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1
MCKIBBIN, WARWICK J., ADELE C. MORRIS, and PETER J. WILCOXEN. "COMPARING CLIMATE COMMITMENTS: A MODEL-BASED ANALYSIS OF THE COPENHAGEN ACCORD." Climate Change Economics 02, no. 02 (May 2011): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s201000781100022x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The political accord struck by leaders at the United Nations negotiations in Copenhagen in December 2009 allows participants to express their greenhouse gas commitments in a variety of ways. This paper compares the environmental and economic performance of these disparate commitments using the G-Cubed model of the global economy. We focus on fossil-fuel-related CO2 and assume targets are achieved domestically. We show how different formulations make the same targets appear different in stringency and explore the Accord's spillover effects across countries. We find that commitments by Japan and Europe imply high carbon prices and relatively high GDP losses. The United States and China both have moderate carbon prices and moderate GDP effects. Australia and Eastern Europe/Former Soviet Union have relatively large GDP effects despite small or zero carbon prices because their terms of trade decline. OPEC suffers a large drop in GDP from a sharp decline in world oil demand.
2
Newnham, Randall. "Russia and Belarus: Economic Linkage in a Patron-Client Relationship." Journal of Belarusian Studies 9, no. 1 (February 17, 2020): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/20526512-12340002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract President Putin has embarked on a program of restoring Russia to world-power status. A key facet of his effort has been to establish a sphere of influence in the ‘Near Abroad,’ the countries of the former Soviet Union. While the world has focused on the dramatic events in Ukraine since 2013, much less attention has been paid to the vital role of Belarus in Putin’s plans. Belarus has long had closer relations with Russia than any other former Soviet state, dating back to the Yeltsin years. This paper will show that Russia has devoted considerable resources to Belarus, showering the country with a variety of economic inducements, including access to the Russian market, subsidized oil and gas, and outright grants and loans. In return, Belarus has tightened its political, economic, and military ties to Moscow. Yet, surprisingly, Belarus also has some bargaining power in this relationship. Its quixotic leader, Alexander Lukashenko, is well aware of his importance to the Kremlin, and uses it to gain even greater economic rewards – thus cementing his own power. This case thus can make an valuable contribution to extending the literature on patron-client relations in International Relations, showing that a client can stand up to its patron in certain circumstances.
3
Hough, Jerry F. "Attack on protectionism in the Soviet Union? A comment." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027211.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Unlike the other countries in what we tend to call “the Soviet bloc,” the Soviet Union benefited financially from the oil crises of the 1970s, for it was a major petroleum and natural gas exporter. The oil crises also benefited the Soviet Union indirectly as a number of radical Third World oil producers acquired money to buy more Soviet arms. Moreover, the windfall increase in petroleum prices was supplemented by a similar windfall increase in the price of the other major Soviet export product, gold. The subsidies that the Soviet Union provided to Eastern Europe did not entail any sacrifice of resources that had been previously committed but required only that it forgo even greater gains. The politics underlying the Soviet decisions were the politics underlying the rapid expansion of export earnings.
4
Aguilera, Roberto F. "The economics of oil and gas supply in the Former Soviet Union." International Journal of Global Energy Issues 35, no. 6 (2012): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijgei.2012.051730.
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Tull, Simon J., David Macdonald, Larisa Voronova, and Graham Blackbourn. "Thematic set; habitat of oil and gas in the former Soviet Union." Petroleum Geoscience 3, no. 4 (November 1997): 313–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/petgeo.3.4.313.
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Smith, Michael R. "Exploration for Oil in the Soviet Union: Special Problems Facing Western Companies." Energy & Environment 9, no. 1-2 (March 1998): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958305x98009001-202.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Soviet Union, including its Republics and Autonomous Regions, although remaining the world's largest oil and gas producer, is seeking the co-operation of the international oil industry to assist in further developing its vast reserves and potential resources. A legislation and taxation system that allows for foreign investment in the Soviet oil industry is being created. Many international oil companies, large and small, are currently evaluating opportunities in the country. Western companies have not been directly involved in Soviet oil operations since 1918. During the intervening years significant diversities of approach, particularly with regard to exploration methods and geological analysis, have emerged between Soviet and western geoscientists. Such differences have caused a myriad of special problems for geologists and geophysicists employed by western oil companies newly evaluating the petroleum potential of the country. These probems must be addressed and overcome before embarking on an expensive exploration or development venture.
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Kirillova, Elena. "Rights of Transit and Intervention in the Oil and Gas Industry of the Former Soviet Union." Journal of Energy & Natural Resources Law 11, no. 4 (November 1993): 262–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02646811.1993.11432967.
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8
Mehdiyoun, Kamyar. "Ownership of Oil and Gas Resources in the Caspian Sea." American Journal of International Law 94, no. 1 (January 2000): 179–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2555242.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the aftermath of the breakup of the Soviet Union and the birth of new sovereign nations bordering the Caspian Sea, the legal status of the sea has emerged as one of the most contentious international problems facing the region. The discovery of large offshore oil and gas deposits in the area has added urgency to the need to resolve the twin issues of the legal status of the sea and the corresponding mining rights.The Caspian, the largest inland body of water in the world, is approximately the size of Japan. The south Caspian is the deepest part and contains the most productive oil and gas fields. The oil-producing area of the south Caspian that holds the most promise extends along a narrow structural zone across the sea from the Apsheron Peninsula in Azerbaijan to the Peri-Balkhan region of western Turkmenistan.
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Bayetova, Nazgul. "Neoliberalism and Kazakhstan's emerging higher education." Journal of Comparative & International Higher Education 11, Winter (March 14, 2020): 89–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jcihe.v11iwinter.1342.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Republic of Kazakhstan is one of the Central Asian countries of the former Soviet Union. The ninth largest country in the world in physical size with a population of over 17 million people and significant oil, iron ore, coal, copper, and gas reserves, Kazakhstan gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. In the early 1990s, the Supreme Court of the Kazakh Social Soviet Republic declared the transition of a planned economy to a market economy. Kazakhstan’s market system has significantly impacted its emerging higher education system. Less government spending and the creation of private universities in Kazakhstan were the core strategies that have been implemented under the neoliberal policies of Nursultan Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan’s president from independence to this year (1991-2019).
