to a theatre of peacebuilding. The possibility for this transformation is encapsulated in the idea of establishing a permanent Truth and Reconciliation Commission for Papua (TRCP). Memoria passionis has become a converging point that connects the triangulation of the narratives of suffering, domination and witnessing and inverts the triangulation into a new configuration of ‘revolt, healing and solidarity.’ The whole process of theorising peacebuilding based on the concept of memoria passionis as a remedy to the politics of torture in Papua contributes a novel and distinctively Papuan foundation to the theory and practice of peacebuilding in conflict situations like Papua.

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2

Schönning, Beatrice. "Amnesty as the Price for Peace? : A Comparative Study of Conflict Amnesties as a Tool to Achieve Peace." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-313022.

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Amnesties are a common feature in peace negotiations. Since the end of the Second World War, 45% of all bargained solutions to conflict included an amnesty provision (Binningsbø et al., 2012:732). Even though it is such a common feature in modern conflicts, the research on amnesties in relation to peace is surprisingly scarce (ibid:732). Most scholars have studied the legality of amnesties, their legal implications, and their relation to human rights and democracy (Olsen et al., 2012; Bell, 2008; Freeman & Pensky, 2012). During recent years, a debate has sparked between peacemakers and human rights advocates within the transitional justice literature regarding the justifiability of amnesties as a tool in peace negotiations. The debate is commonly referred to as the peace v. justice debate (Sonnenberg & Cavallaro, 2012). Although several scholars have contributed to the debate, no consensus on if and how amnesties are beneficial for peacebuilding has been established. This paper will contribute to the debate by testing a newly developed theory in a comparative study, and strives to answer the question How do different types of amnesties affect prospects of peace?

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3

Shaheen, Ayman Abdel Aziz. "Land and land conflict in the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, 1990-1999." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/375/.

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This thesis examines the importance of the debates and struggle over land in the Oslo Accord and immediately post-Oslo. It does this by first situating the conflict over land in the historical context of the spread of Zionism from the 1880s, culminating in the establishment of the State of Israel in Palestine in 1948. It then reviews and contrasts the policies on land and settlement of the Israeli Labour and Likud parties. The focus of the thesis is an assessment of Israeli settlement policy on the West Bank and Gaza-Strip after the Oslo Agreement of 1993. It examines the sequences of Israeli-Palestinian agreements that have divided Palestinian land into different categories and argues that these categories and the problems they have created have ignored the historical importance of land in the conflict between Israel and Palestine. The thesis argues that the classification of land is intended to further subjugate Palestine to the political and economic dominance of Israel, and that the formulation for discussing land issues undermines the possibility for the establishment of a strong and economically independent Palestinian state. The thesis submits that the persistence of Israeli settlement policy and the manner of Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank has not encouraged the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) to conduct a comprehensive land survey and registration procedure. Moreover. Israeli strategy in the post-Oslo period has been to promote the cantonisation of Palestine to ensure that any future Palestinian state will remain economically weak and politically disjointed.

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4

Pritchard, Matthew. "Land, power and peace: Land tenure systems and the formalization agenda in Rwanda." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=96716.

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Land tenure and agricultural reform are essential components of postwar development. This is especially true in Rwanda, where eighty percent of the population depends on subsistence agriculture in a rural system plagued by declining production and increasing population pressure. Given these challenges, in 2005 the Government of Rwanda introduced an ambitious set of tenure and agriculture reforms designed to replace subsistence farmers with a highly commercialized and professional agricultural sector. While introduced as a 'pro-poor' policy, field data demonstrate that the Government has shifted away from tenure reform as a means to physically consolidate land, and is currently striving to realize economies of scale through mandatory crop specialization. Furthermore, data demonstrate that the Government's desire to consolidate land holdings through tenure and agricultural policies has decreased food and tenure security, restricted farmers' rights and undermined subsistence livelihoods. While decreasing production and increasing conflict over land validate the need to reorganize rural Rwanda, the goals of Government tenure policies, forceful implementation of large-scale changes, and continued marginalization of the most vulnerable groups present a significant challenge to rural reform, and undermine the state's long-term strategy for macro-economic growth.
La réforme du régime foncier et du secteur agricole sont des éléments essentiels du développement en situation d'après-guerre. Ceci est particulièrement vrai au Rwanda, où quatre-vingt pourcent de la population Rwandaise dépend de l'agriculture de subsistance dans un système rural envahi et débordé par une production déclinante et une grande croissance de population. Prenant compte de ces obstacles, en 2005 le Gouvernement Rwandais introduit une série ambitieuse de réformes foncières et agricoles, créés pour remplacer les fermiers de subsistance avec un secteur agricole hautement commercialisé et professionnel. Même si cette nouvelle politique a été introduite supposément «pour les pauvres », des résultats de recherche démontrent que le Gouvernement s'est éloigné de la réforme foncière comme moyen de consolider leurs propriétés, se déplaçant vers la création d'économies d'échelle en imposant des politiques de spécialisation d'espèces partout au Rwanda. De plus, les résultats de travail de terrain démontrent que le désire du Gouvernement de consolider leur territoire foncier à travers de telles politiques fait diminuer la sécurité alimentaire et foncière, limite les droits des fermiers, et décime les moyens de vies de subsistance des Rwandais. Même si une production qui diminue et un conflit de territoire foncier qui s'augmente fait valider la nécessité de réorganiser le Rwanda rural, les buts des politiques foncières du Gouvernement du Rwanda, l'implémentation d'énormes changements par force, et la marginalisation continue des groupes les plus vulnérables présente un grand défi à la réforme rurale, et présente un obstacle à la stratégie à long terme pour une croissance au niveau macro-économique.

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5

Maddy-Weitzman, Edie. "Waging peace in the Holy Land : a qualitative study of Seeds of Peace, 1993-2004." Thesis, Boston University, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=845786431&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=78691&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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6

Subedi, Surya P. "Land and maritime zones of peace in international law." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d87ec164-c5e2-4cbc-b6b4-92b893d0dbd1.

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During the past few decades a number of initiatives have been undertaken both inside and outside the UN to establish Zones of Peace (ZOP) in various parts of the globe. Currently, there are seven declarations and proposals for ZOP relative to the Indian Ocean, the South Atlantic, the South Pacific, the Mediterranean, Southeast Asia, Nepal and Tibet. On the basis of the areas they cover and the legal issues they raise, the first four zones are termed in this thesis 'maritime zones of peace1 and the remaining three 'land zones of peace'. The State practice relative to such zones demonstrates a significant move towards the acceptance of a variety of methods of creating different regimes with differing legal content. Yet there has been very little academic discussion on this subject from a legal point of view. Therefore, this thesis is designed to examine the legal aspects of the concept of ZOP. This study begins by examining the State practice on maritime ZOP and looks at whether the concept of maritime ZOP is consistent with the existing principles of international law, especially the freedom of the seas, and whether the State practice on ZOP has crystallised into a rule of customary international law. In doing so, it will assess the legal status of the UN General Assembly declarations on maritime ZOP. This is followed by an examination of the proposals for land ZOP. The study then assesses the extent to which the principles underlying the traditional concepts such as neutrality or demilitarised zones, as well as similar emerging principles, could be applied to the concept of ZOP. Another line of enquiry pursued in this thesis is into the concept of objective regimes in international law. After establishing that there exists in international law a rule on objective regimes, this thesis argues that the regimes of ZOP can be regarded as candidates for objective regimes. It is asserted that the methods applied to the creation of various ZOP are among the internationally accepted methods of creating regimes of a dispositive character and the regime of ZOP is similar to other regimes which have generally been regarded as objective regimes in international law. This thesis finds that although the ZOP is a distinct notion developed in response to the peculiar problems of a single State or a territorial entity or a geographical region, it draws upon similar traditional doctrines as well as other emerging rules of international law. On the whole, the declarations on ZOP can be viewed as innovative methods designed to consolidate the already extant and the emerging rules of international law, accord concrete meaning to certain general principles and apply them in the ZOP concerned.

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7

Rosita, Dewi. "Adat Recognition in Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate in Papua, Indonesia." 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/225718.

