Статті в журналах: "Nuclear colonialism"

1

PHILLIPS, RICHARD. "Settler colonialism and the nuclear family." Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadien 53, no. 2 (June 2009): 239–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0064.2009.00256.x.

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2

Jacobs, Robert. "Nuclear Conquistadors: Military Colonialism in Nuclear Test Site Selection during the Cold War." Asian Journal of Peacebuilding 1, no. 2 (November 30, 2013): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18588/201311.000011.

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3

G.M., Smagulova, Kakenova Z.A., Tuleuova K.T., and Zipatolla S.K. "Nuclear test sites marked as a “secret”: yesterday and today." Bulletin of the Karaganda university History.Philosophy series 108, no. 4 (March 30, 2022): 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31489/2022hph4/164-171.

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The article describes nuclear test sites in the countries of the world. The authors focus on a brief history of nuclear test sites. In particular, the article considers the Semey nuclear test site in Kazakhstan, which operated under the “secret” designation. Its history tells about the “special relations” between the representatives of the military industry, who completely controlled the nuclear test site, and the local residents of the test site areas. According to the authors, this is a clear manifestation of the policies of tyranny, “military colonialism”, and “nuclear colonialism” carried out by Moscow on the Kazakh land. Various data and scientific studies showthat the social, ecological, and economic consequences of nuclear tests, as well as ways to deal with them, have survived to the present day. Even at that time, despite the “secret” label, it provided information about the danger of radiation spread from the Semey nuclear test site. The results of the “secret” monitoring of the local population’s health are reported. To reveal the content of the article, the authors were guided by the method of objective position, general scientific, and special methods of methodology

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4

Dressler, Harrison. "Canada’s Nuclear Colonialism: Capitalist Realism and the Neoliberal Public Sphere." Canadian Journal of Communication 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 5–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjc-2022-0074.

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Background: In Canada, actors in industry, government, and civil society have proposed small modular reactors as a technological solution to climate change. Analysis: A quantitative and qualitative content analysis of New Brunswick’s mainstream newspapers indicates a profound bias in favour of perspectives drawn from actors in industry and government. The sources underemphasize the risk profile of small modular reactors, delegitimize criticism, and promote a nuclear realist project tied to the imperatives of neoliberal capitalism and colonialism. Conclusions and implications: Disproportionate coverage of pro-nuclear sources from industry and government thwarts representative public deliberation. Indigenous nations, acting as counterpublics, challenge technocratic, colonial, and neoliberal discourse.

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5

Edwards, Nelta. "Nuclear Colonialism and the Social Construction of Landscape in Alaska." Environmental Justice 4, no. 2 (June 2011): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/env.2010.0023.

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6

Runyan, Anne Sisson. "Disposable waste, lands and bodies under Canada’s gendered nuclear colonialism." International Feminist Journal of Politics 20, no. 1 (February 5, 2018): 24–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2017.1419824.

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7

Harris, Jeffrey Ryan. "Polynesia against Paris: Indigenous Anti-Nuclear Literature and the French Colonial Origins of Oceanian Reintegration." Journal of World History 35, no. 4 (December 2024): 623–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2024.a943171.

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Abstract: This essay examines Francophone and Anglophone Indigenous Oceanian literature and art to argue that through the predominantly Polynesian response to French nuclear testing in Te Ao Mā’ohi (French Polynesia), French colonialism has inadvertently generated one key cultural movement toward post-colonial Oceanian reintegration—one that extends well beyond the Francophone Pacific. The essay first examines the prose fiction of Chantal Spitz, Rai a Mai [aka Michou Chaze], and Déwé Gorodé to understand Te Ao Mā’ohi’s (French Polynesia's) and Kanaky’s (New Caledonia's) shared experiences of French colonialism. It then contrasts the same authors’ treatment of French nuclear weapons testing, which was the central crisis in Mā’ohi literature but which was marginal to early Kanak prose fiction. The essay then brings this Francophone literature in direct conversation with the hitherto unexamined specifically anti-French dimension of better-known Anglophone Oceanian works from authors Witi Ihimaera (Maori) and Albert Wendt (Samoan) and visual artists Ralph Hotere (Maori) and Hiko‘ula Hanapi (Hawaiian). The essay then demonstrates how this mutual Francophone-Anglophone Polynesian response to French colonialism created a Polynesia-centric anti-French-colonial process of Oceanian reintegration, and how that engine of Pacific reintegration later encompassed Kanaky and generated new cultural and activist connections between the Francophone and Anglophone Pacific.