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Blackbourn, Graham. "3. Habitat of Oil and Gas in the Former Soviet Union: University of Warwick (UK), 17–18th April." Journal of Petroleum Geology 19, no. 4 (October 1996): 483–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-5457.1996.tb00453.x.
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Bahgat, Gawdat. "Prospects for energy cooperation in the Caspian Sea." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 40, no. 2 (May 17, 2007): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2007.03.006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in late 1991, the Caspian Sea region has been seen as a potential major oil and natural gas reservoir. For more than a decade, the five nations that share the Caspian—Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Turkmenistan—have sought to develop the basin’s hydrocarbon resources. This paper provides an assessment of these resources and examines two major hurdles: lack of consensus on the legal status of the Caspian and disagreement of the most cost effective pipeline routes. It argues that oil and natural gas from the Caspian is certain to contribute to global energy security. However, the Caspian Sea should not be seen as a replacement to the Persian Gulf.
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Taylor, Peter Mark, James Anthony Thornborough, and Mehrdad Nazari. "Developing a National Oil Spill Response System in the Caspian Region: Turkmenistan Case Study1." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2001, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 513–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2001-1-513.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACT The collapse of the former Soviet Union a decade ago has led to increasing interest in the Caspian region as a source of crude oil and gas for global markets. This paper explains the project scope and the framework under which a sustainable national oil spill response system is being developed in Turkmenistan, a former Soviet Republic and one of the Caspian's littoral states. The key success factors of the oil spill contingency planning project in Turkmenistan, which are believed to be relevant for similar activities under development in other parts of the Caspian region, include the support of high-level government representation; a participatory and cross-sectoral approach; adopting a standardized process based on international guidance and Conventions; alliance of local and international experts to provide input and support the progress of the project; and accumulation of knowledge and its dissemination using digital media.
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Chen, Jia He. "Status of the Development and Application of Oil Sand." Advanced Materials Research 562-564 (August 2012): 367–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.562-564.367.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Oil and natural gas are important energy and chemical raw materials, its resources are gradually reduced. With the rapid development of the global economy, the conventional oil resources can’t meet the rapid growth of oil demand, people began turning to unconventional oil resources, one of which is the oil sands. Oil sands is unconventional oil resources, if its proven reserves are converted into oil, it will be much larger than the world's proven oil reserves. Canadian oil sands reserves stand ahead in the world, followed by the former Soviet Union, Venezuela, the United States and China. However, due to its special properties, different mining and processing technology, and higher mining costs compared with conventional oil, the research of oil sands makes slow progress. At present, due to the rising of world oil price, oil sands mining technology have attracted more and more attention, and have developed a lot.
14
Sinuraya, Timur. "Possible International Forums for the Resolution of Legal Conflicts Over Pipeline Transit in the Former Soviet Union." Leiden Journal of International Law 14, no. 2 (June 2001): 445–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156501000231.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The development of the former USSR oil and gas resources presents considerable political and legal challenges, such as intergovernmental agreements, delimitation of borders, and jurisdiction over the energy resources (e.g., Caspian basin). In this respect the pipeline transportation and transit have become increasingly important issues. In view of Article 7 of the Energy Charter Treaty, the novel public international law obligation of states to facilitate and not to impede the transport of energy through pipelines, this article will briefly consider the possible international forums for the resolution of legal conflicts over pipeline transit in the former Soviet Union.
15
Kilic, Ahmet Mahmut. "Major Utilization of Natural Gas in Turkey." Energy Exploration & Exploitation 23, no. 2 (April 2005): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/0144598054529978.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of this paper is the major utilization of natural gas in Turkey. Turkey is rapidly growing in terms of both its economy and population due to its demand for energy. In the new world energy order, gas usage with no doubt will continue to grow well into the 21st century. Natural gas has been available for Turkish consumption for 17 years. Its use expanded sharply after the signing of the first sales and purchase agreement with the former Soviet Union in 1986. Turkish natural gas usage is projected to increase remarkably in coming years, with the prime consumers, expected to be industry and power plants. Energy demand of Turkey is growing by 8% annually, one of the highest rates in the world. In addition, natural gas consumption is the fastest growing primary energy source in Turkey. Gas sales started at 0.5 bcm (billion cubic meters), in 1987 and reached approximately 22 bcm in 2003. Turkey is an important candidate to be the “energy corridor” in the transmission of the abundant oil and natural gas resources of the Middle East and Middle Asia countries to the Western market.
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Ibrayeva, Aigerim, Raikhan Tashtemkhanova, Aigerim Ospanova, Baubek Somzhurek, and Aiman Azmukhanova. "Energy Export Potential in the Caspian Region and Its Impact on EU Energy Security." Periodica Polytechnica Social and Management Sciences 25, no. 2 (June 14, 2017): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3311/ppso.10644.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Energy security has emerged in recent years as one of the cornerstones of the European Union’s (EU’s) foreign policy. The EU is highly dependent on imports of oil and gas, 35 per cent of which comes from Russia. Diversification of energy supplies is thus a key goal for the EU. The Caspian region contains some of the largest undeveloped oil and gas reserves in the world. The intense interest shown by the major international oil and gas companies testifies to its potential. Although the area is unlikely to become “another Middle East”, it could become a major oil supplier at the margin, much as the North Sea is today. As such it could help increase world energy security by diversifying global sources of supply. Development of the region’s resources still faces considerable obstacles. This study focuses on the countries along the southern rim of the former Soviet Union that are endowed with significant oil and gas resources: Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan in Central Asia, and Azerbaijan in Transcaucasia. The Southern Energy Corridor (SEC), which aims to link Caspian Basin and potentially Middle East gas supplies to Europe, is one of the EU’s six priority axes of energy infrastructures. Drawing on the external governance literature, this article provides an analysis of the EU’s efforts in the wider Black Sea area to increase its energy security. It concludes that despite difficult domestic and geopolitical obstacles, the EU is pushing forward its objective to establish the SEC.
