Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Old Oligarch"

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Статті в журналах з теми "Old Oligarch"

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Altman, William H. F. "Xenophon, the Old Oligarch, and Alcibiades." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 39, no. 2 (May 11, 2022): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340365.

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Abstract Modifying the conjecture of Wolfgang Helbig (1861) by means of the distinction between Xenophon and his various narrators introduced by Benjamin McCloskey (2017), this paper uses the insights of Hartvig Frisch (1942) to show how drawing a distinction between the first-person speaker in pseudo-Xenophon’s Constitution of the Athenians and its author indicates that the former is Alcibiades and the latter is Xenophon himself.
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Braund, David. "The Luxuries of Athenian Democracy." Greece and Rome 41, no. 1 (April 1994): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500023184.

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In 424 B. C. or thereabouts, an oligarchically-minded critic of the Athenian democracy observed:And if account is to be taken of more minor matters, it is as a result of their mastery of the sea that the Athenians have mixed with various peoples in different areas and discovered a range of festive practices. In consequence, what is sweet in Sicily, Italy, Cyprus, Egypt, Lydia, Pontus, the Peloponnese or elsewhere has all been brought together in one place because of [sc.the Athenians'] mastery of the sea. (The Old Oligarch, 2.7)Though critical of the democracy in principle, the Old Oligarch is strikingly positive here in one sense. This is no denunciation of the baleful and corrupting influence of luxuries imported from overseas. Rather, it is an explicit statement of an advantage of sea-power to the Athenians. A minor advantage, on this assessment, but evidently considered worthy of attention. Moreover, here as throughout his work, the Old Oligarch has in mind not a narrow elite, but the Athenian demos at large, the masses. On his analysis, the demos, through its sea-power, rules Athens and its empire effectively and in its own interest, which includes the acquisition and enjoyment of the best produce of the Mediterranean and Black Sea worlds. Under the democracy, it is claimed, the masses enjoy what may be termed luxury-goods.
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Ma, Junhai, and Bin Chen. "The Complexity Uncertain Analysis about Three Differences Old and New Product Pricing Oligarch Retailers Closed-Loop Supply Chain." Abstract and Applied Analysis 2014 (2014): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/891624.

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This paper studied some realistic recycle fields at present in China, such as some daily machinery and equipment, electronic products, and plastic products. Under such circumstance, three oligarch retailers are a common situation. In this paper, we model and analyze the game of three oligarch retailers in a closed-loop supply chain. The stability of the Nash equilibrium, the bifurcation and chaos phenomenon of the recycling price and new product quantity when retailers change its adjustment speed, the profit trends of the three retailers, and the power spectrum are studied. At last, we used the parameter adjustment and the variable state feedback control strategy for chaos control, and the chaos of the system is delayed effectively. For closed-loop supply chain research, the conclusions of the numerical simulation in this paper not only have realistic guiding significance, but also have theoretical reference value.
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Atkinson, J. E. "Curbing the Comedians: Cleon Versus Aristophanes and Syracosius' Decree." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 1 (May 1992): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042580.

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There is a tendency to prune the record of restrictions on the freedom of thought and expression in fifth-century Athens. K. J. Dover has demonstrated that many of the stories of attacks on intellectuals rest on little more than flimsy speculation. Similarly there has been a reluctance to accept the historicity of the several restrictions on comedy recorded by scholiasts. Thus, for example, H. B. Mattingly has expressed doubts about Morychides' decree, and S. Halliwell has rejected Antimachus' decree as a fiction and has adopted an agnostic attitude towards Syracosius' decree. But one cannot sweep all the references aside as fallacious inferences. This short paper looks first at the evidence that Cleon initiated a legal action against Aristophanes (or possibly Callistratus) after the production of theThe Babylonians, in the light of what the Old Oligarch wrote about curbs on comedians. Secondly, the historicity of Syracosius' decree will be tested by an attempt to define its nature and purpose in its political context. This exercise will show that circumstantial evidence adduced against the historicity of the decree has no compelling force.
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Lewis, Sian. "THE ‘OLD OLIGARCH’ - J.L. Marr, P.J. Rhodes (edd., trans.) The ‘Old Oligarch’: The Constitution of the Athenians attributed to Xenophon. (Aris & Phillips Classical Texts.) Pp. xii + 178. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2008. Paper, £18 (Cased, £40). ISBN: 978-0-85668-781-5 (978-0-85668-776-1 hbk)." Classical Review 63, no. 2 (September 12, 2013): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x13000218.

