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1
Hammer, Juliane. "Family and Gender among American Muslims." American Journal of Islam and Society 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2000): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v17i3.2054.
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Family and Gender among American Muslims presents a multitude of theoreticaland empirical discussions about the issues of family and gender in variousAmerican Muslim communities.Divided into three main sections, the first section, "Values, Structure, andVariations in Muslim Families" presents articles based on empirical researchon issues such as the role of women in an Iranian ethnic economy, the selfevaluationof Palestinian women's lives, the issue of mut'a-marriage amongLebanese Shi'as, and the problems of South Asian Muslim families in theUnited States. The second section, "Practical Issues for Families,'' providesinsight into health issues, the work of an Arab-American community center,care for the elderly and problems of second-generation Arabs with marriageand role conflicts. The third section presents an interesting account of fiveMuslim immigrants, as narrated by them.The book is an insightful introduction into some of the problems faced byAmerican Mu Jim immigrants and their children on a daily basis. The questionsof how to preserve an ethnic and religious identity in a society that hasdifferent values and mies is central to the lives of these American Muslims. Itis a recurring theme running throughout most articles and illustrated in differentways. Some of the authors highlight problems and make recommendationsto parents, community leaders, teachers, and social workers on how to solvethese problems.The first article by Yvonne Y. Haddad and Jane I. Smith gives an overviewof the important topics concerning Islamic values and the questions of gender,such as dating, marriage, women and work, birth control, raising of children,and the observation of American holidays. The authors present a realistic ...
2
Krylov, A. V. "The role of the religious factor in political processes in Israel." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-1-98-108.
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This article studies the influence of religion on political and social processes in Israel. Modern Israel is a complicated multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Israel is home to over 8 million people and approximately a quarter of its citizens are non-Jews (Muslim Arabs and Christian Arabs, Druze, Bedouins, Circassians and etc.). In spite of the fact that the Israeli system of law provides “the complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex”, many Arabs and other non-Jews citizens of the State are not really integrated into Israeli society and do not feel themselves full citizens of the State that seeks to position itself exclusively as a «Jewish State».In addition the tension between Israel’s Middle Eastern and European identities is personified in the contradictions between Ashkenazim and Sephardim. There are also religious differences between Jews who identify themselves with the ultra-Orthodox, religious nationalists (so called “Hardelim” - an acronym of two words in Hebrew – “Hared” (ultra-orthodox) and “Leumi” (nationalist)), traditionalists and secular Jews. The article notes that the current «Likud» government supported by the religious parties actually strengthens the tendency to clericalization of Israeli political and social life.The author also makes an attempt to understand and analyze the basic historical, philosophical and religious aspects of the National-Religious trend in Israeli politics. This trend turned into a powerful force after a Jewish religious fanatic Yigal Amir had killed Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995.The research reveals the forms and methods, aims and objectives of the Israeli official settlement policy, determines the attitude of the religious parties and groups towards the settlement movement and indicates a negative influence of the settlement factor on the Israeli-Palestinian negotiating process and political situation in the Middle East as well.
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Dekmejian, R. Hrair. "Comparative Study of Muslim Minorities." American Journal of Islam and Society 8, no. 2 (September 1, 1991): 307–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i2.2628.
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Most of the world’s Muslims reside in countries where they are numericallypredominant. As such, these Muslims possess a majoritarian outlook in sharpcontrast to the perspective of minority Muslims living in India, China, theUSSR, and some Western countries. In recent years, Muslim minorities havefound themselves at the confluence of diverse social forces and politicaldevelopments which have heightened their sense of communal identity andapprehension vish-vis non-Muslim majorities. This has been particularlytrue of the crisis besetting the Indian Muslims in 1990-91 as well as the newlyformed Muslim communities in Western Europe.The foregoing circumstances have highlighted the need for serious researchon Muslim minorities within a comparative framework. What follows is apreliminary outline of a research framework for a comparative study of Muslimminorities using the Indian Muslims as an illustrative case.The Salience of TraditionOne of the most significant transnational phenomena in the four decadessince mid-century has been the revival of communal consciousness amongminorities in a large number of countries throughout the world. This tendencytoward cultural regeneration has been noted among such diverse ethnic groupsas Afro-Americans, French Canadians, Palestinian Arabs, the Scots of GreatBritain, Soviet minorities, and native Americans. A common tendency amongthese groups is to reach back to their cultural traditions and to explore thoseroots which have served as the historical anchors of their present communalexistence. Significantly, this quest for tradition has had a salutary impactupon the lives of these communities, for it has reinforced their collectiveand individual identities and has enabled them to confront the multipledifficulties of modem life more effectively. By according its members a sense ...
4
Elmaliach, Tal. "Jewish Radicals: Zionism Confronts the New Left, 1967–1973 A Comparative Look: Introduction." Hebrew Union College Annual 93 (June 1, 2023): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.93.2022/0187.
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The identity crisis that many Jewish radicals in the West grappled with in the 1960s and early 1970s was the subject of Sol Stern’s essay “My Jewish Problem – and Ours,” which appeared in the August 1971 issue of Ramparts, one of the most important organs of the American New Left.1 Stern, a key New Left activist and a former editor of the magazine, pointed to a paradox at the root of this crisis. Classical Marxism viewed Jewish nationalism as diametrically opposed to Marxist ideology. Nonetheless, in the wake of the Holocaust and the founding of the state of Israel, the global Left supported the Jewish national cause. This support was, however, short-lived. It was shaken first by Israel’s collusion with Britain and France during the Suez crisis of 1956. The escalation of the Israeli-Arab conflict in the second half of the 1960s then completed the global Left’s turn against Israel.2 Stern and his Jewish comrades consequently found themselves torn between their allegiance to the New Left and their continued support for Israel, sustained by their conviction that the Jewish state had faced a deadly threat from its enemies in 1967. Following a series of aggressive military and diplomatic moves by Egyptian leader Gamal Abdul Nasser during the tense early months of that year, war broke out on June 5 and ended six days later in a decisive and unanticipated Israeli victory. Israel captured large swathes of Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian territory, most consequentially the West Bank and Gaza Strip, areas densely populated by Palestinian Arabs, including many who had become refugees just nineteen years earlier in the war of 1948. Most Jews, and many in the Israeli leadership, viewed these two areas as part of the Jewish birthright and saw their capture as the liberation of territories that justly belonged to the Jewish people and state. While the Jewish members of the New Left believed that Israel should relinquish the West Bank and Gaza Strip and permit them to become an independent Palestinian Arab state, they maintained that Israel had captured them in a war of self-defense. As they saw it, Israel’s astonishing victory was the triumph of a country with a strong socialist tradition against the forces of reaction. Stern maintained that the West’s Jewish leftists found themselves facing a new edition of the classic Jewish Question – to integrate into the modern world, they were expected to divest themselves of their particularist identity and adopt exclusively universal values. This volume examines the social, political, and ideological manifestations of this resurgence of that dilemma. Each article focuses on how the issue played out in a particular country – the United States, France, Argentina, and Israel – between 1967 and 1973, when the drama reached its climax. In each of these places, the New Left attacked Israel and pro-Zionists activists reacted, leading to internal tensions on each side. University campuses emerged as the main theater of action. In tracing these confrontations, this collection casts new light on the difficulties faced by experience of young Jewish radicals struggling to integrate their particularist ethnic sentiments with their socialist universal values. The conflict that followed the Six-Day War can, however, only be understood against the background of the relationship between the Jews and the Left prior to 1967.