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Korol, V. M., S. M. Korol, and A. A. Lysenko. "LABOR MIGRATION OF UKRAINIANS IN THE USSR: GUEST WORKER’S DIARY OF STAGNATION ERA AS A SOURCE TO THE STUDY OF THE PHENOMENON." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 55 (2019): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.55.1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The publication is devoted to the study of the features of the phenomenon of Ukrainians labour migration during the Soviet era. Since the early 1970s, oil and gas production and sales abroad have become a major contributor to USSR profits. More and more personnel from the entire Soviet Union had to be recruited to produce hydrocarbons in the Far North. Thousands of Ukrainians went to work to develop oil fields and build infrastructure. The state government encouraged them with high pay and benefits. Diary of a Ukrainian guest worker Mykola Havrysh is introduced to scientific circulation in the publication. M. Havrysh was born in Sumy region, and at the Stagnation period he worked on the development of oil fields in Western Siberia. This diary describes the life of the author and his construction team chronologically from the autumn of 1974 to the summer of 1975. Different aspects and variants of motivation of workers to come to the Far North are defined in the text. The everyday life and leisure activities of the Soviet workers of the northern oil-producing territories are vividly illustrated. Staying in a harsh climate has made a significant impact on people’s lives. The daily life described in the pages of the diary is marked by unpretentiousness. Hunting and drinking alcohol were the most common entertainments for oilmen. The text of the published diary is accompanied by scanned copies of the author’s sketches and photographs from the Havrysh family archive. Key words: labour migration, guest workers, Far North, Stagnation period, diary, everyday life.
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ROSE, RICHARD. "Governance in Russia: A View from the Bottom." Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, no. 2 (November 2003): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109903001269.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The governance of Russia is important in a multiplicity of ways. As the successor state of the Soviet Union, it retains characteristics of a global superpower, including a nuclear arsenal and a permanent seat in the Security Council of the United Nations. As a country with land or sea borders extending from Japan and China across Central Asia to the boundaries of an enlarging European Union, Russian affairs concern neighbours across much of the globe. As a land rich in natural resources such as oil, gas and gold, controllers of these resources have significant assets in the international economy. As a political system that has made a massive turn from a post-totalitarian one-party state to a government holding free competitive elections, the Russian Federation is a leading example of a regime in transformation. Above all, as the primary institution affecting the lives of more than 140 million people, the governance of Russia is important to its citizens.
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Asadov, Murad. "The Russian Factor in Turkey's Georgian Policy after the Russian-Georgian War (August 2008)." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 8, no. 04 (April 29, 2020): 1738–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v8i04.em06.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Formation of new states in the South Caucasus and Central Asia after the collapse of the Soviet Union raised to have relations with the Turkic peoples of Central Asia first in the history of the Republic for Turkey. Foreign policy the Caucasus continues to evolve in its foreign policy strategy. A force associated with this well-intentioned policy, which is adjacent to the Laki region, is always offered. Whenever Turkey wants to enter the Caucasus, it will not be adversely affected by other countries. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Russia's influence in the region was weak. The nickname was temporary. At the beginning of the 21st century, Vladimir Putin received a well-developed document with the credibility of Putin.
Turkey’s north-east neighbour Georgia is not a very big country, it has a particular importance of the geostrategic position not only in the Caucasus region but also in Turkey. Especially, the location of Georgia in the center of the transport and trade routes to the Caucasus and Central Asia increases its geostrategic status more. The main positive turning point in the development of Georgia-Turkey relations happened with the realization of oil and natural gas pipelines to run Caspian oil through Tbilisi to Turkey and from there to the West.
This article will explore the Turkish-Russian relations of the late twentieth and early twenty first century and the Russian factor in Turkey's South Caucasus policy following the August 2008 events.
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Kozmenko, S. Yu. "ECONOMIC DOMINATION OF RUSSIA ON THE WORLD OIL MARKET." Север и рынок: формирование экономического порядка 68, no. 2/2020 (October 22, 2020): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.37614/2220-802x.2.2020.68.006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the trends in Russia’s positioning on the world oil energy market in the 20thand early 21stcenturies, defines the role of oil in generating oil and gas revenues for the Federal budget of the Russian Federation, and shows the mechanism for filling the budget during tax maneuvers. The reasons for the occurrence of “oil dependence” of the Russianeconomy and the objective need to maintain such a situation during the period of overcoming consequences of the new coronavirus pandemic, that is, in conditions of a general decline in oil demand, are substantiated.In the 1980s, the symptoms of the so-called “Dutch disease” began to appear in the Soviet Union (by analogy with the gas sphere). Light oil money appeared and, despite the fact that in the early 1980s, revenues from oil and gas exports in the USSR budget did not exceed 10%, nevertheless, a decrease in oil prices in the second half of the 1980sled to a well-known economic and then political collapse.This was followed by a reduction in oil production and due to rising oil prices up to USD 140 perbarrel in the beginning of the XXI century, anever greater filling in the export niche of with oil. Finally, the country found itself in a “drug dependence” on the position of Russia and the economic situation on the world oil market.Today, in the context of overcoming the consequences of the new coronavirus pandemic, this should be taken for granted and optimally ensure the preservation of Russia’s competitive positions in the main regions of Russian oil consumption ––Europe and Asia-Pacific countries, mainly in China, India and South Korea,as part of a dominance policy Russia in these regions through increasing exports of oil and petroleum products.
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Serry, Arnaud. "Containerisation in the Baltic Sea Region: Development, Characteristics and Contemporary Organisation." European Spatial Research and Policy 26, no. 1 (July 11, 2019): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.26.1.01.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The main focus of the paper is on the container system development in the Baltic Sea Region studying cotemporary changes and organisation, as well as explaining the main driving forces of this situation.
The Baltic Sea is a transport corridor between Eastern and Western Europe. Over the last decade maritime transport in the Baltic Sea area has changed significantly. The disintegration of the Soviet Union forced Russia to start developing its own Baltic ports and terminals and to find new routes to export its oil and gas. The Baltic ports have welcomed a remarkable growth, especially in oil transportation and containerised flows.
The geographical configuration of the region naturally places it away from major global shipping lines. This situation is accentuated by the organisation of maritime regular lines, centred in Northern European ports. For this reason, the regional container network is mainly made up of feeder services.