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Heath, Malcolm. "Greek Literature." Greece and Rome 61, no. 2 (September 12, 2014): 261–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000096.

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Geoffrey Bakewell finds in Aeschylus'Suppliants‘an invaluable perspective on Athenian attempts at establishing their own identity in the late 460sbce’. The play presents a ‘displaced self-portrait of Athens’, and the ‘ambivalent welcome to exotic immigrants’ and ‘wariness towards outsiders’ makes that portrait ‘not entirely flattering’ (ix). I am not sure whether this judgement is meant to express a modern perspective, or that of Aeschylus' audience. Bakewell claims that metics ‘by their very nature constituted an existential threat to the democratic city and its self-understanding’ (8), and that they were perceived as ‘threatening’ (19), but provides no supporting evidence. To illustrate Athenian attitudes to metics he appeals to the Old Oligarch (not, perhaps, the most representative of witnesses), citing his frustration at not being allowed to assault foreigners; there is no mention of Dicaeopolis (Ach. 507–8). It is, of course, true that inSuppliantsArgos is imperilled by the refugees' arrival: but that is because they are pursued by an army determined to enforce a legal claim on them, which Athenian metics typically were not. The view that tragedies gave spectators a ‘mental license to think through a pressing issue in an extended way, and at a safe remove’ (123) is widely held, and may be right. But its application ought not to depend on disregarding crucial features of a play's distinctively tragic scenario.
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Yakovlev, Denys, Liudmyla Borovyk, and Olha Diachenko. "THE VOICE OF THE MIDDLE CLASS AND ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY IN UKRAINE." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 8, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 220–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2022-8-3-220-227.

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The purpose of the article is to determine the role of the middle class in political democracy and economic democracy in Ukraine. The role of the Ukrainian middle class in the revolutionary events of 2004 and 2013-2014 – the Ukrainian Maidans, the influence of the middle class on the results of the parliamentary elections in Ukraine and its presentation in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine are noted. The pendulum-like oscillation of self-identification of the middle class between "service to the oligarchs" and "resistance to democracy," the basis of civil society, is noted. The emphasis is placed on the fact that democracy is the rule of the middle class, and the principle of equal freedom is at the core of economic democracy. The compromise between capitalism and democracy is the need to distribute the public good under the supervision of political democracy in the interests of the middle class. Methodology. The theory of economic democracy was used to study the essence and characteristics of the middle class in Ukraine. By means of sociological methods of empirical research middle class identification by indicators of income, education, labor (employment), consumer behavior is given. Differences of "European" middle class from Ukrainian middle class are marked. In connection with the fact that the level of income of the Ukrainian middle class does not correspond to the indicators of EU countries, the necessity of application of subjective indicators to determine self-identification of middle class representatives in Ukraine is substantiated. The definition of the middle class from the opposite, i.e., what the middle class is not (not the oligarchs, not the authorities, not the working class, etc.) is also applied. Results. The trajectories of the middle class in Ukraine have been defined – from active participation in the Ukrainian revolutions to the role of a servant of the oligarchic regime. The middle class is well positioned to establish a regime of political democracy and to oppose the oligarchic-lumpen alliance. What hinders this is the insufficient activity of the middle class during election campaigns and especially after them. The oligarchs' established monopoly in the economy and media space allows for effective election campaigns in the mass media and the financing of political parties. This nullifies attempts of the middle class to establish political democracy in Ukraine. The growing role of the new middle class – intellectuals and representatives of the creative industries – has been noted. The self-identification factors of the middle class include a sense of justice, responsibility for the future and the practice of democratic values. According to sociological research, representatives of the Ukrainian middle class strive for democratic changes, overcoming corruption, deconstruction of the oligarchic regime, and implementation of market reforms. They have higher education, are interested in art, go to restaurants, and can sometimes afford vacations abroad. The political parties that declared support for the middle class and defined it as a target group in the elections included the "Team of Winter Generation," "Veche," "Self Reliance", and "Voice". The first two were perceived as oligarchic projects, while the last two parties made it to parliament, respectively, in the eighth and ninth convocations. Separately, the 2019 elections, in which the voice of the middle class became truly powerful, are examined separately. The "old faces," representatives of the post-Soviet oligarchy, and bureaucrats lost in the majoritarian districts. The middle class refused to support those politicians and parties that had become "servants of the oligarchs" in parliament, taking an important step in building not only a political democracy, but also an economic democracy. Practical implications. The results of the study can be used in the process of European integration of Ukraine, the implementation of reforms to develop political democracy as the rule of the middle class and economic democracy as a democratic system of redistribution of public resources. Value/originality. This study of the middle class and economic democracy allows us to understand the economic factors that influence politics, the role of the middle class and its characteristics in the process of establishing political democracy and economic democracy in Ukraine.
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Hellinger, Daniel. "The Oligarchy and the Old Regime in Latin America, 1880–1970." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 48, no. 1 (January 2019): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306118815500r.