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ATANASIU, Mirela. "MULTILATERAL CONFLICTS OF PALESTINE - HISTORY, PRESENT AND TRENDS." Strategic Impact 79, no. 2 (October 7, 2021): 56–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1841-5784-21-04.
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Palestine, a historical land inhabited by both Jews and Arabs, has been the source of disagreement for the two ethnic communities since their establishment in this territory. Over time, as a consequence of this antagonism, the Middle East region has hosted a multilateral conflict generated by a number of factors (historical, ethnic, national and religious), which is currently manifested in three subsequent disputes: Arab-Israeli, Israeli-Palestinian and religious. The social dispute was initially generated by the inter-communal misunderstandings between Arabs and Jews, in the territory of the British mandate of Palestine and degenerated into a series of wars between Israel and the Arab states that led to an open armed conflict between Israel and Gaza. Also, the religious dispute, which permanently accompanied the other two, is related to the equally claiming by Jews and Muslims of both the entire territory of this historical land, as well as Jerusalem. The paper is intended to be a clarification of what the historic Palestinian region represents and how it has transformed under the impact of the conflict generated against the background of the desire for statehood expressed by Jews and Arabs in the same space. In the following, some aspects will be shown presenting the historical sources of territoriality, statehood and conflict in the region, and current forms of Palestinian multilateral conflict, as well as the predominant side of the conflict in the contemporary period, focusing on developments in the first half of 2021, but also some trends that are expected in the evolution of the Palestinian issue.
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Shehadeh, Maysoun Ershead. "The Arabs in Israel—Hybrid Identity of a Stateless National Collectivity." Mediterranean Studies 29, no. 1 (May 2021): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.29.1.65.
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Abstract The debate concerning the identity of Arabs in Israel involves a dimension that has not yet been studied—the hybrid identity of a stateless minority. The definition of Israel as a Jewish state, the fact that Arabs in Israel do not take part in the country’s Independence Day, and the emergence of a national movement among Arabs in Israel demanding cultural but not territorial autonomy are major factors that foreground this status of Arabs in Israel. The current study focuses on the influence of activist Arab groups—political, literary, and journalistic—within the Israeli Communist Party. The party operated as a group of “populist intellectuals” immediately following its consent to the Palestine Partition Plan. The goal of the Communist Party was to engineer the identity of the Palestinian collectivity in Israel as a hybrid identity adapted to the political and territorial circumstances in the aftermath of the War of 1948.
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Ahmad Abdel-Fattah, Mahmoud. "Arabic-Hebrew Language-Switching and Cultural Identity." International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 12, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33806/ijaes2000.12.1.11.
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The phenomenon of Arabic-Hebrew language-switching is increasingly prevalent among the Palestinian Arabs in “Israel”. This is a preliminary investigative study of Arabic-Hebrew language-switching which deals with the analysis of randomly selected pieces of discourse collected, for the purpose of the study, from various sectors of the Palestinian Arab population. The paper includes three main sections in which an attempt is made to answer the following three questions: (i) which parts of the community use language-switching distinctively in their everyday communication, (ii) what is the nature of such usage and the reasons behind it, and (iii) what is the relationship between language-switching and cultural identity?.
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Bagaskara, Faishal Sultan. "Ideologi dan Politik Identitas." Jurnal ICMES 7, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v7i2.175.
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The dynamics of the Palestinian struggle are also colored by the communist movement. This article discusses one of the periods of development of communism in Palestine, namely the founding of the Palestinian Communist Party (PCP) in 1923-1982. PCP was initially founded and dominated by Jewish immigrants from Russia. After officially joining the Communist International (Comintern), they received instructions to carry out Arabization within their party. This Arabization aims to enable the PCP to recruit Arabs and support the struggle of the Arab community, which is the majority in Palestine. This article analyzes the PCP's failure to unite Arabs and Jews, which was caused by differences in political interests. This research uses a narrative and empirical historical approach using critical historical methods (heuristics, verification, interpretation and historiography). The theory used in this research is the theory of ideology and identity politics. The findings of this research are that the emergence of identity politics between Arabs and Jews in the PKP has led to several internal (Arabization) and external policies (British White Paper 1939), which resulted in a dualism that thwarted their efforts to become a revolutionary party against British colonialism in Palestine.
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Koptileuova, D. T., and A. E. Zhumadilova. "Identification of Palestinian national identity (based on selected literary works)." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 134, no. 1 (2021): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2021-134-1-100-108.
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This article examines the phenomenon of the division of Palestinian national identity in relation to Israel based on the literary works of Palestinian writers. To conduct the study, there were used a specific historical method of analysis and interpretation of original literary works to work with the sources. There were selected such works of fiction for the study as Sahar Khalifa’s Wild Thorns (1974), Gharib Haifaoui’s Snatcher of Sleep (2012) and Ibtisam Azim’s The Book of Disappearance (2014) and Said Kashua’s Dancing Arabs (2002). Based on these materials, it is concluded that the Palestinian nation is divided against Israel, from attempted assimilation to armed confrontation. It also concludes that there is short-term pragmatism and a willingness of mostPalestinians to maintain economic relations with Israel,with a consequent increase in thenumber ofArabs who speak Hebrew and are familiar with Jewish culture.
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Siegal, Gil. "Genomic Databases and Biobanks in Israel." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, no. 4 (2015): 766–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12318.
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In addressing the creation and regulation of biobanks in different countries, a short descriptive introduction to the social and cultural backgrounds of each country is mandatory. The State of Israel is relatively young (established in 1948), and can be characterized as a multi-religious (Jewish, Muslim, Christian, Druz, and others), multi-ethnic (more than 14), multi-cultural (Western “Ashkenazi” Jewry, Oriental “Sfaradi” Jewry, Soviet Jewry, Israeli Arabs, Palestinian Arabs) society, somewhat similar to the American melting pot. The current population is 8.3 million, a sharp rise resulting from a 1.2 million influx of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in the 1990s. Seventyfive percent are Jewish, 20% Arabs (the majority of whom are Muslims), and several other minorities. The birth rate is 3.8 per family, the highest in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).
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Al Lily, Abdulrahman Essa, Abdelrahim Fathy Ismail, Fathi Mohammed Abunasser, Rafdan Hassan Alhajhoj Alqahtani, Firass Al-Lami, and AlJohara Fahad Al Saud. "The Culture of E-Arabs." Journal of Intelligence 11, no. 1 (December 28, 2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jintelligence11010007.
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This article scrutinises the linkage between ethnicity and people’s behaviour on Twitter. It examines how offline culture manifests itself online among Arabs. The article draws upon the literature to identify the offline ethnic characteristics of Arabs, and through interviews with and observations of Arab social media users, discovers their online ethnic characteristics. It then compares these online and offline characteristics and, through this comparison, finds that offline culture has been enacted online among Arabs, sustaining expressions of generosity, religiosity, traditionalism, female privacy, over-flattery, collectivism, tribalism, pan-Arabism, and social contracts; however, in other ways, offline culture has been counteracted online, which has led to the destabilisation of power relations between genders, elites and non-elites, and majorities and minorities. A further finding is that online culture has been enacted offline among Arabs in that online performance has exerted influence over offline ethnic identity expectations. In short, there are three main findings: offline culture has been enacted online, offline culture has been counteracted online, and online culture has been enacted offline. The take-home finding of this study is the existence of ‘e-ethnic culture’, that is, although ethnic activity online tends to be based on and reinforces offline realities and may alter offline realities as well, not all online performances have roots offline.