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8

Hajjiri, Mounir A. G., and Mounir A. G. Hajjiri. "A planning proposal for bridging the walls of Jerusalem: a land of peace not a piece of land." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625871.

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9

Unruh, Jon Darrel 1958. "Land tenure and the peace process in Mozambique: The role of land dispute resolution in "critical resource" areas." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282497.

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The recent 16 year civil war in Mozambique dislocated approximately six million people (primarily small-scale agriculturalists) from land resources to which they are now returning and re-claiming; comprising the largest return and re-integration of refugees and displaced persons in the history of Africa. The UN expects to continue its resettlement activities in Mozambique until the year 2000. However re-access to land resources is problematic due to overlapping land claims stemming from the reforming state land tenure system, including a reformulating land law. Land concessions are being granted from different ministries at the national, provincial, and district level with no coordination, enforcement, or mechanisms to resolve competing claims between smallholders and concessionaires. Disputes over land resources between participants in a national versus customary tenure system, and the inability of the two to connect in terms of how such disputes are resolved in ways that are viewed as secure and legitimate (and therefore respected) by participants in both systems, can have especially serious repercussions in periods of recovery from armed conflict. The intersection of land tenure system (including formal and customary "laws") and identity is crucial in this regard. This dissertation examines the role "critical resource" tenure following Mozambique's war, and how the conflict between reformulating customary and state land tenure systems aggravates the 'disconnect' between state and customary identities, and works against the peace process underway in the country. In the wake of the Somalia debacle, the UN and the international community are compelled to examine new operational modalities that specifically address the issues that can jeopardize a peace process. This dissertation makes the argument that land tenure in critical resource areas following armed conflict is such a problematic issue, and that attention to this issue needs to become an integral part of the peace process in societies where agriculture is fundamental to recovery.

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10

Lundgren, Linnea. ""Our Silence Would Be Criminal" : The Christian Churches' Work For Peace and Ecumenism in the Holy Land." Thesis, Ersta Sköndal högskola, Institutionen för diakoni, kyrkomusik och teologi, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-3939.

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11

Ballard, Chris. "The death of a great land ritual, history and subsistence revolution in the southern highlands of Papua New Guinea /." Online version, 1995. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/23726.

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12

Green, Arthur. "A geography of peace: an investigation of post-conflict property and land administration in Aceh." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=119425.

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This dissertation contributes to the understanding of how the social embeddedness of property impacts post-conflict natural resource management and peacebuilding. While the idea of property as rights is naturalized in many current discourses, working with this idea that property is merely rights can cause unanticipated problems. This is especially the case in post-conflict scenarios, where rights-focused approaches to property do not recognize how property is deeply linked to social identity, livelihoods, and political authority. In fact, in failing to understand the complexity of property, rights-focused approaches may also fail to grasp how post-conflict natural resource management can contribute to peacebuilding opportunities. The dissertation argues that failure to design policies that reflect the complex ways in which natural resources, property, social identity, livelihoods, and violent conflict are interlinked can undermine post-conflict natural resource management and lead to missed opportunities to support peacebuilding. Using an analytical framework that draws key ideas from literature on property, post-conflict natural resource management, legal geography, legal pluralism, and social identity, this dissertation critically examines experiences and debates regarding property in post-disaster/post-conflict Aceh, Indonesia, from 2005 through 2009. Research for this dissertation included semi-structured interviews, focus groups, archival research, and observations from four field visits (totaling five months) between August 2006 and June 2008 to the city of Banda Aceh and the regencies of Aceh Jaya, Pidie, and Aceh Barat. The central theoretical contributions of this research include: (1) insights into how narratives surrounding property impact post-conflict natural resource management policy and project design; (2) a reconceptualization of the multi-scalar nature of property; and (3) development of a policy tool that identifies ways in which social identity interacts with natural resources and violent conflict in post-conflict scenarios. The primary practical contribution of this research is the analysis of lessons learned from the land titling project undertaken in post-disaster/post-conflict Aceh, Indonesia and the distribution of this analysis to fieldworkers and policymakers.
Cette étude a pour but de comprendre comment les facettes sociales de la propriété affectent la gestion de ressources naturelles ainsi que la consolidation et le maintien de la paix en milieux post-conflits. Bien que le concept de la propriété défini en tant que droits soit commun dans de nombreux discours intellectuels, simplifier la propriété à des droits entraîne de nombreux problèmes. Cela s'avère à être particulièrement le cas dans des zones post-conflits où des approches axées sur les droits légaux ne reconnaissent pas comment les régimes fonciers peuvent être associés à une identité sociale, à des moyens de subsistance, ou à une autorité politique. En ignorant les dimensions sociales de la propriété, une approche centrée sur les droits juridiques sous-estime le potentiel de la gestion de ressources naturelles comme outil stratégique pour favoriser le maintien et la consolidation de la paix. En effet, la thèse centrale de cette étude souligne l'importance d'étudier les interrelations entre la propriété, les ressources naturelles, les identités sociales et les moyens de subsistance en présence de conflits. Ignorer ces liens peut non seulement miner une gestion des ressources naturelles de manière durable, mais sous-estime l'opportunité de créer et consolider le maintien de la paix. Le cadre conceptuel de cette recherche s'appuie sur plusieurs outils théoriques tels que la littérature sur les dimensions philosophiques de la propriété, les théories en matière de gestion des ressources naturelles, la géographie et le pluralisme juridique, ainsi que la théorie de l'identité sociale. Cette étude examine les expériences et les débats concernant la propriété dans une région post-désastre/post-conflit en Indonésie (la province de Banda Aceh), de 2005 à 2009. Cette étude qualitative a été réalisée à travers des entretiens semi-directifs, des groupes de discussion participatifs en zones rurales et péri-urbaines, de la recherche en archives, ainsi que de l'observation directe à travers quatre visites de terrain (totalisant cinq mois) entre août 2006 et juin 2008 dans á Banda Aceh et les régions Aceh Jaya, Pidie et Aceh Barat. Cette recherche apporte plusieurs contributions théoriques, notamment : (1) une étude sur les discours et récits conceptualisant la propriété et son impact sur la gestion de régimes fonciers; (2) une conceptualisation géographique de la dimension multi-scalaire de la propriété; et finalement, (3) le développement d'un outil stratégique identifiant les types de liens entre identité sociale et ressources naturelles en contexte de conflits. Finalement, cette étude apporte une contribution pratique à travers une analyse approfondie des leçons tirées du projet de restructuration des régimes fonciers entrepris par le gouvernement indonésien suite au tsunami de 2004.

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13

Rizzo, Susanna Grazia. "From paradise lost to promised land Christianity and the rise of West Papuan nationalism /." Access electronically, 2004. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20050127.105650/index.html.

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14

McMichael, Gabriella Marie. "An elusive peace dividend : land access and violence in non-formal settlements in Juba, Southern Sudan." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/an-elusive-peace-dividend-land-access-and-violence-in-nonformal-settlements-in-juba-southern-sudan(c8347e2f-5ff6-4c87-b159-1cad54f4334a).html.