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8

Hurley, Jessica. "Nuclear Settler Colonialism at Sea, or How to Civilize an Ocean." American Quarterly 74, no. 4 (December 2022): 969–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2022.0065.

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9

Frías-Sánchez, Aitor, Joaquín Perailes-Santiago, Elena Orap, and Diego Jiménez López. "Learning from Chernobyl: Reverse Colonialism and Feral Architectures." HipoTesis Serie Numerada 11 (December 30, 2023): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/htsn.11.2023.156.

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This article revolves around the concept of reverse colonialism and uses the fascinating example of Pripyat as a case study. Pripyat was deeply affected by the devastating Chornobyl nuclear accident in 1986. Following the disaster, the disappearance of its human inhabitants facilitated the transformation of this city into what the authors of this research refer to as anthropo-calyptic landscapes - scenarios where architectures abandoned by humans are colonized by what is known in the field of ecology as novel ecosystems. This process, which allows wild flora and fauna to conquer urban space, results in the emergence of feral architectures - abandoned buildings reclaimed by nature-. By exploring the process of reverse colonialism, the article critically delves into the concept of abiotic restoration, a conventional practice in abandoned architecture restoration projects.

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10

Goodall, Heather. "Solidarity and Dilemmas: Tranby, Indenture and the Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific Campaigns, 1980s." Labour History 126, no. 1 (May 2024): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/labourhistory.2024.6.

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The 1983 call by the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) campaign to end imperialism built strong alliances between disempowered Indigenous peoples and descendants of the unfree, indentured labourers who had been moved between colonies. The colonies and new nations of the Pacific, including Australia, had been left with populations that included both Indigenous and non-Indigenous (formerly indentured) people, all damaged in different ways by colonialism. There were unresolved tensions between these two groups, particularly in Fiji where the NFIP campaign was established. This paper traces responses in Tranby, an organisation that demonstrated the dilemmas of these tensions for Australian Indigenous people. Tranby, the Aboriginal-led Adult Education Co-operative, took a strong anti-colonial position in the 1980s, advocating land rights as well as endorsing the NFIP campaign. Yet Tranby’s support wavered over the tensions between Indigenous people and those displaced by colonialism through indenture. Tranby’s history demonstrates how its links had continued with colonised peoples damaged in both ways across the Indian and Pacific Oceans, suggesting why it reshaped its support for the NFIP campaign after the 1987 Fiji coups.

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11

Gómez, Myrriah M. "Toward a Chola Consciousness: Examining Nuclear Colonialism in Lunar Braceros, 2125-2148." Science Fiction Studies 48, no. 3 (2021): 500–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sfs.2021.0071.

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12

Pretorius, Joelien. "Africa–India nuclear cooperation: Pragmatism, principle, post-colonialism and the Pelindaba Treaty." South African Journal of International Affairs 18, no. 3 (November 16, 2011): 319–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2011.622948.

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13

Lopesi, Lana, and Moeata Keil. "Promiscuous Possibilities: Regenerating a Decolonial Genealogy of Samoan Reproduction." Genealogy 8, no. 3 (June 29, 2024): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8030081.

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Most of the common ways of thinking about genealogical reproduction are influenced by colonialism and capitalism, which emphasize the importance of the nuclear family, heterosexuality and reproducing future citizens. Under colonialism and capitalism, Samoan women are disciplined into good reproductive laborers who reproduce the moral family and also wider society. This paper looks to Indigenous feminist discourse of regeneration to place Samoan reproductive labor outside of capitalism and within Indigenous feminist genealogies of world-building, asking what other promiscuous possibilities there are for Samoan regeneration. Here, we present a theoretical exploration: thinking with Indigenous feminism offers a decolonial intervention into Samoan reproduction, placing Samoan women’s labor into an alternative genealogy of Indigenous feminist world-building and outside of colonially imposed genealogies.

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14

Surbrug, Robert. "African Americans Against the Bomb: Nuclear Weapons, Colonialism and the Black Freedom Movement." Social History 40, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 578–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2015.1080034.

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15

Endres, Danielle. "The Rhetoric of Nuclear Colonialism: Rhetorical Exclusion of American Indian Arguments in the Yucca Mountain Nuclear Waste Siting Decision." Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 6, no. 1 (March 2009): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14791420802632103.

