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Статті в журналах з теми "Opposition whip"

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Harahap, Asriani Zuriah, Yulianus Harefa, and M. Syafie’ie Siregar. "VIRTUAL DEBATE IN EFL CLASSROOM: IMPACTS ON THE STUDENTS’ SPEAKING SKILL." ELP (Journal of English Language Pedagogy) 6, no. 2 (July 10, 2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.36665/elp.v6i2.410.

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The main objective of this study was to describe the implementation of virtual debate in teaching speaking and to identify students’ speaking skill improvement after being taught by using virtual debate. To achieve the objective of the study, a qualitative descriptive method was used. The data was gathered through debate speeches given by eight debaters from SMA Muhammadiyah 9 Kualuh Hulu. It includes the Opening Government team (Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister), the Opening Opposition team (Leader of the Opposition and Deputy Leader of the Opposition), Closing Government (Government Member and Government Whip), and Closing Opposition (Closing Government and Closing Whip) taken from the practicing debate for 4 meetings. The data in this study were the transcription of debate activities. The steps taken in this analysis were collecting data by transcribing debate speeches into text, identifying improvisation and fluency, and concluding the analysis. The results showed that the improvisation and fluency of the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition, Deputy Leader of the Opposition, Government Member, Government Whip, Closing Government, and Closing Whip were in medium levels from the beginner level. In both improvisation and fluency levels, debate speeches showed considerable improvisation and fluency.
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Brentford, Viscount. "In Favour of Keeping Sunday “Special”." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 2, no. 6 (January 1990): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x0000079x.

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When the Shops Bill was defeated at its Second Reading in the House of Commons in the early hours of 15 April 1986, Mrs Thatcher is believed to have said that a “mercy killing” had been performed. The Bill had run into considerable difficulty under a weight of public opposition, coming at the time of some disarray in the Government, following the Westland and Leyland controversies and the resignation of two Cabinet Ministers. It was only the second time since 1924 that a Government Bill had been defeated at Second Reading, and was caused by 72 Government backbenchers defying a three-line whip and voting with the opposition.
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Ching, Leo. "Champion of Justice: How Asian Heroes Saved Japanese Imperialism." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 3 (May 2011): 644–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.3.644.

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With a catchy theme song and exotic scenery from the South, Kaiketsu Harimao (“Fast Thief Harimao”) made its debut in Japan on 5 April 1960. The first domestically produced television movie broadcast in color and the first to have locations overseas (notably in Angkor Wat), Harimao ran until June 1961, with a total of sixty-five episodes. Harimao opens with a procession of native men—their nativeness marked by their sarongs and painted dark skin—walking warily along the beach. They are vigilantly guarded by British soldiers with guns and whips to enforce the march. The opening scene not only establishes the exotic locale of the south but also accentuates the opposition between master and slave, between white and nonwhite races. As a soldier strikes down with a whip, the camera cuts to the lower torso of a man wearing a gun holster with a tiger-figured buckle and then moves up as the man pulls his gun and ires. Our hero wears a white turban and dark sunglasses. His shots send the soldiers' weapons flying. He mounts his horse as the camera zooms out to show him on a distant cliff, underscoring his extraordinary marksmanship. After the startled soldiers ask, “Who's there, who's that?” in unison with the hopeful natives, they shout, “Harimao, Harimao, it's Harimao!” and the airy and melodious theme song begins. As the credits roll, Harimao and his followers defeat the British soldiers and free the natives. The lead-in ends with the natives waving gratefully as Harimao and his men gallop off in triumph.
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THOMPSON, ANDREW C. "POPERY, POLITICS, AND PRIVATE JUDGEMENT IN EARLY HANOVERIAN BRITAIN." Historical Journal 45, no. 2 (June 2002): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002418.

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This article analyses two dissenting periodicals, the Occasional Paper and the Old Whig. It argues that these periodicals provide an opportunity to reconsider the current priorities in the historiography of eighteenth-century political thought and religious history. Having considered the contexts from which the periodicals emerged and the importance of a perceived growth in catholic proselytizing in the 1730s, it analyses the importance of ‘popery’ in religious and political discourse. Taken together, popery and private judgement provided the parameters to descibe what was termed ‘consistent protestantism’ and this was used to defend a particular version of dissent. The protestant aspect to oppositional whiggery has been largely ignored, particularly by those keen to assert the centrality of ‘classical republicanism’ to opposition language in the early Hanoverian period. This article suggests an alternative account of the transmission of the commonwealth tradition and indicates further lines of inquiry into the evolution of whig ideas.
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Kovaleva, Olga Alexandrovna, Vladimir Pavlovich Podolnikov, and Ekaterina Evgenievna Voloshina. "Regency Crisis and the Whig Opposition in Britain 1788-1789." UNIVERSITY NEWS. NORTH-CAUCASIAN REGION. SOCIAL SCIENCES SERIES, no. 3 (2016): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/0321-3056-2016-3-36-41.