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This research explores the tensions between non-formal land access, violence and urban land policy in the post-conflict city of Juba in Southern Sudan. It departs from the conventional notion of rights to land based on property rights to a broader concept of ‘access’ to investigate the means, processes and relations within society, or ‘mechanisms’, by which individuals attempt to gain and maintain access to non-formal settlement land, how this is controlled and the connections to violence. Moving beyond current dualist frameworks used to understand informality, this research aims to unpack the formal and non-formal institutions in the city whose interplay results in unequal opportunities for individuals to access urban land and how violence is both a mechanism and outcome of this. Using a mixed methods methodology, the research was carried out in Juba and three of its non-formal settlements that have emerged at different times during the city’s approximately ninety-year history. It used mainly in-depth interviews, group discussions, participant observation, structured settlement surveys and semi-structured key informant interviews. As the ‘new’ capital of a multi-ethnic region that has experienced decades of civil war, Juba provides fertile ground to explore these issues. Firstly, by tracing the evolution of the region’s political economy the research shows how, rather than being a new phenomenon, exploitation by government and violence have been integral features of urban land management in the region. Secondly, by considering Juba’s development it shows how violence underpins contemporary settlement patterns in the post-conflict period. Thirdly, by providing case studies of three non-formal settlements it details the evolvement from a sense of community to more segregated practices where land access is becoming highly ethnicised, reflecting broader tensions in the region. Finally, it shows how both ethnic tensions and unclear legislation are being instrumentalised by a web of powerful actors who, whether through coercion, deception or violence, are undermining urban planning in the post-conflict city for their own benefit, and hence the ability of non-formal inhabitants to access land. The research concludes that partly due to the formative nature of institutions controlling urban land access, violence has not ended in the post-conflict period but remains integral. Nevertheless, whilst approaches to non-formal settlements may be seen as a consequence of the persistence of dysfunctional institutions, it also relates to the post-conflict political economy that is emerging in Southern Sudan and the extent to which urban land access is facilitated by connections with the urban political or military elite. As a result, for hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons, returnees, combatants and ex-combatants the ‘peace dividend’ is compromised. In an urban environment hostile to their presence, they have no choice but to settle in non-formal settlements that, rather than being a solution to their shelter needs, leave them exposed to exploitation by a range of powerful actors.

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15

Weinbren, Daniel John. "The 'Peace Arsenal' scheme : the campaign for non-munitions work at the Royal Ordnance Factories, Woolwich, after the First World War." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1990. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/8710/.

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Following the Armistice many Arsenal workers wanted to retain their well-paid employment. There was a well established community; there was little comparable work in the locality and accommodation was difficult to find elsewhere. In order to secure peacetime production at the Arsenal, the labour movement in Woolwich organised a campaign which drew in traders, councillors, ex-Servicemen and clerics. The effect of this was to aid the integration of the local labour movement into the national constitution which was being reconstructed at the time. Central aspects of this new constitution were an increase in the integration of representatives of labour and industry in the government, and a new role for the Labour Party. The reconstruction of the constitution involved a degree of economic and legal coercion, and the transmission of government propaganda. These were all orchestrated at national level. The new order also included the accommodation of the working class, which had become more assertive during the war. This meant that social stability could not simply be imposed; the new order had to involve the absorption of tensions and the encouragement of specific strands of working class tradition. The creation of common assumptions could not be done in Whitehall and Westminster alone, it required the active participation of the citizenry; a specific focus and contact with notions generated from within the working class. That the creation of the new order required these elements is shown through the particular circumstances of the causes, course and consequences of the 'Peace Arsenal 1 campaign. The campaign involved the chief architects of the new order, private armaments companies, the Cabinet and the civil service. It also it involved parochial notions derived from the experiences of Arsenal workers.

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16

Pai, Andrew. "Towards a culturally inclusive valuation method for assessing compensation in compulsory acquisition of customary land: The case for Papua New Guinea." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2020. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/135616/1/Andrew_Pai_Thesis.pdf.

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A culturally inclusive valuation method for assessing customary land compensation in compulsory acquisition is developed in this study. Cultural value is apparently identified as a compensation entitlement in customary land acquisition and the empirical valuation of its loss is based on the cumulative logistic regression formulation of deprived customary land owner's willingness to accept compensation. Compensation is then based on the integration of market value of tangible assets and the inherent cultural value in indigenous land. In this respect, proposed method embraces the normative standard of compensation equity and recognizes the reality of cultural value imperatives in indigenous land.

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17

Bue, Veronica Gawi. "The role of smallholder farmers in sustaining household food security at Bialla and Hoskins oil palm land settlement schemes, Papua New Guinea." Thesis, Curtin University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/2539.

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The thesis examines household food security on two oil palm Land Settlement Schemes (LSSs) in West New Britain Province, Papua New Guinea. Household food security is being undermined because of garden land shortages and pressures on other block resources such as oil palm income. To address these problems, households were accessing gardening land in new locations, intensifying food crop production and participating in non-oil palm income-earning activities to maintain nutritionally adequate diets.

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18

Goodwin, Stephen R. "Fractured land, healing nations : a contextual analysis of the role of religious faith sodalities towards peace-building in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/19806.

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This thesis addresses the role of religion(s) in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in the wider context of the emergent states of the former Yugoslavia. The thesis argues that although religion has been used to promote nationalist ideologies and the cause of war, it also can be a positive force for building peace. The dissertation further argues that the religious dimension includes the element of myth in the self-understanding of the Serbs, Bošniaks and Croats, and seeks to account for the influence of their myths in creating ethno-religious conflict. The thesis argues that the Western structural and materialist approach to peace-building can be strengthened to address pressing inter-personal needs of society more effectively by engaging the moral and ethical resources that religion has the potential to contribute. The dissertation will offer a critical evaluation of interventionist efforts of the international community towards peace-building, taking account of the evidence that cessation of military hostilities is countered by modest results in restoring civil society. In light of this, the thesis examines the role of religious sodalities as locally-generated initiatives in peace-building that express the hopes of peoples of faith. It is argued that religion in this capacity complements, rather than substitutes, secular initiative. The dissertation therefore makes use of primary research data gathered from among religious leaders, women, and students from the Muslim, Orthodox, Catholic, and Protestant communities as evidence of why and how persons of religious faith contribute to peace-building and social restoration in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Theological reflection on the three elements of (mytho)history, the sacred texts and the context of Bosnia-Herzegovina enables a contextual analysis of peace-building to emerge. The theological concept of ‘restoration’, which is derived from the primary research interviews, is framed with discussion of the creation and the eschaton in the sacred texts – the Bible and Qur’ān – as a comprehensive Leitmotif for peace-building. Social expression of restoration transpires in the religious faith sodalities where authentic spirituality is exercised towards forgiveness and healing, and re-creates wholeness from fragmentation. The thesis demonstrates that in the religious faith sodalities the personal narrative of the individual believer, together with the meta-narratives of Christianity and Islam, effectively counter the ideological narratives of nationalism, and, when extensively shared with others, build peace across national boundaries.

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19

Elfversson, Emma. "Central Politics and Local Peacemaking : The Conditions for Peace after Communal Conflict." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324928.

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Under what conditions can peace be established after violent communal conflict? This question has received limited research attention to date, despite the fact that communal conflicts kill thousands of people each year and often severely disrupt local livelihoods. This dissertation analyzes how political dynamics affect prospects for peace after communal conflict. It does so by studying the role of the central government, local state and non-state actors, and the interactions between these actors and the communal groups that are engaged in armed conflict. A particular focus is on the role of political bias, in the sense that central government actors have ties to one side in the conflict or strategic interests in the conflict issue. The central claim is that political bias shapes government strategies in the face of conflict, and influences the conflict parties’ strategic calculations and ability to overcome mistrust and engage in conflict resolution. To assess these arguments, the dissertation strategically employs different research methods to develop and test theoretical arguments in four individual essays. Two of the essays rely on novel data to undertake the first cross-national large-N studies of government intervention in communal conflict and how it affects the risk of conflict recurrence. Essay I finds that conflicts that are located in an economically important area, revolve around land and authority, or involve groups with ethnic ties to central rulers are more likely to prompt military intervention by the government. Essay II finds that ethnic ties, in turn, condition the impact that government intervention has on the risk of conflict recurrence. The other two essays are based on systematic analysis of qualitative sources, including unique and extensive interview material collected during several field trips to Kenya. Essay III finds that government bias makes it more difficult for the conflict parties to resolve their conflict through peace agreements. Essay IV finds that by engaging in governance roles otherwise associated with the state, non-state actors can become successful local peacemakers. Taken together, the essays make important contributions by developing, assessing and refining theories concerning the prospects for communal conflict resolution.

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20

Moore, Daxton H. "Who has Legal Sovereignty Over Jerusalem and which Peace Proposal has the Best Chance of Resolving the Dispute over this Symbolic Land?" Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/7389.