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Mendiola García, Sandra C. "The Oligarchy and the Old Regime in Latin America, 1880–1970." Hispanic American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 347–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-4379787.

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Purwaatmoko, Sunardi. "The IMF Rice Liberalization Policy in Indonesia: The Case Study of Elite Behaviors in the Era of Gus Dur, Megawati, and SBY Government." Jurnal Borneo Administrator 18, no. 2 (August 25, 2022): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.24258/jba.v18i2.973.

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The research aimed to explain elite behaviour in Indonesia's political reform era. This research was based on primary data collected from unstructured interviews with respondents or samples and secondary data collected from library studies. In analyzing the data collected, descriptive and qualitative methods are applied. This research found that adopting the electoral system of the Proportional Multi-Member District and the lack of power and authority distribution from elite to interest groups tended to result in the emergence of small and pragmatic political parties trying to get constituent votes using political mobilization of the constituent voters. The emergence of political parties induces a patron-client relationship between the political candidate and his constituent voters through a broker-generating oligarchy within the party. For that reason, the policy-making process in the rice sector depends on the relative power of ideologist party coalitions and pragmatic party coalitions. The changes in rice policy depended on the political interaction between the old and pragmatic political oligarchy and the new and ideologist political oligarchy. The stronger the political coalition of the new political oligarchy consisting of new ideologists and reformist political parties, the more protective the rice policy will be, and vice versa. That is why we suggested that the election system should be changed into Single-Member District Electoral System to create a smaller number of political parties to avoid the emergence of pragmatic political parties. And interest groups should be strengthened to prevent the dominant power of the oligarchy.
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Дисертації з теми "Old Oligarch"

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Porceddu, Maria Lavinia. "L'Athenaion Politeia pseudosenofontea e il suo tempo: studio di contestualizzazione." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/326795.

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La Costituzione degli Ateniesi, tramandataci dalla tradizione tra le opere di Senofonte, ha suscitato nel corso del tempo un considerevole interesse tra gli studiosi del mondo greco. All’opera, a partire dal XIX secolo, sono state dedicate analisi di natura filologica, linguistica e storica, e, in tempi più recenti, un elevato numero di commenti. Oggetto della riflessione dell’Autore – dichiaratamente ostile al regime politico in vigore ad Atene – sono i meccanismi costitutivi e funzionali della democrazia. L’opera propone una riflessione economico-politica di notevole rilievo teorico il cui intento, esplicitato fin dall’incipit, è di mostrare come il tipo di politeia scelto ad Atene – in cui è il demos a detenere il κράτος e, per questo, ad ἄμεινον πράττειν –, per quanto disprezzabile, funziona con successo. Il breve pamphlet costituisce per noi, dunque, una testimonianza fondamentale sul concreto funzionamento del sistema politico ateniese, sull’intelaiatura ideologica che lo sosteneva, nonché sulla resistenza teorica elaborata e propugnata dai sostenitori del pensiero antidemocratico. Tuttavia, la piena comprensione di tale fondamentale testimonianza risulta subordinata alla risoluzione delle questioni nodali dell’opera - quali cronologia, paternità, natura, destinazione, e finalità dello scritto – che, lungi dall’aver raggiunto un chiarimento definitivo, sono ancora oggi ampiamente dibattute. Il presente studio, pertanto, si è proposto di indagare, nella produzione letteraria superstite, quelle opere strettamente connesse alla sfera politica che, per pertinenza e rilevanza, mostrassero una certa affinità tematica con il pamphlet, rimandando verisimilmente a soggetti e motivi di riflessione comuni. Tra la vasta produzione letteraria politica del V secolo la presente ricerca si è incentrata in particolare sulla storiografia tucididea, quale testimone imprescindibile della situazione poleica della seconda metà del secolo, e la produzione teatrale, comica e tragica, che, riproducendo dibattiti culturali, attriti sociali e civili contemporanei, traduce in scena il linguaggio della polis. Il metodo analitico impiegato ha tentato di coniugare la ricerca tematica e l’indagine linguistica: la ricognizione di tipo contenutistico è stata affiancata da un’analisi del materiale linguistico, con l’intento di valutare la pregnanza di elementi tematici o tratti linguistici comuni nella loro dimensione comunicativa e sociale. Se, infatti, l’accostamento analogico sulla base della comunanza dei motivi proposti dai diversi testi permette di ricomporre il complesso di circostanze e avvenimenti in cui l’interesse per un dato tema si è sviluppato, le osservazioni linguistiche (e semantiche più in particolare) forniscono informazioni importanti circa il sistema culturale e ideologico delle nostre fonti. Dopo una prima definizione della problematica cronologica e d’attribuzione dell’opera, il presente lavoro, dunque, esamina il linguaggio politico impiegato nell’Athenaion Politeia, tramite un confronto, anche lessicale, con le opere che riflettono maggiormente l’opposta ideologia democratico-periclea, tra cui l’epitafio pericleo riportato da Thuc. II 35-46 e la prima produzione euripidea. Segue un raffronto puntuale tra il testo del pamphlet e i discorsi periclei riportati nei primi due libri dell’opera tucididea. L’indagine su uno dei temi portanti del libello, ovvero la politica imperiale esercitata dal regime democratico e le relazioni con gli alleati è stata effettuata tramite il confronto con le commedie aristofanee degli anni Venti del V secolo, in particolare Cavalieri e Vespe. Puntuali consonanze tematiche sono state riscontrate, inoltre, nella produzione comica frammentaria (di Aristofane, Teleclide, Ermippo, Eupoli), cui è dedicata una specifica sezione del lavoro. Lo studio di contestualizzazione ha dunque permesso di fissare le differenti opere prese in esame, e l’Athenaion Politeia in primis, in una rete di rapporti e condizionamenti, la cui valutazione risulta imprescindibile per una lettura circostanziata della letteratura politica ateniese.
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Milani, Martinho Camargo. "Percival Farquhar, um homem quase sem nenhum caráter entre oligarcas e nacionalistas de muita saúde (1898-1952)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-14062017-082204/.