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Carpenter, Daniel, and Benjamin Schneer. "Party Formation through Petitions: The Whigs and the Bank War of 1832–1834." Studies in American Political Development 29, no. 2 (October 2015): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x15000073.

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When President Andrew Jackson removed the public deposits from the Bank of the United States, he set off an economic and political crisis from which, scholars agree, the Whig Party emerged. We argue that petitioning in response to removal of the deposits shaped the emergence of the Whig Party, crystallizing a new line of Jacksonian opposition and dispensing with older lines of National Republican rhetoric and organization. Where petitioning against removal of the deposits was higher, the Whigs were more likely to emerge with organization and votes in the coming years. We test this implication empirically by using a new database of petitions sent to Congress during the banking crisis. We find that petitioning activity in 1834 is predictive of increased support for Whig Party candidates in subsequent presidential elections as well as stronger state Whig Party organization.
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SKJÖNSBERG, MAX. "LORD BOLINGBROKE'S THEORY OF PARTY AND OPPOSITION." Historical Journal 59, no. 4 (April 18, 2016): 947–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000485.

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ABSTRACTBolingbroke has been overlooked by intellectual historians in the last few decades, at least in comparison with ‘canonical’ thinkers. This article examines one of the most important but disputable aspects of his political thought: his views on political parties and his theory of opposition. It aims to demonstrate that Bolingbroke's views on party have been misunderstood and that it is possible to think of him as an advocate of political parties rather than the ‘anti-party’ writer he is commonly known as. It has been suggested that Bolingbroke prescribed a state without political parties. By contrast, this article seeks to show that Bolingbroke was in fact the promoter of a very specific party, a systematic parliamentary opposition party in resistance to what he perceived as the Court Whig faction in power. It will also be argued that Bolingbroke at no time envisaged a final end to political conflict and that his opposition party should not be interpreted as a party to end all parties.
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WIGELSWORTH, JEFFREY R. "Bipartisan politics and practical knowledge: advertising of public science in two London newspapers, 1695–1720." British Journal for the History of Science 41, no. 4 (July 15, 2008): 517–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087408001222.

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AbstractThis article explores the enticement of consumers for natural philosophy (buyers of books, audiences at public lectures and purchasers of instruments) in London between 1695 and 1720 through advertisements placed in two political newspapers. This twenty-five-year period witnessed both the birth of public science and the rage of party politics. A consideration of public science adverts within the Whig-leaning Post Man and the Tory-leaning Post Boy reveals that members of both the Whig and Tory parties were equally targeted and that natural philosophy was sold to London's reading population in bipartisan fashion. In the process of integrating natural philosophy into the wider culture through commercial sales, political allegiances were not imprinted on the advertising process. This conclusion raises questions regarding the historiographical assertion of Whig-supported public science and Tory opposition to it at the level of consumers.
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Black, Jeremy. "AN UNDERRATED JOURNALIST: NATHANIEL MIST AND THE OPPOSITION PRESS DURING THE WHIG ASCENDENCY*." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 10, no. 1 (October 1, 2008): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.1987.tb00003.x.

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Hemminki, Elina. "Opposition to unpopular research results: Finnish professional reactions to the WHI findings." Health Policy 69, no. 3 (September 2004): 283–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.healthpol.2003.12.019.

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Дисертації з теми "Opposition whip"

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Hanham, Andrew Arthur. "Whig opposition to Sir Robert Walpole in the House of Commons, 1727-34." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1991. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.492675.

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Huggins, Benjamin L. "Republican principles, opposition revolutions, and Southern Whigs Nathaniel Macon, Willie Mangum, and the course of North Carolina politics, 1800-1853 /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3310.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2008.
Vita: p. 669. Thesis director: Jane T. Censer. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Jan. 11, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 657-668). Also issued in print.
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Книги з теми "Opposition whip"

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Winstanley, D. A. Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429030413.

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Winstanley, D. A. Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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Winstanley, D. A. Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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Winstanley, D. A. Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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Winstanley, D. A. Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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6

Winstanley, D. A. Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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Winstanley, D. A. Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition. Cambridge University Press, 2011.

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8

Winstanley, D. A. 1877-1947. Lord Chatham and the Whig opposition. Ulan Press, 2012.

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Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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Everest, Kelvin. Post-War Romanticism. Edited by David Duff. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199660896.013.4.

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The post-war period following Napoleon’s defeat at Waterloo saw an influential literary journalism dominated by the political polarities of Whig and Tory. All cultural judgements were affected, in an era when British imperial confidence and international prestige were at their height. The settlement of the Congress of Vienna, the strength of the British military, and colonial expansion across the globe drove economic power while also exerting broad influence on Romantic cultural forms. Romantic literary culture was, however, not unitary, but marked by ironic oppositions and contrasting stylistic idioms. Visionary idealism, imaginative subjectivity, and emotionalism were countered by demotic realism and a groundedness in new social and political forces and in the sensuous appeal of the material world. These oppositions are internalized in the major work of the leading poets and novelists, who seek to balance a representation of their own times with a transcendent vision of experience.
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Частини книг з теми "Opposition whip"

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Hay, William Anthony. "Public Opinion and the Limits of Opposition: 1820–26." In The Whig Revival, 1808–1830, 111–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230510623_6.