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There are four schools of thought as to who has legal sovereignty over Jerusalem, and this is one of the primary reasons why there has been no resolution to the problem. The first is that there was a vacuum of sovereignty in the wake of British withdrawal, which was filled by Israel after the first Arab-Israeli War and again as a need for self-defense after the 1967 War, the second is the idea that the Palestinians have always held legal sovereignty over Jerusalem and continue to do so today, the third thought is that Jordan still has a legal right to the eastern section of Jerusalem due to the outcome of the first Arab-Israeli War, and the fourth is that the United Nations has legal sovereignty due to the mandate that was created by the League of Nations at the conclusion of the First World War. These four claims form the basis behind the legal argument over Jerusalem and are discussed in this thesis in order to determine legal sovereignty over the city and provide the background information necessary to proceed toward a peaceful resolution. In the conclusion of this thesis, I point out that both Israel and the Palestinians have legal sovereignty of Jerusalem and therefore, joint control of the city should be pursued in the form of a type of condominium.

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21

Van, Tonder Delarey. "Peacebuilding in Mozambique with special reference to the UN policy on landmine removal." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51870.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The end of the Cold War had a profound impact on the qualitative and quantitative nature of the UN's peace and security agenda, representing a shift from traditional peacekeeping to a broader, more ambitious and intrusive notion of peacekeeping. This evolution was marked by an expanded UN engagement in a broad range of intra-state conflicts and characterised by UN undertakings towards aspects of national political and socio-economic reconstruction including the evolution of humanitarian action. Responding to the expanded United Nations agenda for international peace and security and at the request of the UN Security Council (UNSC) Boutros Boutros-Ghali prepared the conceptual foundations of the UN's role in global peace and security in his seminal report, An Agenda for Peace (July, 1992). The Secretary General outlined five inter-connected roles that he projected the UN would play in the fast changing context of post-Cold War international politics, namely: preventive diplomacy, peace enforcement, peacemaking, peacekeeping and post-conflict peacebuilding. The UNSG described the newly defined concept of post-conflict peacebuilding as action organised "(to) foster economic and social co-operation with the purpose of developing the social, political and economic infrastructure to prevent future violence, and laying the foundations for a durable peace." With specific reference to landmines in An Agenda for Peace the UNSG stressed that peacebuilding following civil war and internal strife must address the serious problem of landmines, which remained scattered in present or former combat zones. The UNSG underscored that mine action (demining) should be emphasised in terms of reference of peacekeeping operations which is crucially important in the restoration of activity when peacebuilding is under way. The United Nations involvement in the Mozambican peace process (1992-1995) has been interpreted as the culmination of a major success story in wider peacekeeping in Africa under UN auspices - a category of peace operation, which included peacemaking, peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance, peacebuilding and electoral assistance. Mozambique's peace process has subsequently been cited as a model UN peacekeeping operation which could be adapted to post-conflict situation elsewhere. Within the context of landmines as a threat to post-conflict peacebuilding as articulated by the UNSG in An Agenda for Peace, the study focuses on how the United Nations implemented mine action initiatives in operationalising the concept of peacebuilding in Mozambique. In this context, the study reviews the UN operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and its capacity, responsiveness and vision in implementing mine action initiatives, both in terms of the operational requirements of the ONUMOZ peacekeeping mission and the development oflonger-term humanitarian mine action programmes in Mozambique. To this end, the study views the establishment of a sustainable indigenous mine action capacity as a sine que non for post -conflict peacebuilding. From this perspective, the study interprets the 1999 Mine Ban Treaty Prohibiting the Use, Stockpile, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction and the rights and obligations of Mozambique as a State Party to the Treaty as the most appropriate instrument towards the creation of an indigenous Mozambican mine action capacity to address the long-term effects oflandmines on post-conflict peacebuilding. In terms of methodology the approach was historical-analytical and in essence a deductive method of research was followed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het diepgaande verandering teweeggebring ten opsigte van die Verenigde Nasies se vredes en sekuriteits regime ter handhawing van internasionale vrede en sekuriteit. Hierdie periode is gekenmerk deur 'n skerp toename in intra-staatlike konflikte en gevolglik in die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe aard en omvang van Verenigde Nasies vredesoperasies in terme van die VN Handves. Ten einde die verantwoordelikhede van die Verenigde Nasies met betrekking tot die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit in die snel - veranderende konteks van die post - Koue Oorlog periode aan te spreek, het die Sekretaris - Generaal van die Verenigde Nasies, Boutros Boutros - Gali, in opdrag van die Veiligheidsraad die konseptuele fundering van die VN se rol verwoord in sy pioniersverslag - Agenda vir Vrede (1992). In sy verslag van Julie 1992 identifiseer en omskryf die Sekretaris-Generaal vyf verbandhoudende konsepte wat sou dien as meganismes ter beslegting van internasionale konflik, naamlik voorkomende diplomasie (preventive diplomacy), vredesingryping (peace enforcement), maak van vrede (peacemaking), vredesoperasies (peacekeeping) en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie (post-conflict peacebuilding). Die Sekretaris-Generaal het post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie omskryf as die "vestiging van sosio-ekonomiese samewerking met die oogmerk om die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese infrastruktuur te ontwikkel ten einde hernude konflik te voorkom en ter grondlegging van langdurige vrede". Met spesifieke verwysing na die korrelasie tussen landmyne en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie het die Sekretaris-Generaal benadruk dat landmyne 'n bedreiging inhou vir die konsolidasie van vrede na burgeroorlog en interne konflik, en veral binne die raamwerk van 'n VN vredesoperasie in terme van 'n VN Veiligheidsraad mandaat. Die VN se vredesrol in Mosambiek word allerweë beskou as een van die mees suksesvolle VN vredesoperasies ooit. Die doel van die studie is gevolglik om ondersoek in te stel na die toepassing van die konsep van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie met spesifieke verwysing na die Mosambiekse vredesproses en die rol van die Verenigde Nasies se Operasie in Mosambiek (ONUMOZ). In die opsig fokus die studie spesifiek op die rol van ONUMOZ (1992-1995) en suksesse en tekortkomings in sy vredesmandaat ten opsigte van die implementering van aksies om die kort-en-langtermyn impak van landmyne in terme van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie in Mosambiek aan te spreek. Vanuit hierdie konteks, vertolk die studie die Landmyn Verdrag (1999) en die totale verbod op die aanwending, opgaar, produksie en oordrag van landmyne en die vernietiging daarvan as die mees geskikte raamwerk waarbinne Mosambiek 'n inheemse vermoë tot stand kan bring ten einde die langtermyn impak van landmyne op post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie effektief aan te spreek. Vanuit 'n metodologiese oogpunt word in hierdie studie histories analities te werk gegaan en die benadering is beskrywend - verklarend van aard. Verder is die metode van ondersoek in wese deduktief van aard.

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Lepp, Eric. "Side-by-side in the Land of Giants : a study of space, contact and civility in Belfast." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2018. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/sidebyside-in-the-land-of-giants-a-study-of-space-contact-and-civility-in-belfast(8ad5f2f7-9241-49f3-8f89-9d837ccb7ee9).html.