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ABD ALRHMAN, Sahira, and Stefan COJOCARU. "INTEGRATION OF PALESTINIAN HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS LEARNING IN AN ARAB SCHOOL IN ISRAEL." Social Research Reports 12, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/srr12.2.4.
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This paper discusses issues of identity associated with Palestinian students’ integration in an Israeli-Arab high school. These students were born to Palestinian families that are considered as ‘traitors’ by Arabs living in the Palestinian Authority and in the State of Israel. Their parents have working relations with the State of Israel and are therefore living in a large city at the north of the country. The students experience some kind of identity conflict between them and the Israeli-Arab students learning in the same school. The students who came with their parents from the Palestinian Authority, have difficulties to define themselves and they constantly try avoiding the question: Where are you from? They usually say they are from Jerusalem and they hold a blue identity card. Moreover, these students deal with language difficulties. School today constitutes an educational framework for a variety of students, characterized by different abilities and needs. This sets a rather complicated challenge to the school management and staff that have to open the school doors and provide a response to the students. This paper is grounded in theories of high school education, self-identity, conflict between identities of minorities and adolescence. It reviews the identity issues associated with the Palestinian children’s national and self-identity, as well as the steps that school and the education system can take in order to promote their integration.
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Mahamid, Hatim. "History Education for Arab Palestinian Schools in Israel." Journal of Education and Development 1, no. 1 (November 16, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/jed.v1i1.249.
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Since 1948, the Educational system for Palestinian Arabs in Israel was affected by political and ideological considerations of the Jewish state policy. Nurit Peled-Elhanan (2012) argues that the textbooks used in the school system in Israel are laced with a pro-Israel ideology and that they play a part in priming Israeli children for military service. She analyzes the presentation of images, maps, layouts and use of language in History, Geography and Civic Studies textbooks, and reveals how the books might be seen to marginalize Palestinians, legitimize Israeli military action and reinforce Jewish-Israeli territorial identity. Up until 1987 the Department for Arab Education was headed by a Jewish-Israeli director who was appointed by the Ministry of Education and involved in policy making for ensuring control over the Palestinians. Since then Palestinians have been appointed to lead the Department but they have been lacked of power or decision making, which remained under the direct control of the Ministry of Education. Thus the Department for Arab Education has no autonomous decision and authorities, but only meant to supervise the education of Palestinian Arabs and answer to Jewish-Israelis who continue to be in charge. Since the first years Israeli politicians saw in the state education system, an instrument to realize Zionist political objectives, and on the other hand the educational system was used to ensure weakening of Arab and Palestinian identity in the country.
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Riesta Ayu Oktarina. "SYMBOLIC INTERACTION OF ARAB ETHNICITY AS A CULTURAL IDENTITY IN A MULTICULTURAL SOCIETY." Wasilatuna: Jurnal Komunikasi dan Penyiaran Islam 4, no. 2 (October 20, 2021): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.38073/wasilatuna.v4i2.562.
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Abstract
Identity also needs to be built to be able to make a character or identification. The more identities created, it can also become known in the community. Ethnic Arabs have an identity as an identifier as a symbol of Arab ethnicity. The method to be used in this study is qualitative, while the approach is phenomenology. The type of qualitative research based on the type of literature or data collection research library can be obtained through relevant sources, books, research journals or conceptuals that have a close relationship with ethnic Arabs there are 2 symbols, namely: Use the surname dadalam full name. Surnames and Gamis Wear, The values contained in religion include having a good impression, having a reputation, loyalty, social class, and social moral standards.
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Shaffer, Brenda. "The Formation of Azerbaijani Collective Identity in Iran." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 3 (September 2000): 449–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687484.
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Iran is a multi-ethnic society in which approximately 50% of its citizens are of non-Persian origin, yet researchers commonly use the terms Persians and Iranians interchangeably, neglecting the supra-ethnic meaning of the term Iranian for many of the non-Persians in Iran. The largest minority ethnic group in Iran is the Azerbaijanis (comprising approximately a third of the population) and other major groups include the Kurds, Arabs, Baluchis and Turkmen. Iran's ethnic groups are particularly susceptible to external manipulation and considerably subject to influence from events taking place outside its borders, since most of the non-Persians are concentrated in the frontier areas and have ties to co-ethnics in adjoining states, such as Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Pakistan and Iraq.
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Meler, Tal. "“. . . In the Beginning I Was Frightened, Because Jews and Arabs Were Living Together . . . but Now I Don’t Feel That There Are Jews and Arabs . . .”: Palestinian Families in Israel Migrating in Search of Work." Journal of Applied Social Science 11, no. 2 (March 16, 2017): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1936724417696784.
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Internal migration tendencies among Palestinian in Israel are limited by both internal and external barriers. Recently, however, it appears that many Palestinian families have migrated from the north of Israel southward to Beersheba in search of work. This article is based on qualitative research I conducted among Palestinian women in Israel who moved south because of economic and occupational hardship. These women find themselves tending to their households while living far from their families of origin and those of their husbands, confronting and adjusting to their new environment and coping with life in a “city of difference” in Jewish space and among the Arab-Bedouin population at work. Internal migration affects many areas of life, extending beyond the personal and family sphere to challenge the politics of expanse in Israel, which is grounded in segregative and exclusionary principles and blurs accepted lines in the Israeli educational system. This situation generates space for new dialogue, or alternatively delineates lines of separation and structures new urban and cultural segmentation processes. The article sheds light on the complexity of the nationalist-ethnic triangle that takes shape in cities and clarifies the women’s experiences as they cross spatial and national borders—an unusual experience in Israeli life.
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Hassan, M., and I. Ghersin. "P872 Underrepresentation of Palestinian Citizens of Israel in Israeli Inflammatory Bowel Disease Trials." Journal of Crohn's and Colitis 17, Supplement_1 (January 30, 2023): i993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ecco-jcc/jjac190.1002.
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Abstract Background Recent studies have described a significant racial disparity, with a very low proportion of racial minorities, in clinical trials of therapies for inflammatory bowel diseases (IBD), along with limited reporting of ethnicity data. Palestinian citizens of Israel (commonly referred to as Israeli Arabs) are Israel’s largest ethnic minority, comprising 21% of the Israeli population. This minority group suffers from substantial health inequalities, as evidenced by increased rates of obesity, smoking and diabetes and a lower life expectancy compared to Israeli Jews. It is worth noting that the incidence of IBD among Palestinian citizens of Israel is on the rise. We sought to describe ethnic representation in Israeli IBD clinical trials. Methods We systematically reviewed Israeli IBD trials from the past 20 years. Each publication was examined for ethnicity data. The proportion of trials reporting ethnicity were calculated among all reported. Results The search yielded 99 publications. The year of publication ranged from 2002 to 2022. Only 7 of 99 trials (7.1%) included ethnicity demographics, with 92/99 (92.9%) not reporting ethnicity at all. There was no mention of ethnicity or limitations surrounding ethnicity inclusion in the discussion section of any of the other included publications. Of the 7 trials reporting ethnicity, 6 studies included Palestinian patients (6/99 trials, 6.1%). The other study reported data regarding IBD among Ethiopian Jews migrating to Israel. Data regarding the religious affiliation of Palestinian patients was available in 3 out of 6 studies (50%). Conclusion The reporting of ethnicity and the inclusion of Palestinian citizens of Israel in Israeli IBD trials have been poor. Greater effort should be made at multiple levels for the appropriate participation of all ethnic groups in Israeli IBD trials. We believe this will enhance our understanding of disease processes and response to treatment in different patient populations, and ultimately improve the quality of life of our patients.