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16

Lieberman, Robbie. "Vincent J. Intondi.African Americans against the Bomb: Nuclear Weapons, Colonialism, and the Black Freedom Movement." American Historical Review 121, no. 1 (February 2016): 267–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.1.267.

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17

Hill, Christopher R., and Clémence Maillochon. "‘Stealing fire from heaven’: Odette du Puigaudeau and French nuclear colonialism in the Algerian Sahara." International Review of Environmental History 9, no. 2 (February 21, 2024): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/ireh.09.02.2023.06.

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18

Runyan, Anne Sisson. "Indigenous women's resistances at the start and end of the nuclear fuel chain." International Affairs 98, no. 4 (July 4, 2022): 1149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac123.

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Abstract By focusing attention on the beginning and end of the nuclear fuel chain, which mostly takes place on Indigenous lands, this article examines the gendered effects of uranium mining and nuclear waste dumping on North American Indigenous women and their resistances to these processes. In so doing, the article reveals how mining and dumping are made possible by the denial or deflection not only of Indigenous peoples' sovereignty over their lands, but also of Indigenous women's political and cultural authority and bodily autonomy. The article further shows how Indigenous women's reassertions of their nations' and their own self-determination through resurgent practices, like water-walking in the case of the Anishnaabe women, contribute significantly to the resolve of Indigenous nations to refuse to consent to further nuclear colonialism; an example of this is the case of the Saugeen Ojibway Nation's referendum that stopped the siting of the deep geological repository for nuclear waste on their territory. This case suggests it is incumbent on non-Indigenous feminist IR critics of nuclear politics to engage with Indigenous feminist thought and centre Indigenous women's resistances to the nuclear fuel chain, in order to address the consequences of nuclear waste dumping in anti-colonial, and socially and environmentally just, ways.

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19

Saima Yousaf Khan, Saman Salah, and Rubina Masum. "Ecocriticism and the Postcolonial Landscape: War, Displacement, and Environmental Devastation in Kamila Shamsie’s Burnt Shadows." Journal of Arts and Linguistics Studies 3, no. 1 (February 11, 2025): 307–23. https://doi.org/10.71281/jals.v3i1.223.

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Emerging Through an ecocritical and postcolonial perspective this research studies how war together with colonialism and forced migration led to environmental destruction in Kamila Shamsie’s Burnt Shadows (2009). Through the linked historical narratives of Japan, India, Pakistan and Afghanistan the novel explores how nuclear warfare and imperial expansion, and geopolitical tensions continuously damage human lives together with natural geographical environments. The research explains how the novel displays war-devastated environments to illustrate how environmental destruction mirrors the traumatic movement experienced by its characters. Using perspectives from ecocriticism via Cheryll Glotfelty and Greg Garrard and postcolonial theory from Edward Said and Dipesh Chakrabarty this research examines how historical colonial practices affect natural destruction alongside human distress. The novel uses its characters' experiences of nuclear destruction mixed with deforestation alongside war-caused population displacement to demonstrate how human conflicts produce lasting environmental disasters in postcolonial regions. Through its narrative the text demonstrates that environmental devastation encompasses political events thereby demanding vital awareness about ecology in contemporary postcolonial writing. The analysis establishes that Shamsie achieves anti-war narrative goals through her presentation of enduring environmental degradation from colonial and military warfare.

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20

Ramirez, Jacobo, and Steffen Böhm. "For more pluralistic critiques of colonialism: A response to Dunlap." Energy Research & Social Science 82 (December 2021): 102303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2021.102303.

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21

Morgan, George. "Assimilation and resistance: housing indigenous Australians in the 1970s." Journal of Sociology 36, no. 2 (August 2000): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078330003600204.

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During the early 1970s, large numbers of Aboriginal people became tenants of the Housing Commission of New South Wales under the Housing for Aborigines program. Most moved from government reserves or dilapidated and overcrowded private rental dwellings to broadacre suburban estates. As public housing tenants, they encountered considerable pressures to become 'respectable' citizens, to build their lives around privacy, sobriety, moral restraint, the nuclear family, conventional gender roles and wage labour. For many indigenous Australians, these expectations-which were based as much on class relations as on colonialism— represented a threat to their conventional ways of life and their obligations to extended family and community. This paper explores the patterns of conformity and resistance amongst Aboriginal tenants. It draws on the sociological and cultural studies literature on youth subcultural resistance and compares anthropological theory about indigenous responses to the pressures of modernity.