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Stulberg, Adam N. "Setting the Agenda in the Caspian Basin: The Political Economy of Russia’s Energy Leverage." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1608 (January 1, 2003): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2003.94.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia emerged as the dominant successor state in Eurasia. Yet much to the surprise of great power enthusiasts, Moscow has both succeeded remarkably and failed miserably at exploiting its preponderance to set the terms for ownership, development, and export of the prized energy reserves in the Caspian Basin. One the one hand, it has effectively manipulated favorable power asymmetries and monopoly over the existing pipeline infrastructure to strand competitive gas exports from Turkmenistan. On the other hand, Russia has been able only to retard the pace of Kazakhstan 's independent gas exploration and has reluctantly conceded to Astana's preferred legal remedy for dividing the Caspian seabed. Moscow has had even less success with Azerbaijan, incapable of deterring Baku's campaign to diversify main oil export routes at Russia's expense. The Kremlin has seemingly lost control over Russian oil firms in the process, unable to prevent them from participating in Azerbaijani-sponsored consortia that are dominated by foreign competitors. How do states use their preponderance as an instrument of coercive power, and how does this explain Russia's mixed success in the Caspian Basin?
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Kalenova, S. A. "On cooperation of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan within the EAEU in the field of energy and transport." Bulletin of "Turan" University, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46914/1562-2959-2021-1-1-64-67.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the context of increasing competition between states, especially in the context of the ever-growing COVID–2019 pandemic, when there is a decline in energy prices, a decrease in the consumption of gas, oil and petroleum products, the correct approach to the use of energy resources of the states this union. especially important for the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union. Also the efficient organization of transport routes for the export of energy resources to foreign international markets is important. The article proposes a scheme of state regulation that can, in our opinion, solve the problems of implementing the strategic priorities of our states, in particular, the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan (especially with regard to Kazakhstan's transit opportunities) in the field of energy and transport. The next important step is the further development of industrial and innovative technological development in the field of energy in our countries. The article also notes the problems in the weak integration of the scientific potential of the two countries. It should be emphasized that the collective use of the scientific potential of both states is not such a difficult problem, since in the Soviet period science developed only through joint efforts. Scientific institutes constantly shared their achievements. Joint conferences, symposia and other events were actively held, where it was possible not only to learn about the latest achievements, but also to agree on any joint projects, especially since there is no language barrier between the post-Soviet states.
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Ibrahimov, Rovshan. "Energy strategy development of Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan: A Comparative Analysis." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 21, no. 2 (July 2018): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2018.21.2.66.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan are three post-Soviet countries, which are in varying degrees rich of energy resources. After gaining independence, oil and gas wealth were the main resources for overcoming acute economic stagnation, and later the formation of the economy itself in all of these countries. Even today, the energy sector is form base and essential in their economies. As from the declaration of independence of these three countries already twentyseven years has passed, the energy strategy has become diversified and differ from each other. This is due to many factors, both internal and external. What factor affected this phenomenon will be explained in this article. Also in his article will provide information on the development of the energy sector in Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, from the moment they gain independence until today. The specifics of the energy strategy development in each country will be highlighted and further a comparative analysis will be conducted, according to which common points and differences between these former republics of the Soviet Union will be determined. This will allow considering the prospect of further development of the energy sector both: in these countries and in other countries, whose economy is also mainly based on the energy sector.
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Shurubovich, A. V. "The Union State and Actual Problems of Russian- Byelorussian Integration." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2019): 244–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-3-244-258.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
December 8, 2019 will be the 20-eth anniversary of signing of the Treaty of creation of the Union state by the presidents of Russia and Byelorussia. The phenomenon of the Union state (US) and the road passed by it are sufficiently contradictory. On the one hand, the US is undoubtedly the most advanced integration alignment on the post-Soviet area and a pattern for other associations. For the period of forming of the US considerable progress in all spheres of cooperation has been achieved. The mutual trade volume grew from $9,3 bln in 2000 to $35,6 bln in 2018. Investment cooperation and industrial cooperation are developing, joint programs are being realized. The documents aimed at securing of equal rights of the two countries’ citizens have been signed and are being realized; military and political as well as cooperation at the regional level is developing. On the other hand, many aims of the US have not been attained, its construction has actually been frozen. The integration process evidently slips, many conceptual issues of the union construction stay unsettled. Serious contradictions between the parties on a number of important economic and political issues remain; periodically serious conflicts (“oil”, “gas”, “milk” etc.) accompanied by “information wars” and questioning the prospects of the Russian-Byelorussian integration arise. Recently Russia raises a question of the necessity to accelerate integration in the framework of the US binding it with maintenance of preferences for Byelorussia in mutual economic relations. The action program of the two countries aimed at activization of integration cooperation in the US is being prepared. However, between the parties serious differences stipulated, first of all, by unwillingness of Byelorussia to waive its sovereignty still remain. Just in the near time it will be clear whether the parties will manage to overcome these differences and start a new stage in the development of integration.
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Tretyakova, Albina. "The Soviet Oil and Natural Gas Industries (Problems of Reserve Estimation). By Alexei Mahmoudov. Foreword by Leslie Dienes. Monograph Series on the Soviet Union. Falls Church, Va.: Delphic Associates, 1986. vii, 95 pp. Figures. Maps. Tables. Paper." Slavic Review 47, no. 2 (1988): 342–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498493.
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Borisova, Yu М. "Future common power market in the EEU countries: problems and prospects." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 1 (April 11, 2019): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-1-43-52.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Regional and sub regional markets development is one of the main aspects of integration, which is common in modern world. Integration process affects greatly global economic, trade, infrastructure and energy cooperation between the states.Energy markets become less manageable, energy security global structure is also changing. EEU is a part of this trend, country-members of which is one of the world’s biggest energy regions. Union countries has already formed common customs territory, which allows to provide free finance flow and people’s movement. Mutual trade in 2017 increased by 19% compared to 2015 year. But there are few problems, which slow down integrational process. All country’s equal rights to affect decision — making on the one hand provide to smaller countries an ability to protect their interests, on the other — delay common decision making.Common power market is important step forward to complex integration, which anticipated EEU common gas and oil markets. EEU energy sector operates common soviet-period infrastructure using unified standards. Creation of common power market will boost trade and economic cooperation between the EEU members. However, different energy potential, level of industry development, different schemes of EEU energy market operations complicate the whole EEU integration process.
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Simon, György. "Technical progress and its factors in Russia’s economy." Ekonomski anali 55, no. 186 (2010): 7–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka1086007s.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this paper long-term growth in Russia?s economy is viewed in the context of technical progress, based on both neoclassical and endogenous theories. The dynamics of economic growth with some aspects of catch-up development are examined, as well as capital deepening. TFP is quantified in terms of both output and productivity increases to reveal the leading role of embodied technical progress in productivity growth. An endogenous growth model helped to discern three complex factors of technical progress in the Russian economy, to which at the macro level a factor related to natural wealth (oil and gas resources) was added. This enabled the author to conclude that the most important macroeconomic factor of Russia?s technical progress in the half century from the early 1960s to the late 2000s was its immobile component. At the manufacturing level the situation was more complicated, as the initial leadership of creative technical progress was superseded by the dominance of the mobile factor. The collapse of the Soviet Union made the Russian economy more service-oriented and radically changed the conditions of economic modernization, in which technology transfer ensured by FDI began to play a more prominent part, particularly after the default of 1998.