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Ali Abdullah Al-Momani, Hassan. "The Ethnic Identity Crisis and Acculturation in Shakir's "Let's Dance"." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 6, no. 3 (March 1, 2017): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.6n.3p.88.
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This study aims at investigating the ethnic identity crisis and the problems of acculturation and enculturation in Evelyn Shakir's "Let's dance." The study will present a close reading analysis of Shakir's story highlighting the problem of constructing the ethnic identity for the protagonist Nadia who suffers from the lack of her parental support and divorce. Additionally, the study presents the problems that most Arab American young adults suffer from when living in America such as the confusion of belonging to the Arab and American culture, the American negative media stereotypes about Arabs, and the conflict between Arab and American ethnic and cultural traditions. The study concludes that the parental problems and conflicts negatively influence the construction of Arab American young adults' ethnic identity and acculturation.
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Amara, Muhammad. "Hebraic, the emerging new variety among Palestinians in Israel: Characteristics and sociolinguistic reflections." Journal of Arabic Sociolinguistics 2, no. 1 (March 2024): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/arabic.2024.0021.
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Language is not abstracted from reality but responds to emerging changes. Arabic-Hebrew contact among Palestinians in Israel offers a fertile background for a study of sociopolitical conflicts, given the unique civil and national status of Palestinian citizens of Israel, a polity defined and perceived as a Jewish state. The current article focuses on Arabic-Hebrew contact in Israel. More specifically, it describes Hebraic, the formation of a “new variety” – Arabic mixed with Hebrew in the linguistic repertoire of Palestinian Arabs, citizens of Israel. The linguistic characteristics and the motives that led to its creation are described. The sociolinguistic reflections in relation to identity are introduced to provide explanations for its formation and its meaning.
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Amaruli, Rabith Jihan, Singgih Tri Sulistiyono, Endang Susilowati, and Dewi Yuliati. "Arab Symbols in Coastal Communities for the Development of Multicultural Environment in Semarang." E3S Web of Conferences 202 (2020): 07041. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202020207041.
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This study aims to identify the symbols and attributes of Arab as part of shaping the multi-ethnic identity of Semarang. As a coastal community, the culture of Semarang is formed by various ethnicities, such as Javanese, Chinese, and Arabic. It is believed to have formed Semarang identity. Through historical research, it is seen that the identity of Arabs in Semarang is more “fluid”. Therefore, it is able to shape the cosmopolitan identity of Semarang. Following Bikhu Parekh’s concept about multiculturalism, this preliminary study can be used for developing a cultural environment based on intercultural experimental efforts while at the same time developing the cultural lives of each ethnic group.
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Khan, Muhammad Ajmal. "Concord between Palestinian Resistance and Literature: A Historico-Literary Analysis of Darwish’s Works." Review of Education, Administration & LAW 4, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v4i1.115.
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This research explores the last seventy years of the Palestinian Arabs’ political struggle for their recognition as a sovereign nation-state as reflected in the poetic and prose works of Palestinian national poet, Mahmoud Darwish (1941-2008). Given the relationship between life and literature, the Palestinian situation can be best revealed through their own cultural productions, especially literature. Darwish has utilized his sense of exile and cultural memory to realize the ideals of Palestinian home and its requisite identity. His writings constitute an integral part of Palestinian resistance literature. His works are reflective of a deep aesthetic sense coupled with a profound political understanding of the ground facts within and outside Palestine. He contests the legitimacy of a sustained foreign occupation and at the same time stresses the need of preserving national cultural heritage. He stresses the need of both intellectual and political resistance to the gradual encroachment caused by the colonial settlement regime. The present research has sought to figure out the dimensions of Darwish’s poetic and intellectual contribution to the volatile geopolitical issue of the resistance to a hegemonic control.
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Rabbah, Ayman, and Mohammad Salah Zaid. "Code-switching: The case of ‘Israeli Arab’ students at the Arab American University-Palestine." Global Journal of Foreign Language Teaching 9, no. 4 (November 4, 2019): 226–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjflt.v9i4.4409.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study aims at shedding the light on the factors lying behind switching to Hebrew, represented with age, gender, work history and place of residence the phenomenon of code-switching between Hebrew-Arabic among Israeli Arab students at the Arab AmericanUniversity in Palestine. It also studies how code-switching may affect the Palestinian identity of those students. The sample of this study is twofold. The first was conducted quantitatively through randomly selecting 70 Israeli Arabs to answer an 18-itemquestionnaire. The findings were statistically analysed using SSPS, showing the frequencies, values, means and standard deviation which were analysed using content analysis. Also, the reliability of the paper was tested using the Cronbach Alpha formula ofwhich the reliability coefficient was accepted and satisfied at (0.70). The researcher also conducted a qualitative approach through interviewing six students, analysed using conversational discourse analysis. The study revealsthat both age and place of residence were significantly different and affected the choice of Hebrew. Keywords: Code-switching, identity, Israeli Arabs
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Munayer, Salim J. "The Ethnic Identity of Palestinian Arab Christian Adolescents in Israel." Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 18, no. 1 (January 2001): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026537880101800108.
Повний текст джерела
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Barahmeh, Yousef. "Identity politics and ethnic humour in contemporary Jordan." European Journal of Humour Research 11, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr.2023.11.3.786.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Following political turbulence and instability in the Middle East, Jordan has become a home for a large number of Palestinians, Iraqis, and Syrians, and now includes a significant number of Egyptians in its workforce. This growing diversity in the population has impacted the country not only socially and economically but quite noticeably in terms of identity politics and ethnic humour (how do indigenous people perceive the other(s) and how do others perceive the indigenous people?). This is explained through the rising tensions between Jordanians and Jordanians of Palestinian origin in relation to the formation of ethnic humour that is based on the idea of urban and rural division in Jordanian society. The discussion in this article argues that the people of Transjordanian towns, such as As-Salt, At-Tafilah, and As-Sarih, have ‘unexpectedly’ become the target of many ethnic jokes by the urbanites in Amman and elsewhere, who now make up the majority of Jordanians of Palestinian origin. The people of these Transjordanian small towns and villages have been the target of Jordanian ethnic humour because of their backwardness, lack of discretion, and stupidity, compared to the cleverness, modernity, and high culture of the Jordanian urbanites and their cultural superiority. However, since the 2011 Arab Spring, the people of these Transjordanian towns have developed a counter-superiority tendency to laugh at the powerful in urban centres and make fun of the government and its institutionalised discourse about reform and progress.
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Ganayim, Deia. "Retracted: Multilingualism, handwritten signature and identity: The case of multilingual Palestinian Arabs in Israel." Digest of Middle East Studies 30, no. 3 (March 2021): 237–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dome.12228.