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22

Harvey, Kyle. "African Americans Against the Bomb: Nuclear Weapons, Colonialism, and the Black Freedom Movement by Vincent J. IntondiAfrican Americans Against the Bomb: Nuclear Weapons, Colonialism, and the Black Freedom Movement, by Vincent J. Intondi. Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2015. xi, 224 pp. $24.95 US (paper)." Canadian Journal of History 51, no. 2 (January 2016): 394–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.ach.51.2.rev23.

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23

Dunlap, Alexander. "More wind energy colonialism(s) in Oaxaca? Reasonable findings, unacceptable development." Energy Research & Social Science 82 (December 2021): 102304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2021.102304.

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24

Glitz, Henry. "Shahs and Sanctions: The Story of Past, Present, and Future Tensions with Iran." Pitt Political Review 12, no. 1 (October 24, 2017): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ppr.2017.93.

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It’s hard to deny that the historically intense distrust between the United States and Iran helps motivate some of the anti-deal sentiment in each country. It’s also, however, this same shared history of suspicion that may hold some of the most import-ant insights about the deal itself. The context for this understanding is the thread of Iranian-Western relations through the ages of colonialism and decolonization, the Islamic Revolution, and the formation of the current regime in Iran. A further layer of complexity in looking at the nuclear negotiations is added with the consideration of the contemporary social and political atmosphere in the Iranian domestic sphere. This often-overlooked background speaks of a situation far more complex than what many who oppose the accords seem to entertain and that must be taken into account if the United States and the West want to see long-term diplomatic success with Iran.

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25

Kiczkowski, Adriana. "'Glocalization' in post-9/11 literature. "Burnt shadows" by Kamila Shamsie." Journal of English Studies 14 (December 16, 2016): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.2813.

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Global terrorism is a complex phenomenon, its roots going back to long before the terrorist attacks of 9/11, while its sequels are opening new paths in the fields of both fiction and literary and cultural studies. To better understand some of the global processes, and how they are represented in contemporary literature, I proposed the expression glocalization novels as a theoretical construct that permits the incorporation of the narrative’s differential characteristics about terrorism in a globalized society. In Burnt Shadows by Kamila Shamsie, the notion of glocalization appears articulating general tendencies with global impact (the Nuclear Bomb, the Cold War, North American neo-colonialism in Southeast Asia, global terrorism, etc.) join with a direct impact on local lives that restructures and transmutes the meanings of individual or social actions. Fictions by intertwining the specific with the global help us to gain a more indepth understanding of the global and its local complexity.

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26

Varghese Manimala, Varghese Manimala. "Sacred Secularity as Spirituality and Holiness." MEΘEXIS Journal of Research in Values and Spirituality III, no. I (May 30, 2023): 42–61. https://doi.org/10.71210/mjrvs.4.a.3.

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The main thrust of this paper is to look at spirituality from a ‘secular’ perspective. We want to stress the fact that spirituality is a universal prerogative, and not the monopoly of an elite group. Holiness consists of a search for justice and it is centered around Mother Earth, rather than anything beyond. This new type of spirituality is, in the words of Dr. Raimon Panikkar, Cosmotheandrism. Today spirituality has to be very much concerned about the ecological problems, and only a true ‘Ecosophy’ can help to build up an authentic spirituality. Holiness cannot be thought of bereft of social involvement, and in the name of spirituality we cannot shirk our social responsibility. In the contemporary world spirituality and holiness inevitably will consist of a protest against nuclear arms race, sale of weapons and war; and also economic and intellectual colonialism. Spirituality and holiness will also call for gender justice. This new form spirituality can be built up only through ahiṁsa (non-violence).

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27

Matsumoto, Ikuko Takagi. "Healing the Collective Grief: A Story of a Marshallese Pastor from Okinawa." Religions 13, no. 2 (January 18, 2022): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13020090.