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Gómez Martos, Francisco. "China’s “One Belt, One Road Initiative”: challenges and requirements for its successful implementation in Central Asia." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (September 15, 2017): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2017.22.3.10.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Twenty five years after the dissolution of the former Soviet Union and the reemergence of the Central Asian Republics as independent States, this region continues to be the scene of rivalries amongst the big powers (Russia, China, the European Union, USA, India, Japan, Turkey and Iran) competing in a sort of a “new Grand Game” to increase their geopolitical and economic influence in the region. Its geography, diverse and rich natural resources, like oil and gas, explain the ongoing hidden rivalries. Despite its common historical and cultural past, Central Asia constitutes a heterogeneous region with a multiethnic and multi-linguistic composition and a low degree of physical, economic and trade integration. The lack of mutual trust, the persisting tension over borders and the use and sharing of natural resources, as well as different levels of economic performance have so far jeopardized the development of genuine regional cooperation. Against this background, the idea behind the Chinese OBOR Initiative to develop rapid transportation, if well implemented, could theoretically, by improving interregional connectivity, develop the Central Asia regional market and foster intergovernmental cooperation and people-to-people contacts within the region. In this context, could we expect that the ambitious Chinese OBOR Initiative will boost geopolitical stability and promote shared economic and trade benefits in Central Asia? What are the conditions for that need to be fulfilled?The author analyzes in depth certain crucial political, economic and institutional requirements for the successful implementation of the OBOR Strategy and concludes, however, that three years after the launching of this crucial instrument of the Chinese “globalization without democracy” model, its implementation faces major problems and thus raises more doubts than certainties.
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Sethy, Bhagyadhar. "INDIA-RUSSIA ENERGY COOPERATION BLOOMING TIES BEYOND THE HORIZON." International Journal of Advanced Research 8, no. 11 (November 30, 2020): 705–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12059.
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Russia and India have a long history of cooperation in the energy sector. The prospects for the development of the energy dialogue are as promising now as they were during the period of friendship between the Soviet Union and India. Since the late 2000s, the Russia–India energy partnership has been enjoying a renaissance. So why is now the time for Russia to think seriously about giving a new impetus to the energy dialogue with India? India is the worlds third largest energy consumer and a major energy importer with steadily growing demand. Russia is a key global producer and exporter of petroleum and natural gas. The two countries needs naturally complement each other. The current energy bilateral cooperation, already strong, can significantly extend to new sources such as Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG). Building on these can be an industry in natural gas vehicles and renewable energy, enabling economic instruments, such as energy benchmarks, and a policy framework, including labour mobility, to develop a skills corridor in energy. This paper examines the current state of Energy and economic relations between India and Russia. It flags the major issues that hinder development of economic ties between the two countries and discusses future prospects for growth. India and Russia have a long-standing relationship and securing an economic and energy partnership is important from both the diplomatic and geopolitical perspectives. Russia has a vital role in ensuring Indias energy security in the coming decade. India imports oil, mostly from the volatile region of the Middle East. However, to sustain current high rates of growth, India needs to secure and diversify its energy sources. How Russia is an obvious choice in this respect?
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Kondratenko, Oleg. "UKRAINIAN AND SYRIAN ISSUES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AS TWO SIDES OF GEOPOLITICS." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 128 (2016): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2016.128.0.51-67.
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The article gives a detailed analysis of the confrontation between the leading centers of global influence – the EU, the US and Russia, which led to the aggravation of the situation in two countries at once. It was found that both Ukraine and Syria face the risk of becoming a major geopolitical struggle springboard between Russia and the West. Russia’s military presence in Syria in particular is to build military bases in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, by supporting the regime in Damascus. Expanding the strategic impact of Russia is also in supervising oil and gas market and transit of energy resources to the EU. Continuation of military intervention in Syria and Ukraine had a profound impact on the security situation in the former Soviet Union and the Middle East. This reality makes all members of the settlement of these conflicts reconsider their foreign policy strategy and future plans regarding Ukraine and Syria. EU and US support only peaceful diplomatic solution to the crisis in eastern Ukraine through the allocation opposing sides of the contact line and holding democratic elections. Meanwhile, Syria’s main task for the West is fighting against ISIS and removing the current authoritarian regime from power. Russia does not show much interest in resolving these regional crises and intends to maintain instability in Eurasia and the Middle East.
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Lynnyk, I., K. Vakulenko, N. Shille, and N. Katasonova. "STATE OF ATMOSPHERIC AIR IN KHARKIV AND KHARKIV REGION." Municipal economy of cities 6, no. 159 (November 27, 2020): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33042/2522-1809-2020-6-159-29-35.
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The risk of chemical pollution is assessed by the level of its possible negative impact on the atmosphere, soils, groundwater and surface water, vegetation, animals and humans. The state of atmospheric air in Kharkiv and Kharkiv region is analyzed and it is revealed that atmospheric air pollution comes from mobile and stationary sources of pollution. One of the main sources of pollution is thermal power plants and oil and gas companies. The largest number of emissions from stationary sources is in Zmiiv, Krasnograd, Balakliia, Chuguiv districts and Kharkiv. The largest number of emissions from mobile sources is observed in Kharkiv and Derhachiv districts. The most polluted areas of the city of Kharkiv were identified, especially the central district and the area of the railway station, and the causes of pollution were established. As a result of comparison of the accepted maximum admissible concentrations of chemical substances in Ukraine, the USA and the countries of the European Union it is revealed that the Ukrainian norms are stricter. An analysis of emissions since 1990 found that their 9,14-fold reduction was due to a reduction in production and the closure of some enterprises as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union. The sharp drop in emissions since 2013 is also due to the economic crisis and hostilities in eastern Ukraine. The reduction of emissions is explained not only by the reduction of production volumes, but also by the implementation of air protection measures carried out at the enterprises of the city and the region. There is a close link between pollutant emissions and gross domestic product (GDP) production, which can be used in the future to forecast emissions. Measures aimed at improving the state of atmospheric air in Kharkiv region and the city of Kharkiv are presented.