Повний текст джерела
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Feinstein, Yuval, and Maha Shehade Switat. "Keep a Stiff Upper Lip or Wear Your Heart on Your Sleeve? Ethnic Identity and Emotion Management among Arab/Palestinians in Israel." Sociology 53, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518768173.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study examines how emotion management is linked to subjective identity among members of ethnic minority groups in ethnically mixed workplaces. Data were drawn from interviews with Arab/Palestinian citizen residents of Israel. The results reveal three distinct strategies of emotion management: (1) Arab/Palestinians, regardless of their subjective identity, tend to conceal emotions during interactions with majority group members; (2) individuals who identify as ‘Arab’ also tend to regulate social interactions to avoid the emotional risks that accompany interactions with majority group members; (3) those who choose a ‘Palestinian’ label are more likely to actively express their ethnic identities despite the emotional risks associated with this type of identification. The findings suggest that emotion management is influenced not only by a person’s assignment to a social minority category (the emphasis of previous research), but also by a person’s subjectively defined identity.
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Nur, Masalha. "Remembering the Palestinian Nakba: Commemoration, Oral History and Narratives of Memory." Holy Land Studies 7, no. 2 (November 2008): 123–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e147494750800019x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This year Palestinians commemorate the 60th anniversary of the Nakba – the most traumatic catastrophe that ever befell them. The rupture of 1948 and the ‘ethnic cleansing’ of the Nakba are central to both the Palestinian society of today and Palestinian social history and collective identity. This article explores ways of remembering and commemorating the Nakba. It deals with the issue within the context of Palestinian oral history, ‘social history from below’, narratives of memory and the formation of collective identity. With the history, rights and needs of the Palestinian refugees being excluded from recent Middle East peacemaking efforts and with the failure of both the Israeli state and the international community to acknowledge the Nakba, ‘1948’ as an ‘ethnic cleansing’ continues to underpin the Palestine-Israel conflict. This article argues that to write more truthfully about the Nakba is not just to practice a professional historiography; it is also a moral imperative of acknowledgement and redemption. The struggles of the refugees to publicise the truth about the Nakba is a vital way of protecting the refugees’ rights and keeping the hope for peace with justice alive.
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Migdal, Joel S., and Baruch Kimmerling. "The Shaping of a Nation: Palestinians in the Last Century of Ottoman Rule." New Perspectives on Turkey 10 (1994): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600000856.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
No period was more decisive in the modern history of Palestine than the British Mandate, which lasted from the end of World War I until 1948. Not only did British rule establish the political boundaries of Palestine, the new realities forced both Jews and Arabs in the country to redefine their social boundaries and self-identity. But the cataclysmic events that continued through 1948, with the creation of Israel and what Arabs called al-Nakba (the catastrophe of dispersal and exile), took shape in the wake of key changes stretching over the last century of Ottoman rule. What was to be Palestine after World War I became increasingly more integrated territorially during the nineteenth century. And Arab society in the last century of Ottoman rule underwent critical changes that paved the way for the emergence of a Palestinian people in the twentieth century.
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Zaid, Mohammad Salah. "Code-switching: The case of “Israeli Arab” students at the Arab American University-Palestine." Global Journal of Foreign Language Teaching 10, no. 1 (February 29, 2020): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjflt.v10i1.4409.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study aims at shedding the light on the factors lying behind switching to Hebrew, represented with age, gender, work history and place of residence the phenomenon of code-switching between Hebrew-Arabic among Israeli Arab students at the Arab American University in Palestine. It also studies how code-switching may affect the Palestinian identity of those students. The sample of this study is twofold. The first was conducted quantitatively through randomly selecting 70 Israeli Arabs to answer an 18-item questionnaire. The findings were statistically analysed using SSPS, showing the frequencies, values, means and standard deviation which were analysed using content analysis. Also, the reliability of the paper was tested using the Cronbach Alpha formula of which the reliability coefficient was accepted and satisfied at (0.70). The researcher also conducted a qualitative approach through interviewing six students, analysed using conversational discourse analysis. The study reveals that both age and place of residence were significantly different and affected the choice of Hebrew.
Keywords: Code-switching, identity, Israeli Arabs
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Erman, Erwiza. "The Karimata Strait: Heritage of Network System and Socio-political History of Malay Sultanate." Heritage of Nusantara: International Journal of Religious Literature and Heritage 11, no. 1 (June 28, 2022): 84–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31291/hn.v11i1.629.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Indonesia's maritime historiography so far has focused more on socio-economic interactions, such as: shipping-trade history, ethnic identity, downstream-upstream connections, and the politics of the harbor workers. Meanwhile, the sea, strait, and river function to connect people, goods, and ideas have made their own history which unfortunately to be neglected in Indonesian historiography. By using the historical method, this study focuses on examining a marine network system offered by Indonesian maritime historian A.B. Lapian. The Karimata Strait, an intangible heritage, has produced its own socio-political history through social interactions of the various ethnic groups such as Bugis, Malays, Chinese, Arabs, Dayaks and Arabs. This article focuses on two ethnic groups, Bugis and Arabs who had an important role in the formation of Malay sultanates and maintain their own authorities in the East and West of the Straits. The Bugis ethnic network was represented by the migration of Opu and his Five Son from East Indonesia in the 17th and 18th centuries, while the Arabs were represented by Syarif Abdurrachman's family coming from the West, the Arab-Hadramaut and set up the sultanate of Pontianak. Following the movement of these two groups, and the networks they form, this study shows that their network histories are complex, intersecting in various ways through diaspora, religion, friendship, kinship, intermarriages, diplomacy and war. The intersection of these various networks became social capital to gain political power and economic control in the Malay sultanates. The formation and ways where the network operated had blurred the territorial boundaries of a sultanate in the East and West of Karimata Strait.
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Rowe, Paul S. "Postponing Armageddon? Christian Zionist and Palestinian Christian Responses to the Problem of Peace." Chronos 28 (March 21, 2019): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v28i0.399.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Of all the problems of peacemaking and peacebuilding in the modern international system, none is as contentious a matter of religion and identity as that of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The weight of spiritual significance and history has caused more than one author to expound upon the way religion has uniquely marked this land. Foreign interest and interference in the allocation of privileges and ownership in the region have led one recent analyst to bemoan the plight of this "much too promised land." (Miller 2008) In a history of the conflict written long before its descent into the first and second intifadas and the expansion of the number of religious antagonists, David Smith noted that .the years after the 1967 [Arab-Israeli] war would defy a solution an spawn a new conflict between Arabs and Jews. In the tiny battleground of the West Bank — just 80 miles long and 26 miles wide — the two peoples would live together, contesting the same territory. Many on both sides would claim that it was granted to them by God... In the process, Arabs and Jews would be locked in a modern-day secular conflict, fuelled by age-old religious zealotry and bigotry. They would become prisoners of God. (Smith 1987: 4)
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Dajani, Omar M., and Mira Sucharov. "Dear Omar, Dear Mira: Exploring Zionism Across the Ethnic Divide." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 2 (2023): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a911225.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract: What happens to Zionism as an idea when it is encountered through the lens of attachment, loss, and interpersonal connection? This article uses a creative-nonfiction form and a dual autoethnographic lens to examine the question of Jewish Zionist longings and Palestinian memory through the heart and mind of two scholars: a Canadian Jew and a Palestinian American. Mira Sucharov, a professor of political science at Carleton University and a frequent public commentator on Middle East issues, writes to Omar M. Dajani, a former member of the Palestinian negotiating team's legal support unit, who is now a law professor at University of the Pacific's McGeorge School of Law, and Omar writes back. Their correspondence—set both in the present and in a recreated past—suggests avenues for a reexamination of identity and connection to place, and a rediscovery of relationality to one another.