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In Northern Ireland, the Good Friday Agreement brought with it a great deal of attention and initiatives to construct and increase intergroup contact and shared spaces in an effort to reconcile divided nationalist/Catholic and unionist/Protestant communities. In the time following this peace agreement, the Belfast Giants ice hockey team was established, and in their 16 years as a team they have become one of the most attended spectator activities in Belfast, trending away from the tribalism, single-space, single-class, and single-gender dynamics of modern sport in Northern Ireland. This thesis research followed the supporters of the Belfast Giants throughout the 2015-2016 ice hockey season to better understand the encounters across historical divisions that are occurring in the Scottish and Southern Energy (SSE) Arena. The research of this PhD thesis is directed by the concepts of social capital, intergroup contact, and civility. These concepts, when placed within the context of divided society, contribute to the thesis' guiding analytical framework, which offers thematic guideposts in areas of prejudice and anxiety, tolerance and trust, space and identity. Influenced by in-depth qualitative research that seeks to access local voices, this research takes the conceptual and analytical guidance into the stands of the SSE Arena. In this way, the unique 'side-by-side' methodology, which involved conducting interviews with the person in the seat to my left or right at Belfast Giants ice hockey games while immersing myself in the supporter community, emerged as not only a contribution to unearthing new voices in this oft-studied region, but also as an innovative contribution to qualitative methodological literatures. Beyond the methodological contribution, this thesis makes two further contributions to existing academic literatures on post-peace agreement relationships. The first of these is through the clear relationship between identity and space that are evident in its findings. Between the poles of conflict and reconciliation are the complex and simple interactions, which when placed in the SSE Arena at a Belfast Giants game illustrate the multi-layered and fluid nature of identity. The thesis finds the hockey arena is a space where a shared identity, 'the hockey family', materialises and includes nationalist and unionist populations. This shared identity is deeply connected to a physical place and activity that are situated outside the all-encompassing nature of division in present-day Belfast. However, within the unusual setting of an ice hockey arena in Northern Ireland there emerges ordinariness in encounter across historical cleavage, and from these mundane interactions comes the final contribution 'side-by-sidedness'. Influenced by supporters' willingness to sit side-by-side those on the opposite side of a historical division who they may not be willing to live beside, this theme is framed as a lightened encounter that challenges assumptions inherent in post-peace agreement settings. The research findings frame the SSE Arena as a site of sanctuary from polarised sectarian identities and activities, as well as a site of resistance from overarching peace agendas that push shared space and seek reconciliation. Side-by-sidedness exists in the everyday between these two poles. In highlighting this space between, this theme challenges the assumptions of 'face-to-faceness' that are inherent across the three concepts informing this thesis and through utilising notions of everyday peace and everyday division to include the relational, the spatial and the metaphorical, this thesis' meta-theme frames a new way of 'getting on with it' in the shadows of conflict.

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23

Lanzillotti, Ian Thomas. "Land, Community, and the State in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkaria, 1763-1991." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1408624340.

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24

Kuruvilla, Samuel Jacob. "Radical Christianity in the Holy Land : a comparative study of liberation and contextual theology in Palestine-Israel." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/71932.

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Palestine is known as the birthplace of Christianity. However the Christian population of this land is relatively insignificant today, despite the continuing institutional legacy that the 19th century Western missionary focus on the region created. Palestinian Christians are often forced to employ politically astute as well as theologically radical means in their efforts to appear relevant within an increasingly Islamist-oriented society. My thesis focuses on two ecumenical Christian organisations within Palestine, the Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Centre in Jerusalem (headed by the Anglican cleric Naim Stifan Ateek) and Dar Annadwa Addawliyya (the International Centre of Bethlehem-ICB, directed by the Lutheran theologian Mitri Raheb). Based on my field work (consisting of an in-depth familiarisation with the two organisations in Palestine and interviews with their directors, office-staff and supporters worldwide, as well as data analyses based on an extensive literature review), I argue that the grassroots-oriented educational, humanitarian, cultural and contextual theological approach favoured by the ICB in Bethlehem is more relevant to the Palestinian situation, than the more sectarian and Western-oriented approach of the Sabeel Centre. These two groups are analysed primarily according to their theological-political approaches. One, (Sabeel), has sought to develop a critical Christian response to the Palestine-Israel conflict using the politico-theological tool of liberation theology, albeit with a strongly ecumenical Western-oriented focus, while the other (ICB), insists that its theological orientation draws primarily from the Levantine Christian (and in their particular case, the Palestinian Lutheran) context in which Christians in Israel-Palestine are placed. Raheb of the ICB has tried to develop a contextual theology that seeks to root the political and cultural development of the Palestinian people within their own Eastern Christian context and in light of their peculiarly restricted life under an Israeli occupation regime of over 40 years. In the process, I argue that the ICB has sought to be much more situationally relevant to the needs of the Palestinian people in the West Bank, given the employment, socio-cultural and humanitarian-health opportunities opened up by the practical-institution building efforts of this organisation in Bethlehem.

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25

Harbour, Tiffany Kwader. "Creating a New Guatemala: The 1952 Agrarian Reform Law." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1217963651.

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26

De, Los Ríos Sebastián. "La pax extractiva y el conflicto socioambiental en Colombia." Conexión, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/114682.

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The government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) have signed agreements heralding an era of “peace” for the country. While the end of the confrontation brings many opportunities, it also poses numerous challenges. This article argues that the most significant of these challenges is the potential for the conflict to merely transform into a socio-environmental conflict. Indeed, the mere signing of the peace agreements does not constitute a guarantee to prevent the escalation of conflict in some regions. To prevent this, the dynamics of dialogue and consensus evidenced in the negotiations that took place in Havana must be replicated at a local level in the territories that once were dominated by the FARC. Improved security conditions deriving from the ceasefire have shown propitious for the development of extractive activities in territories previously ridden by armed conflict. But while the dynamism of the mining and energy sector provides significant opportunity for economic development, it has coincided with the intensification of socio-environmental conflict in several regions of the country. If the government does not address these rising conflicts between multi-nationals and local populations, what is now fertile ground for peacebuilding could prove to be the beginning of a new form of long-lasting violent conflict.
El gobierno de Colombia y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) han suscrito los acuerdos que presagian una era de “paz” para el país. Si bien el fin del enfrentamiento armado trae consigo muchas oportunidades, plantea a su vez muchos retos. La firma de los acuerdos de paz no constituye una garantía para evitar la intensificación del conflicto en algunas regiones. Las dinámicas de diálogo y concertación de las mesas de negociación de La Habana deben replicarse en los territorios que otrora fueron dominados por las FARC si no se quiere incrementar el conflicto, particularmente el socioambiental. El mejoramiento de las condiciones de seguridad que derivan del cese al fuego entre ambos bandos se ha mostrado propicio para el desarrollo de actividades extractivas en territorios donde hasta hace poco estuvieron vedadas. El reciente dinamismo del sector minero energético coincide con el escalamiento del conflicto socioambiental en numerosos territorios del país. Ante esta situación, la promoción del desarrollo por el Estado colombiano constituye un complejo desafío en el contexto de construcción de la paz.

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27

Powae, Wayne Ishmael. "Fair trade coffee supply chains in the highlands of Papua New Guinea : do they give higher returns to smallholders? : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Applied Science at Lincoln University /." Diss., Lincoln University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1413.

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This research focussed on Fair Trade (FT) coffee supply chains in Papua New Guinea. Three research questions were asked. First, do small holders in the FT chains receive higher returns than the smallholders in the conventional chains? Secondly, if smallholders in the FT coffee chains receive higher returns from their coffee than the smallholders in the conventional chains, what are the sources of these higher returns? Finally, if smallholders in the FT chains don't receive higher returns than in the conventional chains, what are the constraints to smallholders receiving higher returns from the FT coffee chains than the conventional chains? A conceptual framework for agribusiness supply chain was developed that was used to guide the field work. A comparative case study methodology was selcted as an appropriate method for eliciting the required information. Four case study chains were selected. A paired FT and conventional coffee chains from Okapa and another paired FT and conventional chains from Kainantu districts, Eastern Highlands Province were selected for the study. The research found that smallholders in the FT chains and vonventional chains receive very similar prices for their coffee (parchment price equivalent). Hence, there was no evidence that smallholders in the FT chains received higher prices or returns from their coffee production than smallholders in conventional chains. This study also found that there was no evidence of FLO certification improving returns to smallholders in the FT chains over those returns received in the conventional chains, but the community that the FT smallholder producers come from did benefit. The sources of these community benefits lies in the shorter FT chains and the distributions of the margin that would have been otherwise made by processors to producers, exporters and the community. In addition, this study found that constraints associated with value creation are similar in all the four chains studies. However, there are some added hurdles for the FT chains in adhering to FT and organic coffee standards. Moreover, FT co-oeratives lacked capacity to trade and their only functions were to help with FLO certification and distribute the FT premium to the community. The findings of this research support some aspects of the literature, but not others. The research contribution is the finding that in this period of high conventional coffee prices, returns to smallholders from FT chains were no bettter than the returns gained in conventional chains, which leads to oppotunism and lack of loyalty by smallholders in the FT chains. The other contribution of this research is in identifying a particular type of free rider who is not a member of the FT co-operative but has right to the community benefits generated by the FT chain.