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A presente tese procurou retratar o período da República Velha entre 1898 e 1931. Entender o papel da dependência econômica do Brasil para com um produto: o café; e os constantes endividamentos realizados pela nação para cobrir os constantes rombos orçamentários. Deu-se atenção especial aos empréstimos tomados com instituições estrangeiras, em especial europeias, os denominados funding loans ( 1898, 1914, 1931). Tais condições econômico-financeiras foram combatidas com as políticas recessivas da corrente Metalista. Saneado o país, novos períodos Papelistas se instalavam na economia, metaforicamente como o mito de Sísifo. Nesses ciclos intermináveis, o Brasil passava por profundas transformações socioeconômicas decorrentes da adoção do regime republicano, da abolição da escravidão e da industrialização e urbanização crescentes. Foi nesse contexto que um empresário norte-americano, Percival Farquhar tornou-se um dos maiores empresários da história do Brasil. Construiu um imenso império industrial em atividades como ferrovias, portos, serrarias, frigoríficos e hotéis ( entre outras). Não sem sofrer profunda oposição de nacionalistas e agraristas. Procurou-se por último, demonstrar por meio dos relatórios do ministério da Fazenda entre 1898 e 1915 que, ao contrário do pretendido, foram as políticas Metalistas uma das grandes responsáveis pela industrialização do Brasil. Contra a própria vontade de seus ideólogos. Num Brasil em convulsão e transformação completa as classes dominantes se acomodam em velhos estofados, trocando apenas o couro embrutecido pelo tempo.
The present thesis sought to portray the period of the Old Republic between 1898 and 1931. Understand the role of Brazil\'s economic dependence on a product: coffee; And the constant indebtedness carried out by the nation to cover the constant budgetary rhythms. Special attention was given to borrowing from foreign institutions, especially European institutions, the so-called funding loans (1898, 1914, 1931). Such economic-financial conditions were countered with the recessive policies of the Metalist chain. Once the country was rediscovered, new periods of time were established in the economy, metaphorically as the myth of Sisyphus. In these interminable cycles, Brazil underwent profound socioeconomic transformations resulting from the adoption of the republican regime, the abolition of slavery and increasing industrialization and urbanization. It was in this context that an American businessman, Percival Farquhar became one of the greatest entrepreneurs in Brazilian history. He built an immense industrial empire in activities such as railroads, ports, sawmills, refrigerators and hotels (among others). Not without deep opposition from nationalists and agrarians. Finally, it was tried to demonstrate through the reports of the Ministry of Finance between 1898 and 1915 that, contrary to what was intended, Metalist policies were one of the great responsible for the industrialization of Brazil. Against the will of its ideologues. In Brazil in convulsion and complete transformation the ruling classes settle in old upholstery, exchanging only the weathered leather.
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Книги з теми "Old Oligarch"

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Pseudo-Xenophon. The Old Oligarch: Pseudo-Xenophon's Constitution of Athens. London: London Association of Classical Teachers, 1992.