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World War II and the Cold War never ended in the Marshall Islands. A seamless continuum of colonialism, wars and nuclear testing destroyed their ancestral islands, traditions, as well as the physical and spiritual wellbeing of the people; it caused them profound personal and collective grief. This article considers the grieving of the Marshallese people, through the lens of a life story of a migrant to the Marshall Islands from Okinawa, Chutaro Gushi (1911–1977). The examination uses the concepts provided by grief studies, such as personal grief and collective grief, and applies the theoretical and conceptual framework presented by the social constructionists, such as meaning making, social validation, and moral injury, to frame the understanding of their grieving, coping and healing processes. The life story of pastor Chutaro revealed an intricate reflexive interface between his personal grief and collective grief in the Marshall Islands. His personal grieving and healing process was also closely linked with the healing of the collective grief that was also an element of his personal grief. In this process, Christian churches played crucial roles to bridge the two levels of grief. They facilitated the transformation of Chutaro’s profound personal grief and moral injury into a powerful public mission to give voices to the victims of the nuclear tests in the Marshall Islands.

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28

Hofmann, Murad Wilfried. "Has Islam Missed Its Enlightenment?" American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 3 (July 1, 2002): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i3.1918.

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Reinforced by 9/ I I, Muslims find themselves increasingly accused of having failed their Enlightenment. The implication is that Islam, being a pre-Enlightenment religion, is archaically a-rational. The eighteenth-century Enlightenment was a partially unrepeatable European phenomenon (an overdue emancipation from stifling church domination). Part of its import was of a general nature. Its overall rule of rationality promoted a supreme confidence in human reasoning (humanity as the measure of all things), rejection of revelatory religion and metaphysics, separation of Church and State (secularism), belief in a noninterventionjst Deity and the law of nature, extreme "scientific" materialism, and the expectation of unlimited "progress."While some of its fruits were positive (e.g., the rule of law, liberal democracy, and market economy), other elements led to disaster after Deism gave way to a pervasive agnosticism and atheism in the runeteenth and twentieth centuries (e.g., colonialism, two world wars, the use of chemical and nuclear weapons, and fascism. !slam may be pre-Enlightenment, but it is an enlightened religion. Muslims never conceived of a categorical conflict between science and religion or religion and philosophy.

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29

Polak, Iva. "Native Apocalypse in Claire G. Coleman’s The Old Lie." Humanities 9, no. 3 (July 28, 2020): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h9030069.

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Claire G. Coleman’s science fiction novel The Old Lie (2019) evokes the blemished chapters of Australia’s history as the basis of a dystopian futuristic Earth. By using the metaphor of a secular apocalypse (Weaver) wrapped in the form of a space opera, she interrogates historical colonialism on a much larger scale to bring to the fore the distinctive Indigenous experience of Australia’s terra nullius and its horrific offshoots: the Stolen Generations, nuclear tests on Aboriginal land and the treatment of Indigenous war veteran, but this time experienced by the people of the futuristic Earth. Following a brief introduction of the concept of the “Native Apocalypse” (Dillon) in the framework of Indigenous futurism, the paper discusses Coleman’s innovative use of space opera embedded in Wilfred Owen’s famous WWI poem “Dulce et Decorum Est”. The analysis focuses on four allegedly separate stories in the novel which eventually interweave into a single narrative about “the old lie”. In keeping with the twenty-first-century Indigenous futurism, Coleman’s novel does not provide easy answers. Instead, the end brings the reader to the beginning of the novel in the same state of disillusionment as Owen’s lyrical subject.

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30

Karakır, İrem Aşkar. "China’s Conflict Management in the Middle East: Involvement without Impact?" Contemporary Review of the Middle East 9, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 240–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477989221080632.

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China’s foreign policy toward the Middle East has traditionally been shaped by its national interests based on energy security, arms exports, and technology transfers. To complement its interest-driven regional policies, China has expanded its diplomatic contacts and promoted cultural ties. Over the last two decades, China has also engaged in conflict management in several regional issues, despite its declared commitment to nonintervention in other countries’ domestic affairs. This article aims to analyze China’s conflict management policies in the region, focusing on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, Iran’s nuclear program and the Syrian conflict. Compared with other major external powers, prospects for China’s conflict management seem high given two significant advantages. First, unlike Western powers or Russia, China has not left any bitter taste in the region associated with colonialism, religious or historical engagement. Secondly, China has been careful not to take clear-cut sides in regional conflicts, making itself an ideal candidate to act as an honest broker. It is argued that despite these advantages, Chinese conflict management in the region has remained considerably modest and lacked any practical solutions to the critical problems.