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al-Hariri, Jasim Unis. "Israeli penetration of Central Asian nations and repercussions for relations with the Arab world*." Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 322–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.593956.
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Israel has gradually extended its influence in Central Asia, both strengthening and diversifying bilateral relations there in order to open the doors of the region to its investments in ways that will bolster its position in Palestine and the region and have repercussions for Arab relations with the nations of Central Asia. Since the collapse of the former Soviet Union there has been an international scramble for influence in Central Asia and a race to penetrate its markets as well as to ensure access to its vast natural resources including oil, natural gas, gold and uranium. The mechanisms of influence – employed by various powers including Israel, Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt (among others) – range from trade and economic incentives to joint business ventures and agreements to exchanges – technical, educational and cultural – as well cultural and religious initiatives inclusive of local Muslim populations and Jewish diasporas. This research paper seeks to respond to a number of important questions and significantly: What are the reasons for Israeli manoeuvring and penetration into Central Asia? What are the means by which Israel employs to facilitate the attendant processes? What are the factors that positively or negatively impact Israeli operations in the region? What are future scenarios for Israeli manoeuvring in and penetration of Central Asia? This paper operates on the hypothesis that Israeli penetration of Central Asia may have possible political and economic effects and negative repercussions for Arab relations with the region.
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Pradhan, Ramakrushna. "Energy Geopolitics and Pipeline Diplomacy in Central Asia: India’s Interests and Policy Options." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 24, no. 2 (August 25, 2020): 216–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598420943434.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The global energy scenario is undergoing a tectonic shift in recent times. While energy security has been emerging as one of the cornerstones of the foreign policy of major countries, a new geological survey has the promise of new discoveries and reserves untapped. One such epic new frontier of the world geological survey has been the post-Soviet Central Asia consisting of five “Stans” of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan, along with the Caspian Sea region. Sitting on huge untapped hydrocarbon potentials, the Central Asian geographical entity in recent years has offered enormous opportunity and appeal for countries adjacent to the region and far beyond. That is perhaps the reason that even after the disintegration of the USSR, the geopolitical importance of Central Asia has never waned down, instead it emerged as a grand chessboard for regional and extra-regional players for the immense opportunities it offered for the energy-crunch countries as potentially new and non-OPEC source of oil and natural gas. In the quest for energy security and diversity of supply sources by energy consumers, the heartland has witnessed a new great game in the scramble for resources. This accentuated struggle for oil and energy in the region has further led to aggressive foreign policy formulations and strategic calculation by countries such as the United States, China, the European Union, Japan, Israel, Iran, Pakistan, and India, to which many now call “the New Great Game” for not just controlling but administering energy resources of the region. The bottom line of the New Great Game, unlike the previous version, is essentially played out around petropolitics and pipeline diplomacy. To support the scramble for energy in Central Asia and the aggressive petropolitics and pipeline diplomacy by major powers, the study adopts the peak oil theory of Club of Rome thesis to understand the global tectonic shift of energy frontiers. Further, this article attempts to examine the position of India in Central Asia and its policy initiatives in the epic quest for oil and energy in the traditional bastion of Russia and the new grand chessboard of China and the United States.
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Manheim, F. T., E. E. Peck, and C. M. Lane. "Determination of Interstitial Chloride in Shales and Consolidated Rocks by a Precision Leaching Technique." Society of Petroleum Engineers Journal 25, no. 05 (October 1, 1985): 704–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/12724-pa.
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Abstract We have devised a technique for determining chloride in interstitial water of consolidated rocks. Samples of rocks ranging from 5 to 10 g are crushed and sieved under controlled conditions and then ground with distilled water to submicron size in a closed mechanical mill. After ultra-centrifugation, chloride content is determined by coulometric titration. The chloride concentrations and total pore-water concentrations, obtained earlier from the same pore-water concentrations, obtained earlier from the same samples by low-temperature vacuum desiccation, are used to arrive at the "original" pore-water chloride concentrations by a simple iteration procedure. Interstitial chlorinity results obtained from Cretaceous and Jurassic strata in the Gulf of Mexico coastal areas ranged from 20 to 100 g/kg Cl with reproducibility approaching +/- 1%. We have also applied the technique to igneous and metamorphic bedrocks as well as ocean basalts containing 1 % water or less. Chloride values ranging from 6.7 to 20 g/kg with a reproducibility of about 5% were obtained. Introduction This paper outlines a technique for precision analysis of interstitial chloride and water content (porosity) of shales and other consolidated rocks from deep-earth strata. Nearly all the literature on the composition of interstitial water (formation fluid) of deep-earth strata refers to fluids from reservoir rocks or permeable horizons. In many areas, shales or other nonreservoir rocks constitute the bulk of sedimentary sequences. These rocks contain interstitial fluids of generally unknown composition. The paucity of data is caused partly by the lack of access to fresh cores and partly by analytical difficulties in obtaining interstitial water from such materials. Until the late 1960's, much of the analytical literature dealing with pore fluids from deep sedimentary nonreservoir rocks was published in the Soviet Union and in references cited by those authors. Since then, interest in several hydrochemical phenomena relating to nonreservoir rocks has increased among phenomena relating to nonreservoir rocks has increased among scientists in the U.S. and other Western countries: interest in hydrocarbon resources in overpressured strata dominated by undercompacted shales that may have anomalous chloride content; need for knowledge of the proportion of bound water (electrolyte-poor) in porosity proportion of bound water (electrolyte-poor) in porosity during quantitative interpretation of electrical logs for oil and gas saturation in shaly sands; need for better understanding of nonreservoir rocks as sealing beds for deep waste disposal; and, finally, a desire to understand better the hydrochemical history of deeper sedimentary basins. However, only a relatively few field studies are available on the topics in question. Many of these are student theses or work based on them. The basic procedure underlying the studies of interstitial water composition of shales is simply crushing and grinding a rock sample, leaching it with distilled water, and analyzing the leachate. The salt content of the solid is then related to an independent determination of total pore fluid or porosity. Techniques based on this principle were used for shallow groundwater studies, for general rocks, and for studying oilfield drill cores. Comments in the literature and our own experiments suggest that simple approaches to the leaching process may yield accuracies of 10 to 20% for chlorides in rocks with a significant PV fraction. As water contents decrease to 1%, however, an uncontrolled system may easily yield errors of several hundred percent and uncertainties associated with the bound water (see the section called Discussion). Most of the studies of interstitial chlorinity of water composition in deep oilfield strata have been performed on stored, dried, or partly dried materials and/or have used insufficiently documented or quantified techniques. The goal of this study has been to approach a reproducibility and relative accuracy of I % in the values of interstitial chloride, given our definition of mobile water discussed later. Sampling and Handling of Drilling-Core Samples A potential source of error in interstitial fluid analysis is the contamination of cores by drilling fluid. However, experience in the Deep Sea Drilling Project and other drilling studies 11–15 show that, if external contaminated layers are cut or chipped away from undeformed normal, non-fractured silty-clay cores soon after recovery, virtually unaffected inner sections can be obtained. Even permeable (reservoir-type) rocks sometimes may be sampled successfully for pore-fluid study. During wireline coring by the AMCOR project with the drilling vessel Glomar Conception on the Atlantic Continental Shelf, virtually identical pore-fluid chloride profiles were obtained in repeated drillings performed with seawater and freshwater drilling fluids (Fig. 1). SPEJ P. 704
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CLAYTON, JERRY, U.S. Geological Sur. "Oil and Gas Basins in the Former Soviet Union." AAPG Bulletin 77 (1993). http://dx.doi.org/10.1306/bdff7ef8-1718-11d7-8645000102c1865d.