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Athifah, Nabila Jihan, and Mahimma Romadhona. "DESIGN OF ARABIC FONT TYPOGRAPHY AS A VISUAL IDENTITY OF AN AM-PEL ARAB VILLAGE." Art, Design, and Built Environment Conference Series 1 (December 3, 2021): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/adbe.v1i.2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Ampel Arab Village is a village that is mostly inhabited by ethnic Arabs. The hallmark of this village is, the atmosphere is typical of the Middle East. Ampel Arab Village is located in the Sunan Ampel Religious Tourism area in the city of Surabaya. This village has a traditional market where the Arabs trade. They sell. They sell objects that have the breath of Islam such as prayer tools, prayer beads, Islamic religious reading books, the Qur'an, dates, raisins, Middle Eastern specialties and other Middle Eastern knick-knacks. As a tourist village visited by many tourists, this village needs to have a visual identity that can become the identity of this village. Environmental graphics in the form of landmark typography that have the characteristics of Kampung Arab Ampel are suitable for visual identity. It is hoped that this typographical landmark can become a marker and always be remembered by tourists visiting Ampel Arab Village.
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Roback, Jennifer. "Plural but Equal: Group Identity and Voluntary Integration." Social Philosophy and Policy 8, no. 2 (1991): 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001138.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
During this period, when disciples were growing in number, a grievance arose on the part of those who spoke Greek, against those who spoke the language of the Jews; they complained that their widows were being overlooked in the daily distribution.When Americans think of ethnic conflict, conflict between blacks and whites comes to mind most immediately. Yet ethnic conflict is pervasive around the world. Azerbijanis and Turks in the Soviet Union; Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland; Arabs and Jews in the Middle East; Maoris and English settlers in New Zealand; Muslims and Hindus in India and Pakistan; French and English speakers in Quebec; Africans, Afrikaaners, and mixed-race people in South Africa, in addition to the tribal warfare among the Africans themselves: these are just a few of the more obvious conflicts currently in the news. We observe an even more dizzying array of ethnic conflicts if we look back just a few years. Japanese and Koreans; Mongols and Chinese; Serbs and Croats; Christians and Buddhists in Viet Nam: these ancient antagonisms are not immediately in the news, but they could erupt at any time. And the history of the early Christian Church recounted in the Acts of the Apostles reminds us that suspicion among ethnic groups is not a modern phenomenon; rather, it is ancient.The present paper seeks to address the problem of ethnic conflict in modern western democracies. How can our tools and traditions of participatory governments, relatively free markets, and the common law contribute to some resolution of the ancient problems that we find within our midst? In particular, I want to focus here on the question of ethnic integration.
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Katz, Sheila H. "NISSIM REJWAN, Israel in Search of Identity: Reading the Formative Years (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1999). Pp. 188." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (November 2000): 557–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380000283x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Once one lets go of the expectation of a more scholarly treatment of the complex issues of identity in Israel and the Middle East, one can appreciate the less rigorous but nevertheless nuanced conversations that Nissim Rejwan brings to this volume. Despite a dearth of footnotes, non-existent bibliography, somewhat haphazard organization, and overly ambitious aims, there still emerges an astute critique of the Ashkenazi-dominated Israeli establishment. Without ever using the word, Rejwan details a particular brand of racism that creates an illusion of a homogenous “other” out of a diverse mix of Jewish Israelis of Middle Eastern, North African, and African origin, as well as non-Jewish Palestinian and Middle Eastern Arabs.
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Khazzoom, Aziza. "The Great Chain of Orientalism: Jewish Identity, Stigma Management, and Ethnic Exclusion in Israel." American Sociological Review 68, no. 4 (August 2003): 481–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240306800401.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper explores the role that orientalism has played in shaping ethnic inequality among Jews in Israel. Earlier works usually explain ethnic exclusion as a function of Jewish life on Israeli territory. Here, however, exclusion is located within an earlier history of a Jewish encounter with orientalism and Western European colonialism. It is argued that prior to their immigration to Israel, Jews the world-over had been stigmatized as Oriental. Through a complex process, they accepted this stigma, and they arrived in Israel deeply invested in developing the new country as “western “ and uncomfortable with anything identified as “eastern.” It is the imperatives of this westernization “identity project” that account for the initial impetus to exclude Middle Eastern Jews, as well as non-Jewish Arabs, from emerging Israeli society. Viewing history from this perspective, ethnic cleavages in the Jewish world appear to have a historical stability and consistency that is at odds with the current focus on contingency and historical indeterminacy.
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Miles, William F. S. "Minoritarian Francophonie – The Case of Israel, with Special Reference to the Palestinian Territories." International Migration Review 29, no. 4 (December 1995): 1023–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900408.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the minoritarian status of a nonethnic group identity: Israeli Francophonie. Nonethnic minority status is particularly interesting for it represents a nonascriptive and voluntary category of group identity. In the case of Israel, Francophonie has evolved from its mainly North African (and hence socially disparaged) associations in the 1950s and 1960s to becoming an immigrant Ashkenazi and “frenchified Sephardic” phenomenon today. Francophone intellectuals promote Israeli Francophonie as an adjunct to Zionism, for it represents a cultural alternative to the Americanization of Israeli society. Common French language also diffuses the cleavages (religious versus secular versus nationalistic) which otherwise challenge the unity of the Jewish state. Associational, educational, cultural and religious institutions reflect the diffuse, dispersed and discrete nature of Israeli Francophonie; while there are categories of Francophonie, there is no francophone community per se. The future of Francophonie in Israel is a function of media technology, pluralistic self-redefinition, and political relations with France. Regarding the latter, the originally religiously-based Palestinian Francophonie based on the Latin Patriarchate is being supplemented by diplomatic efforts to extend French cultural influence among Arabs both in Israel and in the occupied territories.
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Jerbi, Syrine, and Eva Eszter Szabo. "From Vilification to Celebration: Arab American Comedians and Their Alternative Representations of Arabs and Muslims in Hollywood." International Journal of Arts, Humanities & Social Science 04, no. 08 (August 9, 2023): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.56734/ijahss.v4n8a4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article explores how Arab American comedians use humor and satire to challenge and subvert Hollywood’s negative stereotypes and portrayals of Arabs and Muslims. Drawing on the theory of Jack Shaheen, who analyzed and contested Arab and Muslim stereotypes in American media, the article uses qualitative content analysis to examine stand-up shows, films, and television series featuring Arab American comedians and other ethnic comedians in Hollywood. The article identifies common misconceptions and stereotypes, examines the techniques of humor and satire, and compares the impact of Arab American comedy with that of other ethnic comedies. The article argues that Arab American comedians successfully challenge Hollywood’s stereotypes and create alternative representations that celebrate their identity, culture, and diversity. The article contributes to existing literature on humor, satire, representation, stereotyping, resistance, empowerment, identity, culture, diversity, Arab Americans, Muslims, Hollywood, and the media.