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31

Mizuno, Hiromi. "Okinawa Agriculture and the Sterile Insect Technique." Agricultural History 98, no. 4 (November 1, 2024): 541–71. https://doi.org/10.1215/00021482-11393941.

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Abstract Bitter melon is a popular gourd vegetable native to Okinawa in Japan. However, because of the melon fly, a very damaging pest on the quarantine list, bitter melon could not be sold in mainland Japan until the fly was eradicated from Okinawa Prefecture in 1993 by using the nuclear-derived sterile insect technique (SIT). This essay examines the SIT project in Okinawa that began in 1972 when the United States returned Okinawa to Japan. The twenty-year-long project required the irradiation and release of fifty-three billion melon flies. Its success helped Okinawa's troubled agricultural sector and made theoretical contributions to the SIT with sophisticated models to gauge the sexual competitiveness of sterile flies. Commemorative publications and scientific reports, however, are silent about Okinawa's status as a US military-base island. Rather than seeing the SIT as the solution to the pest problem, this article situates Okinawan agriculture and the SIT project in the deeper context of colonialism, overdependence on pesticides, and the nuclearization of Japan, by taking seriously the fact that the entomologist who led the project felt profound ambivalence toward “peaceful” atomic technology.

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32

Pedro, Dina. "“I Used to Think We Were the Same Person:” Disrupting the Ideal Nuclear Family Myth through Incest, Adultery and Gendered Violence in Taboo (2017-)." Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses, no. 38 (January 30, 2023): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/raei.2023.38.02.

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The nuclear family consolidated its social status as the institution upholding the national, capitalist and moral values of Western societies in the long nineteenth century (Kohlke and Gutleben 2010, 1). Consequently, neo-Victorian literary and screen texts often try to challenge the idealised conceptualization of this institution by bringing to the fore its potential dysfunctionalities, such as monstrous or negligent parents, domestic violence, incest or adultery. This is the case of the TV series Taboo (2017-), which portrays a dysfunctional family whose foundations are based on colonialism, patriarchal violence and Oedipal relations. In this article, I examine Taboo as a neo-Victorian narrative of family trauma, which foregrounds and criticizes gendered violence, a phenomenon that was silenced in nineteenth-century literary and historical records (Lawson and Shakinovsky 2012a, 1). Moreover, I also scrutinise the incest trope, following Llewellyn’s three-fold approach (2010), based on a triangulation between ethics, aesthetics and psychoanalysis. Finally, I consider how Taboo reproduces the most characteristic traits of nineteenth-century adultery novels, so as to expose the sexual dissatisfaction of its female protagonist, Zilpha Delaney, and her desire to escape from her abusive and oppressive husband. As I show in this article, Taboo manages to disrupt the myth of the nuclear family as a natural and indisputable moralising institution. Likewise, at first, the series shows potential feminist and post-colonial drives, as it attempts to denounce nineteenth-century imperialist and misogynistic ideologies within the family. However, Taboo fails to grant its heroine independence and female empowerment in the end. This is so because it replicates the ending of nineteenth-century adultery novels, where the adulterous wife committed suicide after being rejected by her lover.

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Robie, David. "Tanah Papua, Asia-Pacific news blind spots and citizen media: From the ‘Act of Free Choice’ betrayal to a social media revolution." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 23, no. 2 (November 30, 2017): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v23i2.334.

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For five decades Tanah Papua, or the West Papua half of the island of New Guinea on the intersection of Asia and the Pacific, has been a critical issue for the region with a majority of the Melanesian population supporting self-determination, and ultimately independence. While being prepared for eventual post-war independence by the Dutch colonial authorities, Indonesian paratroopers and marines invaded the territory in 1962 in an ill-fated military expedition dubbed Operation Trikora (‘People’s Triple Command’). However, this eventually led to the so-called Act of Free Choice in 1969 under the auspices of the United Nations in a sham referendum dubbed by critics as an ‘Act of No Choice’ which has been disputed ever since as a legal basis for Indonesian colonialism. A low-level insurgency waged by the OPM (Free West Papua Movement) has also continued and Jakarta maintains its control through the politics of oppression and internal migration. For more than five decades, the legacy media in New Zealand have largely ignored this issue on their doorstep, preferring to give attention to Fiji and a so-called coup culture instead. In the past five years, social media have contributed to a dramatic upsurge of global awareness about West Papua but still the New Zealand legacy media have failed to take heed. This article also briefly introduces other Asia-Pacific political issues—such as Kanaky, Timor-Leste, Papua New Guinean university student unrest, the militarisation of the Mariana Islands and the Pacific’s Nuclear Zero lawsuit against the nine nuclear powers—ignored by a New Zealand media that has no serious tradition of independent foreign correspondence.