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2

1936-, Hughes Kenneth, Thorpe Margaret, Thorpe Martin, Xenophon, and Pseudo-xenophon, eds. The Old Oligarch: Pseudo-Xenophon's Constitution of Athens. [Harrow]: London Association of Classical Teachers, 1986.

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3

1957-, Osborne Robin, and London Association of Classical Teachers., eds. The old oligarch: Pseudo-Xenophon's constitution of the Athenians. 2nd ed. [London]: London Association of Classical Teachers, 2004.

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4

Ogazimorah, Igbonekwu. Fall of old northern oligachy [sic] and the rise of [the] retired military cabal. Enugu, Nigeria: Udi Hills, 2001.

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Konończuk, Wojciech. Fundament systemu: Starzy i nowi oligarchowie na Ukrainie = Keystone of the system : old and new oligarchs in Ukraine. Warszawa: Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia, 2016.

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Marr, J. L., and P. J. Rhodes. The 'Old Oligarch'. Liverpool University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9780856687761.001.0001.

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'Old Oligarch' is a label often applied to the unknown author of the Athenian Constitution preserved with the works of Xenophon. Probably written in the mid-420s B.C., it is the earliest surviving Athenian prose text, and its author was probably a young pupil of the teachers known as sophists. It is an essay which replies to oligarchic criticisms of the Athenian democracy by agreeing with the critics that democracy is distasteful but arguing that it is appropriate for Athens as a city whose power depends on the poorer citizens who row the navy's ships, and that it is successful and could not easily be overthrown. This edition provides a Greek text and English translation, with Introduction, Commentary and Appendixes which discuss the date, authorship and character of the work, the historical background, the statements and arguments presented by the author and features of the author's style.
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The old oligarch. Harrow, Middx: Association of Classical Teachers, 1986.

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(Editor), Kent R. Hughes, and Martin Thorpe (Editor), eds. Old Oligarch (Lactor). London Association of Classical Teachers, 2004.

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(Editor), J. L. Marr, and P. J. Rhodes (Editor), eds. Xenophon: Old Oligarch, the Athenian Constitution (Classical Texts). Aris & Phillips, 2007.

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10

A, Petch James. Old Oligarch; Being the Constitution of the Athenians. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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Частини книг з теми "Old Oligarch"

1

Badie, Bertrand. "The Old Order: From the “Balance of Power” to the Oligarchs’ Club." In New Perspectives on the International Order, 1–15. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94286-5_1.

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"The Old Oligarch." In Early Greek Political Thought from Homer to the Sophists, 133–44. Cambridge University Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511805479.022.

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Hornblower, Simon. "The Old Oligarch (Pseudo-Xenophon’s Athenaion Politeia) and Thucydides: A Fourth-Century Date for the Old Oligarch?" In Thucydidean Themes, 323–46. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199562336.003.0018.

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"Dialogue between the Old Oligarch and the Neo-illuminist." In Kings into Gods, 113–28. BRILL, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004288423_009.

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"Front Matter." In The 'Old Oligarch' The Constitution of the Athenians Attributed to Xenophon, i—vi. Liverpool University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1198swt.1.

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"APPENDIXES." In The 'Old Oligarch' The Constitution of the Athenians Attributed to Xenophon, 169–76. Liverpool University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1198swt.10.

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"INDEX." In The 'Old Oligarch' The Constitution of the Athenians Attributed to Xenophon, 177–80. Liverpool University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1198swt.11.

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"Table of Contents." In The 'Old Oligarch' The Constitution of the Athenians Attributed to Xenophon, vii—viii. Liverpool University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1198swt.2.

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J. L. M. and P. J. R. "PREFACE." In The 'Old Oligarch' The Constitution of the Athenians Attributed to Xenophon, ix—x. Liverpool University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1198swt.3.

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"REFERENCES." In The 'Old Oligarch' The Constitution of the Athenians Attributed to Xenophon, xi—xii. Liverpool University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1198swt.4.

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