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Zaid, Mohammad Salah, and Ayman Rabbah. "Code-switching: The case of ‘Israeli Arab’ students at the Arab American University-Palestine." Global Journal of Foreign Language Teaching 9, no. 4 (November 4, 2019): 203–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjflt.v9i4.4325.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study aims at shedding the light on the factors lying behind switching to Hebrew, represented with age, gender, work history and place of residence the phenomenon of code-switching between Hebrew-Arabic among Israeli Arab students at the Arab American University in Palestine. It also studies how code-switching may affect the Palestinian identity of those students. The sample of this study is two-fold. The first was conducted quantitatively through randomly selecting 70 Israeli Arabs to answer an 18-item questionnaire. The findings were statistically analysed using SSPS, showing the frequencies, values, means and standard deviation which were analysed using content analysis. Furthermore, the reliability of the paper was tested using the Cronbach Alpha formula of which the reliability coefficient was accepted and satisfied at 0.70. The researcher also conducted a qualitative approach through interviewing six students, analysed using conversational discourse analysis. The study reveals that both age and place of residence were significantly different and affected the choice of Hebrew. The study also reveals that the unconscious and uncontrolled use of Hebrew was the most obvious reason behind switching, while there was also a considerable effect on students’ identity at 72%. Hence, the researcher recommends more research is needed for the study of power relations among social classes of Israeli Arab citizens.
Keywords: Code-switching, ıdentity, Israeli Arabs
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Al-Rawi, Ahmed. "Regional Television and Collective Ethnic Identity: Investigating the SNS Outlets of Arab TV Shows." Social Media + Society 4, no. 3 (July 2018): 205630511879587. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305118795879.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article investigates the issue of Arab collective identity manifested in the mediated type of communication taking places on social media. The study employs multiple methodologies to provide a better understanding of Arab audiences’ online engagements with four MBC TV shows that are regarded as among the most popular throughout the MENA region as contestants from almost all Arab countries have the chance to participate in them. These shows use Arabic as a bond that unites Arab viewers from different national, religious, and racial backgrounds into distinct online communities. In total, the study offers an analysis of over 839,000 comments from four Facebook pages including Arab Idol, Arabs Got Talent, The Voice, and The Voice Kids. We argue that the notion of Arab identity is an imagined concept since the mediated communication on social media shows different identity affiliations especially toward the national one.
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Halabi, Yakub. "Anti-Semitism, Unhappy Consciousness and the Social Construction of the Palestinian Nakba." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 397–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534039.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The history of Zionism is composed of two narratives: One is the history of anti-Semitism that begot Zionism, and the other is the history of the Zionist–Palestinian conflict that begot the Palestinian refugee problem (the Nakba). So far, these two narratives have been investigated in parallel and, thus, they were kept artificially disconnected from each other. The history of the Palestinian catastrophe has been examined mainly in the light of the 1947–1949 events that culminated in the 1948 War and the birth of the Nakba. This narrative ignores the identity of the Zionists, especially the link between anti-Semitism and the Nakba. Many Israeli scholars claim that the territorial demands of the two groups had ushered in the 1948 War, the outcome of which was determined by the balance of power between the Zionist forces and the Arabs. Based on theories of social constructivism, this essay claims, however, that the Nakba and the establishment of the state of Israel are a socially constructed enterprise that reflected the shared ideas, the collective unhappy consciousness and the identity of Zionists and their protracted history in Europe. Anti-Semitism shaped the world views of Zionists and their desire to establish a Jewish state on the total area of mandatory Palestine—the area west of the Jordan River under British administration—in which the Jews aspired to live alone with themselves. Finally, in order to uproot the ‘diaspora mentality’ from the Jewish newcomers to Palestine and to construct a Jewish nationality, the Zionists had excluded the Palestinians from the Hebrew labour market.
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Kannan, Meganathan, and Renu Saxena. "Glanzmann's Thrombasthenia: An Overview." Clinical and Applied Thrombosis/Hemostasis 15, no. 2 (October 16, 2008): 152–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1076029608326165.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Glanzmann's thrombasthenia (GT) is an autosomal recessive inherited bleeding disorder due to a defect in platelet function. The hallmark of this disease is severely reduced/absent platelet aggregation in response to multiple physiological agonists. Bleeding signs in GT include epistaxis, bruising, gingival hemorrhage, gastrointestinal hemorrhage, hematuria, menorrhagia, and hemarthrosis. Homozygous or compound heterozygous mutations in the genes of GPIIb and GPIIIa lead to GT. A patient with GT, with no possible causative mutations in GPIIb and GPIIIa genes, may harbor defects in a regulatory element affecting the transcription of these 2 genes. GT occurs in high frequency in certain ethnic populations with an increased incidence of consanguinity such as in Indians, Iranians, Iraqi Jews, Palestinian and Jordanian Arabs, and French Gypsies. Carrier detection in GT is important to control the disorder in family members. Carrier detection can be done both by protein analysis and direct gene analysis.
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Fakhrutdinova, L. F., and S. T. M. Shauamri. "The relationship between the characteristics of Ethnic Identity and Psychosemantic Characteristics of Experiencing (‘Perezhivanie’) Interethnic Relations of Palestinian Muslims in the multinational Levant Region." Minbar. Islamic Studies 14, no. 4 (January 13, 2022): 962–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2021-14-4-962-984.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper presents the results of analyzing the psychological patterns of the development of ethnic identity and interethnic relations in the multinational Levant Region, where interethnic confrontation between Palestinians and Israelis has been noted in recent years. The main aim of the research is to reveal the relationship between the characteristics of Ethnic Identity and the Experience (“perezhivanie”) of Interethnic Relations of Palestinian Muslims in the multicultural Levant Region. In the process of investigating into ethnic self-awareness the authors used the Leary Test, the Semantic Diff erential of “Perezhivanie” ‘Experiencing’ Questionnaire by L.R. Fakhrutdinova aimed at studying the psychosemantic characteristics of the “perezhivanie” ‘experiencing’. The research has displayed that Ethnic Identity is a self-developing phenomenon, basically infl uenced by both the infrastructural relations and positions of ethnic self-awareness, and the processes associated with the relations of ethnic self-awareness with the external environment, with other ethnic groups. The most active points of development have been identifi ed. So, in intrastructural relations, they are active as ratios of I-real and I-mirror with a stronger position of I-ideal, since practically all dimensions of I-real and I-ideal (dominance, egoism, suspicion, etc.) have shown signifi cant diff erences that testify to the points and directions of development of ethnic self-awareness; positions in the relationship between the real self and the mirror self also exerted an active infl uence. The points of confl ict of the structures of ethnic self-consciousness were found, where, when the points of development coincided, the direction of development was diff erent. Thus, suspicion, obedience, dependence, friendliness, integrative indicators of dominance and friendliness have shown themselves to be confl ict points refl ecting confl ict zones between the infl uence of an external ethnic group (mirror self) and self-development processes manifested through the ideal self. In the situation of relations with the external environment, the most active was shown by the self-mirror, which infl uences the development of the subjectivity of the ethnic group through the components of the experience of the Palestinian-Israeli crisis. The infl uence of the real self on the characteristics of the “perezhivanie” ‘experiencing’ of the PalestinianIsraeli crisis was also manifested, and therefore, through the components of the “perezhivanie” ‘experiencing’ of this impression on the development of the self-awareness of the ethnic group.
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Smaili, Souad. "I Feel Myself in a Cage of Bird: Berber Female Students’ Self-Identification in the Algerian Society - A Phenomenological Study." European Journal of Social Sciences 1, no. 3 (November 29, 2018): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss.v1i3.p165-169.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Algeria is flavoured by a diversity of ethnicities and languages. The country is dominated by two ethnic groups: Arabs and Berbers. My concern falls upon identity negotiation within the latter group and exploring how women within the Berber community represent themselves and how the society perceives them. To answer this question, I explored the autobiographical stories of three Algerian female students who study English as a foreign language at Bejaia University, and who grew up amongst Berbers. They took part in a forum theatre course I ran at their University to explore EFL learner identity. Adopting an idiographic case-by-case phenomenological analysis to the written stories of these three students brought my attention into the self-image they gave to themselves to articulate their identity. This study also looked at the factor of power relations in their experiences drawing on Bourdieu’s perspective. The findings of this phenomenological analysis revealed the impact of culture and ethnic norms on these students’ s freedom, desires, and transitions in education. This impact was at some stage distinctive. I discuss in this further in this paper.