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Konlan, Binamin. "Predictability of Identity Voting Behaviour, Perceived Exclusion and Neglect, and the Paradox of Loyalty| A Case Study of a Conflict Involving the Ewe Group in the Volta Region of Ghana and the NDC-led Administrations." Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10260431.

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The Republic of Ghana is the legacy of the colonial amalgam of multiple, and previously distinct, ethnic homelands. The Trans-Volta Togoland became the Volta Region of Ghana following a Plebiscite in 1956. The dominant ethnic group in this region; the Ewe, has long maintained a claim of neglect of the Volta Region and the marginalization of its people in this postcolonial state. Protests in the street and at media houses ensued against the State. This qualitative case study explores the undercurrents of this conflict in the context of the Ewe group’s identity and their experiences of neglect and marginalization in the postcolonial state. The main objective of the study was to understand why the Ewe group has not revolted despite the perceptions of deprivation. This study focused on the Ewe group in the Volta Region of Ghana a as sub-colonial construct that has managed its perceptions of deprivation without revolting against the host State.

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29

Guswandi, Guswandi. "Agriculture en Indonésie." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01E033.

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Cette thèse s’efforce de démontrer que l’évolution de l’agriculture et de la politique du développement agricole en Indonésie est fondée sur de longues expériences historiques s’étendant de l’époque précoloniale jusqu'à aujourd’hui. Les processus de développement ne sont pas de formes linéaires. Ils se sont réalisés par petits à-coups. Suivant les époques, ces différents processus de développement agricoles ont pu suivre des directions opposées.Ceux-ci ont également connu des contradictions fondamentales qui varient en fonction des intérêts de leurs promoteurs. Ces différents développements dépendent en effet de l'État et de ses relations avec d’autres agents comme les grands planteurs (propriétaires des plantations) et les paysans. Ces relations ne sont pas souvent fondées sur un principe d’égalité. L’influence des paysans en matière de négociation est souvent faible face aux autres agents économiques. L’héritage colonial et les structures féodales se font encore sentir de nos jours, et les paysans sont souvent en position de faiblesse, à moins qu’ils s`organisent entre eux pour leurs intérêts communs. Même si les quantités de productions agricoles sont en augmentation, la structure agraire inégale n'a pas beaucoup changé jusqu’à maintenant, depuis les époques féodales (locales), coloniales (européenne) et pendant l`occupation japonaise peu de choses ont changé. Les paysans doivent s’organiser et coopérer ensemble afin d’obtenir l’accès aux terres agricoles et défendre cet accès. Pour les paysans papous, la question principale reste posée : quels seraient des intérêts communs ou convergents entre les paysans indonésiens, ceux du centre (Java), ceux de la périphérie et ceux de Papouasie par exemple pour construire un meilleur avenir pour eux et lutter contre les fortes pénétrations dont ils souffrent aujourd'hui des investissements des capitalistes étrangers, mais aussi de celles des nationaux avec leurs propres élites locales ?
This dissertation asserts the complexity of the Indonesian agricultural problems. These problems occurred after the independence in a non-linear historical trajectory. However, the historical inheritance of the successive agricultural and land policies implemented since the precolonial period has also influenced the current situation of the largest actor in agricultural sector, Indonesian peasants. The development processes are not in linear forms, but conjectural ones. They are realized by short burst. According to the periods, they have followed opposite directions. The processes of agricultural development depend on the interests of their promoters : the state and its relations with other agents such as the large planters and the peasants. These relations are often not in equally beneficial. The bargaining position of the peasants is often weaker relative to theother economic agents. Even though the results of agricultural production are increasing, the unequal agrarian structure has not changed much since the feudal (local), colonial (European) and fascist (Japanese) periods. The Indonesian peasants need to self-organize and to cooperate together in order to increase its bargaining position so that they can access the agriculture lands as well as defend them. In the case of the Papuan peasants, the open question is what would be the common or converging interests of Indonesian peasants in general, compared to those in the peripheral regions such as Papua, to prepare a better future for them at the face of strong penetrations they suffer today from foreign and national capitalists, and their own local ruling elites? While ruling out independence option, Javanese and Papuan peasants need to cooperateand, if possible, join force to increase its bargaining position against the strong penetration of capitalists

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30

Berkley, Lisa A. "A Case Study: The Role of Compassionate Cities, Healthy Cities, and UN Sustainable Development Goals in City Leadership and Planning." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1582819813185475.

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31

Saovana-Spriggs, Ruth Vatoa. "Gender and peace : Bougainvillean women, matriliny, and the peace process." Phd thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110275.

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This thesis is a study of the role Bougainville women played in the peace process during and after the period of the civil war in Bougainville. The civil war developed between the Papua New Guinea Security Forces (PNG SF) and its ally, the Bougainville Resistance Force (BRF), against the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA) from late 1989 to 1998. The issues which led to the civil war were wide-ranging, including economic and political problems between the people of Bougainville and the Government of Papua New Guinea, most notably involving the Panguna landowners in struggles over copper mining on their land in Central Bougainville. Conflict resolution processes involved peacemakers, negotiators and mediators from within Bougainville and Papua New Guinea, and from the international community including Australia, New Zealand, Pacific Island countries, (Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Fiji), the European Community and the United Nations Peace Observers Mission. Assistance came from government and non-government organizations from all these sources. But what was especially striking was Bougainvillean women's own involvement in the peace process at the village community, regional, national and international levels. This thesis explores how and why this happened. First, women initiated peace activities at the village community level during the period of intense fighting between the warring factions in the early 1990s. Then, following the development of the formal peace process, as agreements were signed and implemented by Bougainvillean and Papua New Guinean Government leaders and officials, women gradually made their way into the regional, official level of the peace process. While some men used arguments about "culture" and "tradition" to attempt to marginalize women's participation in the peace process, women, on the other hand, used it to promote their peace efforts. Rejecting the argument that tradition relegated women to domesticity, as wives and mothers, women celebrated their powerful roles as "mothers of the land" and in particular their status in matrilineal traditions. In such traditions, some women (like men) had chiefly status and women in general were seen as mothers of the matrilineage, its land, valuables, ceremonies, knowledge and history. Land is intimately linked to women and their capacity to regenerate people. Men are identified as fathers of such cultural wealth and can publicly represent their matrilineage but their roles depend on women's agreement and prior authority. Women saw their role in peacemaking as one of both reviving their matrilineal status and making matriliny newly relevant in the modern context of Bougainville society. The connection and interaction between their matrilineal and modern roles, within Christianity, education and the professions were consciously and consummately blended together, so that women became powerful agents for making peace in Bougainville.

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32

Haynes, C. E. P. "Urban land tenure and administration in Papua New Guinea." Phd thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/123096.

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The colonial administration in Papua New Guinea considered custom and customary land tenure to be anachronistic institutions which were to be eventually replaced by western forms of law and land tenure. Whereas customary land tenure had to be tolerated in rural areas, there was no such pressure operating in urban areas which were the creation of the colonial state and remained 'European enclaves' until the 1960s. Urban development took place only on state land; this entailed the purchase of customary land for the establishment and expansion of towns and the drawing of urban boundaries so as to exclude existing neighbouring villages on customary land. Torrens registered state leases were granted over this land. With the approach to Independence in the early 1970s and the re-assertion of traditional values, it was expected that customary law and customary land tenure would play a more important role in national development. The Eight Aims which were adopted at the end of 1972 seemed to ensure this. However customary law and customary land tenure were subordinated to state law and controls in the new urban land tenure regime which the Commission of Inquiry into Land Matters (CILM) devised for an Independent Papua New Guinea. The CILM considered that the development goals of the new nation state required that state law and state institutions be used exclusively in developing urban land. In keeping with this, the CILM called for the nationalisation of all remaining customary land in urban and peri-urban areas. This thesis argues that arguments which led the CILM to recommend the abolition of all customary land tenure in urban areas were misconceived, and that it placed too much reliance on state law and institutions to achieve an efficient and just urban land tenure system. The urban land laws, administrative procedures and institutional structures which have so far obtained in urban areas in Papua New Guinea have failed to advance the national development goals which were adopted at Independence, and have led to substantial inefficiencies and inequities. Changes are necessary, both to the state system and to custom, to promote a more efficient and equitable urban land tenure system.