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"Oil & Gas Statistics of the Former Soviet Union 1995." Energy Exploration & Exploitation 13, no. 6 (December 1995): 599–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014459879501300603.
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Bernhard H. Metzger. "Environmental Assessment of Oil and Gas Ventures in the Former Soviet Union: ABSTRACT." AAPG Bulletin 78 (1994). http://dx.doi.org/10.1306/8d2b0670-171e-11d7-8645000102c1865d.
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V. E. KHAIN (2), B. A. SOKOLOV (2),. "Tectonic and Geodynamic Setting of Oil and Gas Basins of the Soviet Union (1)." AAPG Bulletin 75 (1991). http://dx.doi.org/10.1306/0c9b27bd-1710-11d7-8645000102c1865d.
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V. E. Khain, Yu. K. Burlin. "Oil and Gas Basins of the Pacific Margin of the Soviet Union: Proven and Probable: ABSTRACT." AAPG Bulletin 74 (1990). http://dx.doi.org/10.1306/44b4b41e-170a-11d7-8645000102c1865d.
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Temnikov, Roman. "Influence of an energy factor on the relations between Azerbaijan and Russia." Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem, 2018, 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33674/120189.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The relations between Azerbaijan and Russia have deep historical roots. For about two centuries they have been part of common state – Russian empire and the Soviet Union. Such cohabitation in the frames of one state had led to emergence of common features in development of two societies. One of these features is an important role of oil and gas production in economy. But despite of this similarity the Azerbaijani-Russian relations were not always benevolent. First of all, Azerbaijan for almost two centuries had been under Russian occupation. Even after dissolution of the USSR the relations of the former center – Moscow with the former Soviet republic which restored the independence – Azerbaijan, remained difficult. Practically from the first years of independence energy factor in the Azerbaijani-Russian relations has had the negative impact on already tense relations between two countries. During the modern period, after the beginning of gas production on new fields in Azerbaijan and after completion of the Southern gas corridor’ construction on delivery of the Azerbaijani gas to Europe, the Azerbaijani-Russian relations will expect hard times again.
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"The World Economy: Globalisation and its impact on world real interest rates." National Institute Economic Review 196 (April 1, 2006): 10–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027950106067037.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Our estimates indicate that global output increased by 4.7 per cent in 2005. This followed an expansion of 5.2 per cent in 2004, and we expect further annual rises of 4¾ and 4½ per cent in 2006 and 2007, respectively. Global growth averaged just less than 3½ per cent per annum between 1975 and 2003, and exceeded 4½ per cent in only five of these years. We have not seen an extended global expansion of the magnitude expected for 2004–7 since the early 1970s. While growth in the OECD economies is expected to average 2.9 per cent per annum between 2004 and 2007, which is slightly higher than the average annual rate of 2.7 per cent experienced in 1975–2003, the bulk of the recent global strength comes from outside the OECD, as illustrated in figure 1. The acceleration of global growth can be attributed partly to developments in formerly centrally planned economies, such as Russia and other regions of the former Soviet Union. Severe recessions in these regions associated with the introduction of market forces and economic transition restrained world growth in the early 1990s. A strong rebound in these economies since the late 1990s has recently been further strengthened by rising prices for oil and gas. The former Soviet Union supplied 14 per cent of global oil in 2005 and holds over 30 per cent of proven global natural gas reserves. The high oil price is also expected to support growth in OPEC member states as well as other oil producing nations in South America and Africa. However, output growth in these regions has historically been relatively volatile, and the outlook for these economies remains a risk to our central forecast for world growth.
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"Sergey Rumyancev, Ускользающая современность: постсоветская модернизация Азербайджана / Vanishing Modernity: The Post-Soviet Modernization of Azerbaijan". PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 2, № 1-2 (30 грудня 2014): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v2i1-2_8.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article focuses on the debates situation of post-soviet modernization and transformation of Azerbaijan. The Azerbaijani economy failed to become a market economy, and remains instead predominantly based on the extraction and sale of oil and natural gas. Cities are being ruralised instead of the urbanization of rural areas. In its turn, industrialization ended together with the Soviet Union. A more or less tangible individualization and fragmentation of social life are not part of the history of post-Soviet Azerbaijan either. The political and economic systems of Azerbaijan are an imitation of a modern state. It is an example of a simulacrum state and a total imitation of modern political institutions and relations. In other words: The political regime in Azerbaijan is a complex of imitative practices, relations and “institutional camouflages” that enable a broad international presentation of Azerbaijan, effectively privatized by a small group of people, as a modern state that exists in reality.