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Smaili, Souad. "“I Feel Myself in a Cage of Bird”: Berber Female Students’ Self-Identification in the Algerian Society - A Phenomenological Study." European Journal of Social Sciences 6, no. 2 (August 10, 2023): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eujss-2023-0011.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Algeria is flavoured by a diversity of ethnicities and languages. The country is dominated by two ethnic groups: Arabs and Berbers. My concern falls upon identity negotiation within the latter group and exploring how women within the Berber community represent themselves and how the society perceives them. To answer this question, I explored the autobiographical stories of three Algerian female students who study English as a foreign language at Bejaia University, and who grew up amongst Berbers. They took part in a forum theatre course I ran at their University to explore EFL learner identity. Adopting an idiographic case-by-case phenomenological analysis to the written stories of these three students brought my attention into the self-image they gave to themselves to articulate their identity. This study also looked at the factor of power relations in their experiences drawing on Bourdieu’s perspective. The findings of this phenomenological analysis revealed the impact of culture and ethnic norms on these students’ s freedom, desires, and transitions in education. This impact was at some stage distinctive. I discuss in this further in this paper.
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Alaghbary, Gibreel Sadeq. "Construction of Identity in Suheir Hammad’s What I will." World Journal of English Language 9, no. 1 (November 6, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v9n1p1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper offers insights into the conceptualization of identity in poetry. In particular, it seeks to examine the way the Palestinian-American female poet Suheir Hammad negotiates her textual identity in the poem What I Will. The study uses Mill’s (1995) feminist stylistic theoretical framework in order to identify the identity Hammad constructs for herself in the poem, and the way this textually constructed identity plays out against her cultural heritage and ethnic origin. This objective will be achieved by examining the way textual identity is carried by linguistic choices at the lexical, lexico-grammatical (phrase/sentence) and discourse levels. Analysis reveals a dichotomy constructed via personal pronouns between the speaker and her aggressor. This oppositional relationship is reinforced by the transitivity choices and triggers of presupposition. The speaker uses no gender-specific or sexist nouns and pronouns and no description of her appearance in the textual construction of her identity. Her identity is constructed in terms of her collective ethnic background and resistance to the oppression of her aggressor.
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Landy, David. "‘We are more than statistics and scattered body parts’: Telling stories and coalescing Palestinian history." International Sociology 28, no. 2 (March 2013): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580913477951.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The fragmentation of Palestinian lives into exile, under occupation and within Israel has led to a complex interweaving of collective memory and individual memories in the attempt to come to terms with and represent this existence. Central to Palestinian self-understanding is the key interruptive event of the Nakba, the ethnic cleansing of Palestine in 1948 which disrupted the people’s links to the land of Palestine – not only for Palestinians in exile but also for those within present-day Israel. Memorialization practices, such as those undertaken in village memorial books which record in detail the Palestinian villages destroyed in 1948, work to foster a collectivity linked across generations and borders. However these practices also repress marginalized voices, especially the voices, experiences and perspectives of women. By highlighting these voices, by engaging in collecting memories and by critically assessing the process of collective memorialization, the authors reviewed present a decentred, complex and kaleidoscopic version of Palestinian self-understanding and identity.
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Hilal, Reem M. "Refusing the Interrogation." Journal of Popular Music Studies 32, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jpms.2020.32.1.57.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper explores the way in which hip hop artists Iraqi British Lowkey, Iraqi Canadian Narcy, and the Palestinian crew DAM deploy music to challenge narratives of terrorism that are constructed to achieve political objectives and consequently obfuscate geopolitical inequities. Central to these narratives is the figure of the terrorist who is often conflated with Arabs, Muslims, Middle Easterners, and those who express dissent against these narratives. All three artists use hip hop to deconstruct the narratives of terrorism in order to address the perspectives of marginalized groups and to problematize their use. Through their music, Lowkey, Narcy, and DAM contest definitions of terrorism that are differentially applied to certain communities and do not address the use of violence, specifically state violence, to achieve political objectives. These artists suggest an alternative framework where terrorism is not determined by a specific cultural, ethnic, national, or religious affiliation, the root causes of violence are considered, and the complex geopolitical landscape contextualized.
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Ayer, Lynsay, Brinda Venkatesh, Robert Stewart, Daniel Mandel, Bradley Stein, and Michael Schoenbaum. "Psychological Aspects of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: A Systematic Review." Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 18, no. 3 (October 27, 2015): 322–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524838015613774.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Despite ongoing local and international peace efforts, the Jews, Arabs, and other residents of Israel and the Palestinian territories (i.e., the West Bank and Gaza) have endured decades of political, social, and physical upheaval, with periodic eruptions of violence. It has been theorized that the psychological impact of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict extends beyond the bounds of psychiatric disorders such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Exposure to the ongoing conflict may lead to changes in the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act; while these changes may not meet the thresholds of PTSD or depression, they nonetheless could have a strong public health impact. It is unclear whether existing studies have found associations between exposure to the conflict and nonclinical psychological outcomes. We conducted a systematic review to synthesize the empirical research on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and its psychological consequences. As a whole, the body of literature we reviewed suggests that exposure to regional political conflict and violence may have detrimental effects on psychological well-being and that these effects likely extend beyond the psychiatric disorders and symptoms most commonly studied. We found evidence that exposure to the conflict informs not only the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act but also their attitudes toward different religious and ethnic groups and their degree of support for peace or war. We also found that Palestinians may be at particularly high risk of experiencing psychological distress as a result of the conflict, though more research is needed to determine the extent to which this is due to socioeconomic stress. Our review suggests the need for more studies on the nonclinical psychological aspects of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as well as for longitudinal studies on the impact of the conflict on both Israelis and Palestinians.
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Kuhareva, E. V. "THE SYMBOLISM OF COLORS IN THE ETHNIC PICTURE OF THE WORLD OF THE ARABS." Title in english 17, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2019-1-17-97-107.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Te article studies symbolic meanings of colors in the Arab on the material of Arabic sacred, literary texts, dictionary editions, and folklore. Tere is considered the place of each element of the color palette in the Arab ethnic picture of the world, which expresses moral and ethical values and worldview of the Arab ethnic group, and the importance and influence of colors on the Arab mentality. Te analysis reveals the similarities and differences in the perception of colors and their symbolic meanings in the Arab and Russian languages. Arabs’ perception of a particular color is based on their fgurative system, in which all the phenomena of the surrounding world appear not in the form of philosophical abstract generalizations, but as a realistic perception of the surrounding reality. Symbolism of their perception is revealed in their practical life, the basis on which national consciousness and national mentality is formed. Color symbolism depends on the place and conditions in which an ethnic group lives. A national picture of the world, however, is not only and not so much a reflection of these conditions, it is a reflection of their moral, ethical and aesthetic conceptualization, fxed in various linguistic forms and transmitted from generation to generation as a moral code allowing people to preserve their national identity.