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33

Lewis, D. C. "Planter Papua 1884-1942." Phd thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/123103.

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This is an account of European settlement and settler plantation agriculture in the region of Papua New Guinea formerly known as British New Guinea (1884-1905) and subsequently as the Territory of Papua when the country was administered as a separate Territory of the Commonwealth of Australia until 1942 under the Papua Act of 1905.

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34

Digim'Rina, Linus Silipolakapulapola. "Gardens of Basima : land tenure and mortuary feasting in a matrilineal society." Phd thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109568.

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Gardens of Basima is an anthropological study of a previously undescribed village society in eastern Fergusson Island, Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea. The thesis is therefore a contribution to the ethnographic map of the Massim. It focuses particularly on the social organisation, land tenure, and complex mortuary exchanges of Basima, a matrilineal society with many social and cultural institutions in common with its more famous and powerful Dobuan neighbours. The people of Basima are locally renown for their betelnut, their pigs, and the products of their yam gardens, for which traders from other islands come to barter. However, despite their location on an important Kula trade route between the Amphletts Islands and the Dobu area, Basima people are only very marginally involved in ceremonial Kula exchanges. The main contention of this thesis is that, being a society composed largely of immigrant matrilineal descent groups, Basima displays a less 'uncompromising' form of matriliny than had been described for other societies in the region. Structurally, it is highly adaptable. As manifested in clan and matrilineage membership, in patterns of settlement, in marriage and post-marital residence, and not least, as manifested in the man-land relationships of land tenure, the flexibility of Basima society is evident. This is by no means a recent phenomenon indicating a 'breakdown' of some ideal system, but rather an integral property of an adaptive system which loosely unifies a diverse collection of immigrant groups. An important focus of the thesis is the obligatory and optional mortuary feasts and exchanges (principally bwabwale and sagali) so common in the matrilineal Massim. While Basima variants of these feasts show structural similarities to those of their neighbours they also reveal some significant differences. Notwithstanding an ostensible sequential ordering of such feasts, Basima people see them as discrete events motivated and staged by their performers to achieve primarily secular objectives. Sagali in particular, while nominally a feast that honours the collective dead, is sponsored principally by men to achieve renown. In other words, the main premise of sagali is political not eschatological. Likewise, the principles of Basima of customary land tenure are ultimately subject to political manipulation.

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35

Haley, Nicole. "Ipakana yakaiya : mapping landscapes, mapping lives, contemporary land politics among the Duna." Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148583.

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36

Turia, Ruth Caroline Hitahat. "Cannot see the land for the trees : the forest management dilemma in Papua New Guinea." Phd thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150811.

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Mulung, Kulala. "Livelihood and land-use choices of Papua New Guinean landowners, and implications for decisions relevant to commercial tree growing." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/156038.

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This study explores the basis on which Papua New Guinean landowners make land- and resource-use choices, and considers the implications of these for the adoption of commercial tree growing. Theoretical insights from the Hierarchical Needs Theory, Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, and Farmer Adoption-Decision Framework enabled development of a conceptual model, the 'PNG Landowner Decision Environment'. This model was used to assess landowners' attitudes and behaviour relevant to the use of household assets, engagement in subsistence and cash-income generating activities, patterns of exchanges and consumption, and allocation of labour, land and financial resources, to understand their choices in land- and resource-use decisions. The primary research question was: On what basis do Papua New Guinea landowners make land-and-resource-use choices? This was investigated through two subsidiary questions: - What are landowner households' livelihood strategies? - How do these strategies influence landowner households' land- and resource- use choices? Field research was carried out over an 18-month period from late 2007 to early 2009, at four case study sites; in the Upper Ramu region of Madang Province; in the Upper Markham Valley region of Morobe Province; in the Middle Fly region of Western Province; and in the Gogol, Naru and North Coast region of Madang Province. Participant observation and individual and group interviews were the main research methods employed. In total, 268 participants, comprising 175 men and 93 women, representing 175 households were interviewed, A strong interrelationship was evident between the motivational factors of landowners and their land- and resources-use choices. Key factors were their needs and aspirations, the livelihood strategies and outcomes, their knowledge and skill base, the institutional systems and processes within which the landowners operated, and their capital assets. PNG landowners' attitudes and behaviour in relation to adoption choices are largely consistent with those of smallholder farmers elsewhere, with the level of participation and involvement in particular activities influenced by personal preferences and values, and by the imperative of satisfying their basic needs. Landowners' decisions focused on three time horizons: the immediate future, principally in terms of food production; annual or similar cycles, principally in relation to recurring cash requirements; and the much longer-term, which was associated with intermittent cash requirements and had significant legacy dimensions. Decisions about commercial tree growing options need to be linked to these considerations, and to the different planning horizons that PNG landowners pursue for various livelihood outcomes.

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Söderlind, Ulrica. "Gastronomy as a tool for peace and resistance in the Holy Land." Thesis, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385007.

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This thesis is a study within the international master program “Religion in Peace and Conflict” at the department of theology at Uppsala University. The study should be seen as a microstudy over the role gastronomy plays as a tool for peace and resistance in the Holy Land. Jerusalem represent Israel and Tabye and Bethlehem represent Palestine in the study. The method used is the so-called abductive method or reasoning, where I am the one who is observing and analysing data from an ethnographical standpoint. The study is interdisciplinary in the way that cookbooks, interviews, personal observations and photographs are used as primary sources. The theory “The gastronomic man” are the theoretical framework. The theory deals with the factors that are of importance for the choices humans make when it comes to food and beverage. The results of the study indicates that gastronomy is present at least on two levels in society in the Holy Land, on a high political level manifested via diplomatic gastronomy and on a more personal level where the informants works with gastronomy both as a tool for peace, and for the Palestinians also a way to overcome the effects of the occupation. The results also indicates that education within the culinary arts are of great importance in order to understand other groups’ cuisines than one’s own. The cuisines that falls back on heritage, culture and nations. It is suggested that gastronomy can take the part of religion itself for its practitioners since themselves constructs what is sacred.

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Kora, Peter-Gallah. "Land tenure and productivity in Papua New Guinea : a case study of oil palm at Hoskins, West New Britain Province." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149763.

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Golman, Martin. "Resource planning for Samsai Niksek tribal forest of Papua New Guinea : recognising land, people and the forests." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149633.

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Timms, Wendy. "The post World War Two colonial project and Australian planters in Papua New Guinea : the search for relevance in the colonial twighlight i.e. [twilight]." Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145719.

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Turyamureeba, Robert. "Building peace through land access and food security in the Nakivale Refugee Settlement, Uganda." Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10321/2657.