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Khalilzada, Javadbay. "Modernization and Social Change in Azerbaijan: Assessing the Transformation of Azerbaijan through the Theories of Modernity." New Middle Eastern Studies 9, no. 2 (September 30, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/nmes.v9i2.3274.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The socialist development model of the Soviet Union has attracted much scholarly attention over the years, but the modernization experiences of singular post-Soviet countries (e.g. Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkmenistan) are rarely discussed. This may be because these countries have only recently gained their independence in the early 1990s and that perhaps most observers are still unsure about their trajectories. This study aims to contribute to the literature by examining the case of Azerbaijan in light of various influential theories of modernity (i.e. the classical modernization theory, neo-modernization theory and multiple modernities paradigm). Azerbaijan’s modernization process has been characterized by fluctuations, reversals and various external influences over the years. The country first emerged as an independent political entity in 1918 and attempted to follow a systematic cultural Westernization and secularization program. Yet it was occupied by the Bolshevik Red Army in 1920 and annexed into the newly formed Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) – being forced to conform to the top-down socialist development model directed by Moscow for many decades. Since gaining its independence once again after the disintegration of the USSR in 1991, Azerbaijan has operated as a secularist country, faltering to democratize and trying to integrate to the global economic system as an energy-producing (i.e. oil and natural gas) rentier economy. While Azerbaijan has sought to become part of the so-called “Western civilization” via building close ties with Turkey, US, Israel, NATO and the EU, the ruling elites in Baku have resisted any calls for democratic reform – not unlike the rentier economies of the Middle East such as Iran and Saudi Arabia. This article will argue that the complex development track of Azerbaijan provides an appropriate case to challenge the hypotheses of the classical modernization and neo-modernization theories, while supporting those of the multiple modernities paradigm.
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Drager, Paul. "The Legal Framework for Doing Business in Russia: A Summary." Alberta Law Review, May 2, 1994, 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/alr672.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Canadian oil and gas industry has been particularly successful in establishing operations in Russia. The author argues that the Canadian penetration of Russia's byzantine legislation, regulation and bureaucracy is due to Canada's long history of governmental and commercial dealings with the former Soviet Union; to Canada's relatively low profile on the international political scene; and to the fact that those involved in the petroleum industries in Canada and Russia share similar experiences in terms of the problems posed by climate, geology and jurisdictional overlap in both countries, experiences which have led to mutual understanding and enhanced co-operation. The author provides an overview of the issues and options which confront a Canadian company in the process of establishing a viable operation in Russia. He suggests that patience, flexibility and long-term planning are the management tools required to succeed in Russia's fluid and complex legal and legislative environment.
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Dolchinkov, Nikolay, and Bonka Encheva Karaivanova –Dolchinkova. "STATE AND PROSPECTS OF THE RUSSIAN URANIUM MINING AND URANIUM PROCESSING INDUSTRY IN THE CONTEXT OF WORLD DEVELOPMENT." KNOWLEDGE - International Journal, March 20, 2019, 563–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3003563d.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A major Russian political and economic objective is to increase exports, particularly for front-end fuel cycle services through Tenex, as well as nuclear power plants. Russia uses about 3800 tonnes of natural uranium per year. After enrichment, this becomes 190 tU enriched to 4.3% for 9 VVER-1000 reactors (at 2004, now 13), 60 tU enriched to 3.6% for 6 VVER-440s, 350 tU enriched to 2.0% for 11 RBMK units, and 6 tU enriched to 20% (with 9 tU depleted) for the BN-600. Some 90 tU recycled supplements the RBMK supply at about 2% enrichment. This RepU arises from reprocessing the used fuel from BN, VVER-440 and marine and research reactors. There is high-level concern about the development of new uranium deposits, and a Federal Council meeting in April 2015 agreed to continue the federal financing of exploration and estimation works in Vitimsky Uranium Region in Buryatia. It also agreed to financing construction of the engineering infrastructure of Mine No. 6 of Priargunsky Industrial Mining and Chemical Union (PIMCU). The following month the Council approved key support measures including the introduction of a zero rate for mining tax and property tax; simplification of the system of granting subsoil use rights; inclusion of the Economic Development of the Far East and Trans-Baikal up to 2018 policy in the Federal Target Program; and the development of infrastructure in Krasnokamensk. In June 2015 Rosgeologia signed a number of agreements to expedite mineral exploration in Russia, including one with Rosatom. It was established in July 2011 by presidential decree and consists of 38 enterprises located in 30 regions across Russia, but uranium is a minor part of its interests. Russia is engaged in international nuclear energy markets, far from the traditional sites of Eastern Europe. In June 2011, Rosatom announced that it was creating a "Rusatom" overseas company, a new structure responsible for building projects that could not benefit from them. It can be executed as a primary contractor as well as as owner of foreign capacities under a self-exploitation agreement (BOO). She actively strives for shopping in developing countries and has set up eight offices abroad. The Soviet Union also used 116 nuclear explosions (81 in Russia) for geological research, creating underground gas storage, boosting oil and gas production and excavating reservoirs and canals. Most were in the 3-10 kiloton range and all occurred 1965-88.
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"SOCIO-CULTURAL RELATIONS BETWEEN TURKEY AND AZERBAIJAN AFTER 1990." Ulakbilge Dergisi 9, no. 61 (June 30, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.7816/ulakbilge-09-61-10.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Azerbaijan, which gained its independence after 1990, competed with each other for the exploitation of natural gas and oil and many projects were signed.Turkey has been involved in this project as a strategic partner. In this sense, the two countries have common history and values that Azerbaijan-Turkey political, economic, socio-cultural relations began to develop rapidly. In this study between Azerbaijan and Turkey in economic, political, cultural and artistic relations were examined. In the study, it is aimed to deal with the economic, political, social and cultural developments between the years 1990-2020. During the Soviet Union period from 1970 to 1990, a brief discussion of political, cultural and artistic data was given and the economic, political, cultural and artistic knowledge that developed after Azerbaijan gained its independence after 1990 was examined. In the research, political, historical, economic and cultural events were researched and the findings were analyzed. In the study the development of relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey were evaluated. In the study between Azerbaijan and Turkey in line with the development of cultural relations basic economic and political factors are examined. In the research between Azerbaijan and Turkey in economic, political and diplomatic relations have been placed under the same title. in the other part of the study established between Turkey and Azerbaijan socio-cultural, artistic relationships are the subject of research. At the same time, by referring to the agreements signed after the independence, the relations between the two countries with the effect of economic, political, cultural and social developments on the new level were discussed and inferences were made in this direction. Keywords: Azerbaijan, Turkey, culture, art, politics, economics