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Hay, William Anthony. "Elections, the Press and Whig Tactics in Opposition: 1812–17." In The Whig Revival, 1808–1830, 35–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230510623_3.

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"3. In the Shadow of the Whip: Religion and Opposition in Jamaica, 1834-1992." In Afro-Creole, 90–155. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501722431-007.

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Mandler, Peter. "Whig Opposition, 1841–1846." In Aristocratic Government in the Age of Reform, 200–235. Oxford University Press, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217817.003.0007.

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Winstanley, D. A. "The United Opposition." In Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition, 318–67. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429030413-6.

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OWEN, SUSAN J. "Whig Plays: Vitality in Opposition." In Restoration Theatre and Crisis, 239–74. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183877.003.0008.

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Winstanley, D. A. "The Downfall of the Opposition." In Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition, 368–436. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429030413-7.

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Havard, John Owen. "Byron’s Opposition." In Disaffected Parties, 229–63. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198833130.003.0006.

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This chapter examines Byron’s poetry in relation to his continuing attachment to an oppositional ‘party’ role, on the one hand, and his cultivated detachment from English politics, on the other. Byron wrote The Vision of Judgment, his 1821 riposte to Robert Southey’s Tory celebration of the reign of George III, from what he described as a ‘Whig point of view’. Rather than aligning with the ‘devil’s party’ of a Satanic opposition or cultivating a checked-out, bemused, indifferent stance, that poem—in common with Byron’s late satirical poetry more widely—established a stance at once of crisp detachment and incipient political critique (one that, in consigning the political world left undone by George III to oblivion, looked back to preceding decades of oppositional dynamism). Byron thereby provides a test-case for this book’s wider arguments about the relationships between literature and politics—and more specifically between partisanship and disaffection—bringing into focus the contours of a combative, snarling ‘cynicism’ and ways of seeing beyond politics altogether.
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Winstanley, D. A. "The Formation of Chatham’s Administration." In Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition, 1–63. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429030413-1.

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Winstanley, D. A. "The Ministry on its Trial." In Lord Chatham and the Whig Opposition, 64–113. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429030413-2.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Opposition whip"

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Ковалёв, М. А. "Debates in the British Parliament about Martial Law in Ireland in 1803." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.013.

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В статье рассматривается роль ирландского фактора в борьбе политических элит в Великобритании начала XIX в. В качестве основного вопроса для раскрытия темы выбрана проблема введения военного положения в Ирландии в ходе восстания 1803 г. Автором исследованы позиции представителей торийского кабинета, вигской оппозиции, а также «третьей партии». Проблема военного положения была важным инструментом в руках британского правительства. Поэтому вопрос о его применении на территории зависимой страны мог отразиться на правовом положении самих англичан как жителей метрополии. Дебаты по данному вопросу можно понимать как составную часть общей полемики о полномочиях центральной власти. Проанализированы точки зрения на данный вопрос государственных деятелей, офицеров и других коммонеров, среди которых – известные личности своего времени: У. Уиндхэм, Г. Аддингтон, У. Уилберфорс, С. Персиваль. Рассмотрена также предыстория взаимоотношений Англии и Ирландии в XII–XVIII вв. в контексте складывания «островной империи». На основании материалов британского парламента сделаны выводы о том, что характерный для консервативного сознания «образ врага» оказался важнейшим аргументом в ходе принятия решения о военном положении. «Третья партия» У. Уиндхэма имела при этом особую позицию. Защищая гражданские права и свободы, она тем не менее не вполне вторила своим коллегам из партии вигов. Их аргументация скорее отталкивалась от принципа сохранения целостности государства, укладывалась в логику стратегии уступок и в целом была прагматичной. The article examines the role of the Irish factor in the struggle of political elites in the UK at the beginning of the XIX century. The problem of the adopting of martial law in Ireland during the uprising of 1803 was chosen as the main issue for the disclosure of the topic. The author investigated the positions of representatives of the Tory cabinet, the Whig opposition, as well as the “third party”. The issue of martial law was an important tool in the hands of the British Government. Therefore, the question of its application on the territory of a dependent country could affect the legal position of the British themselves as residents of the metropolis. The debate on this issue can be considered as an integral part of the general debate about the powers of the central government. The points of view of statesmen, officers and other members of parliament on this issue are analyzed, among which are famous personalities of their time: W. Windham, H. Addington, W. Wilberforce, S. Percival. The prehistory of the relationship between England and Ireland in the XII–XVIII centuries is also considered in the context of the forming of the “island empire”. Based on the materials of the British Parliament, conclusions were drawn that the “image of the enemy” which is characteristic of the conservative mind turned out to be the most important argument during the decision on martial law. The “third party” of W. Windham at the same time had a special position. Defending civil rights and freedoms, however, it did not fully echo her colleagues from the Whig Party. Their argumentation was rather based on the principle of preserving the integrity of the state, fit into the logic of the strategy of concessions and was generally pragmatic.
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