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Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Administration: Peace Studies, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017.
This study was conducted between November 2015 and March 2016 in Nakivale Refugee Settlement, one of the oldest and largest refugee settlements in Africa. The objectives of the study were to determine the forms and causes of land conflicts in the refugee settlement; to establish the relationship between land conflicts and food security in the Settlement; to identify the strategies refugees adopt to cope with land shortage and food insecurity problems in the Settlement; to establish the residents’ perceptions of the effectiveness of interventions aimed at mitigating land conflicts and enhancing food security in the Settlement and its host communities. Interest in the study arose out of the reported persistence of food insecurity and land conflicts despite efforts to ensure food security and restore peace and security in the refugee settlement and the host communities. The study used exploratory, analytical and descriptive research designs to obtain qualitative primary data. Secondary data was obtained through documentary review. Primary data was collected using interviews, focus group discussion and observation. The study found that land conflicts involve the destruction of crops, livestock and even human lives and they sometimes culminate in costly legal battles in courts of law. They pit the Settlement Commandant against Ugandans in the Settlement, pastoralists against cultivators, pastoralists against pastoralists, cultivators against cultivators, refugees against Ugandans and refugees against refugees. The conflicts also oppose host communities against refugees, conservationists against encroachers on protected land and Ugandans in the Settlement against the government. The study also found the causes to be land-grabbing and fraudulent acquisition of, or claims on, land by unscrupulous people, encroachment on others’ land and protected land, high population growth, the presence of vacant land in the Settlement, competition over increasingly scarce land by cultivators and pastoralists, ambiguous settlement boundaries, contested land ownership, jealousy and antipathy. The study further established that there is a strong positive relationship between land conflicts and food insecurity. Violent land conflicts lead to the maiming and death of farmers, destruction of crops and livestock and deterrence of potential agricultural investors from investing in agriculture, thus lowering food production and increasing food insecurity. Land conflicts also render disputed land idle and therefore unproductive, leading to reduced food production; and, within families, land conflicts lead to land fragmentation which leads to reduced food production and increased food scarcity. Regarding refugee coping mechanisms, the study found that refugees in Nakivale resorted to both positive and negative coping mechanisms. Positive coping mechanisms include establishing small businesses, rural-urban migration, farming, education and resettlement, intermarriage, paid employment, and psychosocial support. Others were: borrowing money, casual labour, networking, remittances, spirituality and religion. Negative mechanisms include: cheating the system and self-integration, prostitution, early marriage, drug abuse, theft and robbery. The study also found that interventions in land conflicts in the Settlement were unsuccessful due to corruption and limited involvement of the beneficiaries. The challenges of implementing refugee policy in the Settlement were identified as limited funding, inadequate coordination and consultation between the district and settlement authorities, xenophobia and an increasing refugee population with insatiable demands. The study recommends the following: demarcation of the boundaries of the Settlement; relocation of some refugees to other settlements in the country; housing scheme for both refugees and nationals in the Settlement to enable everyone to live decently; affordable loans for both refugees and Nationals in the Settlement; introduction of plot numbers to resolve land conflicts among refugees; a structural plan for the Settlement; mechanization of agriculture in the Settlement and increased provision of farming inputs, such as fertilisers to all farmers in the Settlement; coordinated and participatory planning between settlement and district authorities, involving refugees and Nationals.
D

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43

Lowe, Michael Hamish. "Smallholder agrarian change : the experience in two Tolai communities." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150712.

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Tan, Kent-Keong, and 陳傑強. "An Elapsing Phenomenon Of Peace Land—The Discourse Of Painting Creation By Kent Keong-Tan." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/vyn3zf.

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碩士
國立臺灣藝術大學
美術學系
101
Abstract The thesis is a study of Tan Kent-keong’s“Toys”series; it starts with the accumulation of signs in the life experiences, and exams some particular object or image that appears in the memory repeatedly. Take toy for example, the author returned to the childhood experiences to have a second thought of the symbolization for the traces remaining on the toys, and transform the original meaning of the sign to his own art language. Consciousness would be like fall into a swirl of disappearance but can be seeing repeatedly when imaginary spaces expanded unlimitedly. When facing those memories that can be seen but cannot return, the author creates “An elapsing phenomenon of peace land” by the speed of painting, the flash of emotional calling and the decrease of saturation. The structure of the thesis contains four chapters: Creative motivation, Creative thinking and Art practice. First of all, introduce the portrayed contents of “Toys” series by “sign”, and explain the working progress by “Substitute formation” and “Kunstwollen”. Secondly, analyzing the effect of passing phenomenon on the creative thing of “Toys” series byciting different perspectives, such as “dream” in La Poétique de l'Espaceby Gaston Bachelard (1884-1962), “Kunstwollen” inAbstraktion und Einfühlung by Wilhelm Worringer (1881-1965)and “retentissement” mentioned by EugèneMinkowski (1885-1972). At last, explore the reasons of using toy as object in art and the expressive form by studying artists like Expressionist E. L. Kirchner (1880-1938) and C.Soutine from Ecole de Paris (1894-1943), and correspond toTan Kent-keong’sformal analysis of his art practice. Keyword: Sign, Kunstwollen, oppression, Substitute formation, translation, retentissement.

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Ballard, Christopher. "The death of a great land: ritual history and subsistence revolution in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea." Phd thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/7510.

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The relationship between environmental conditions and the decisions and actions of historical agents is the central issue of this thesis. In a brief review of the role that social and environmental factors have played in archaeological explanation, I describe the scope for a form of archaeological ethnography in which particular attention is paid to the contrast between the different worlds of meaning in and through which historical agents address their environments. In the context of a debate over the impact of sweet potato upon society and environment in the New Guinea Highlands, the history of wetland use emerges as a focus for competing positions on the nature of explanation for relationships between societies and their environments. My study addresses this debate through consideration of the recent history of Huli-speaking communities of the Tari region, in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea. Part B sets out an ethnographic model of the relationship between Huli people and their environment. External and Huli perceptions of landscape, society and agricultural production are presented in order to permit explanations for change that encompass both the intention of the Huli agents of the recent historical past, and the broader social environmental processes of which those historical individuals cannot have been aware. The roles of cosmology and ritual in the relationship between Huli and their environment are singled out for the contrast they evince between an external, Western concept of historical progress and a Huli notion of continuous, entropic decline in the world and in society. The history of a particular landscape, The Haeapugua basin, is addressed in Part C. Detailed oral historical accounts of land tenure and wetlands use set a context for the archaeological investigation of the Haeapugua wetlands and wetlands margins. On the basis of archaeological and palaeoenvironmental evidence, it is possible to demonstrate the significance of environmental change in placing broad limits on the possibility of wetland reclamation; this leaves unanswered, however, the more complex issue of human agency and decision-making in the processes and actual timing of wetland reclamation and abandonment. Through reference to the role of ritual in the relationship between Huli and their environment, as set out in Part B, Part D attempts an explanation for wetland reclamation at Haeapugua. The oral history of migration from the central Huli basins is shown to reflect an increase in population consequent upon the local adoption of sweet potato. While acknowledging the importance of population pressure on dryland resources, I suggest that the more significant imperative for the Huli who undertook the reclamation of the Haeapugua wetlands was the increased demand for fodder with which to augment the production of pigs. Pressure on dryland resources, decline in soil quality and increases social conflict were all interpreted by Huli as tokens of entropic decline, of the death of the land. Within the framework of Huli cosmology, the appropriate response to these changes was the innovation and elaboration of ritual and it was greater requirements of pigs for sacrifice and for exchange in ritual contexts that provided the immediate impetus for wetland reclamation.

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Hundeshagen, Cordula. "Preferences for Ethical Product Components: The Example of Jointly Produced Israeli-Palestinian Peace Products." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0022-5EE4-D.

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Rooney, Michelle Nayahamui. "Nogat Mani: Social Safety Nets for Tufi Migrants of ATS Settlement, Moresby, Papua New Guinea." Phd thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/135777.

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Nogat mani, the Tok Pisin term expressing ‘we have no money’, is a familiar refrain of migrants in Port Moresby, the capital city of Papua New Guinea (PNG). In the absence of formal income opportunities and affordable housing, many are forced to resort to informal forms of shelter and income generation. Food and shelter are particularly difficult to secure which is why many rely on support from people of their own ethnic group. One such group is the Tufi people of Oro Province who live in the ATS squatter settlement located near the city’s airport. There, kin and neighbors are important sources of support but, paradoxically, also place severe demands on those who have food, housing and money. Moreover, people must contribute to collective undertakings or risk becoming alienated from this urban safety net. This collective identity has to be balanced with the reality of being marginal citizens in the increasingly cosmopolitan city. This thesis examines the livelihood and social safety strategies of this group of Tufi migrants over the period from the mid-1990s to 2013. It draws on a combination of ethnographic and quantitative data based on fieldwork conducted in 2013, reflective autoethnographic data and secondary sources. It examines the changing forms of indigenous Melanesian value systems in urban settings as they come into contestation with neo-liberal systems of value which dominate access to basic needs in the city. Drawing on theoretical concepts of value, exchange, kinship and urban space, this thesis provides a grounded account of settlement life in PNG. It examines the challenges and responses of the Tufi as marginal citizens in one PNG informal settlement and demonstrates how collective identity is deployed to address the many challenges encountered in urban life. The thesis makes visible emerging forms of citizenship in urban PNG and the paradoxes of collective action and identity.

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