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Inayatullah, Sohail. "THE FUTURE OF SCIENCE IN THE ISLAMIC WORLD." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 3 (October 1, 1997): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i3.2282.

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In Islamabad, while speakers at a recent OIC/Comstech (StandingCommittee on Science and Technology) meeting titled “Science in theIslamic Polity in the Next Century” delivered tirades against the West,they conspicuously stood at a podium that boldly displayed the words“Best Western.’” This postmodern paradox captures the angst of a conferencethat called for more basic science; more and better textbooks; ascience focused on the basic human needs of food, shelter, and energy; aself-sustaining science, independent of external money or models; a “BigWestern” science that develops new laser, information, and nuclear technologies;and a science that better reflects the worldview of Islam.Amidst calls for transformation, even by individuals who had been atthe helm of the scientific establishment for the last twenty years, it wasclear that science in Muslim nations, particularly Pakistan, had gone inthe wrong direction. Even the “correct” decisions resulted in disasterbecause of science policies committed to “big science.” While nationslike Malaysia focused on products that had commercial gain or ensuredthe reduction of power of the feudal class, most Muslim nationsremained committed to self-aggrandizement and war (both imaginaryand real) with their neighbors. Instead of developing commercial scienceor local science that could meet basic needs and create better health conditionsfor women and children, nuclear strategies or “big science” wasparamount. The costs incurred by the Muslim nations are now quite evident-terrifyingly low literacy rates, the low number of high school andcollege graduates, the high number of people suffering from malnutrition,to mention but a few obvious indicators. It seems the effects ofexternal and internal colonialism remain, as do pre-Islamic dynastic battles.In the midst of the utter failure of “big science” or “western science," ...

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Indriyanto, Kristiawan. "Positioning the Pacific as a Disabling Environment: Reading of Kiana Davenport�s the House of Many Gods." Indonesian Journal of English Language Studies (IJELS) 6, no. 2 (September 25, 2020): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/ijels.v6i2.2860.

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This study analyzes Kiana Davenports the House of Many Gods, a novel that contextualizes the issue of the nuclearized Pacific and the islanders exposure toward the toxic substance as an intersection between environmental/eco-criticism and disability studies. Deriving from Carrigans concept of disabling environment, this article foregrounds the continuation of western colonialism and nuclear militarism in the Pacific which is positioned as the periphery, far from the Western metropolitan center. The presence of nuclearized military installations in the Pacific articulates the unequal relationship between the metropolitan center and distant overseas colony in the Pacific as a site for experimentation. The novel dramatizes how the islanders are exposed toward dangerous and toxic substaonces which ravaged their bodies, denied their agency as healthy citizens, alienated them from their landscape (aina) and kept them in a state of continuous disablement. Employing Carrigans concept of disabling environment, this paper argues that the exploitation of indigenous people is legitimized under the guise of advancing Western scientific advancement. This study concludes that the Pacific islanders as it is represented in the House of Many Gods are instrumentalized as the non-human in which their existence is necessary for the scientific progress of the Western powers.

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Ramchandani, R. R. "Rationalising India-Africa Economic Relations: The Role of Production Cooperation." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 3 (July 1986): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200303.

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A group of Indian parliamentarians, cutting across party lines, organised on 24–25 July 1986 a two-day national seminar on “Parliamentarians Action for Removal of Apartheid.” The seminar constituted yet another milestone in underscoring India's unflinching commitment to stand firmly united with the African countries in their fight against the pernicious system of apartheid and the removal of the remaining remnants of colonialism that still persist in parts of Southern Africa. It is because of India's principled stand and considerable sacrifice in this respect, and the unwavering appreciation of that standby the African leadership, that ever since their independence India and African countries have forged the most cordial and constructive political ties. Apart from sharing common ideals of the Non-aligned Movement, they have often expressed common concern on crucial world issues such as peace moves and nuclear disarmament, security and development issues, “South-South” cooperation and the establishment of the New International Economic Order. But, despite close political understanding, their economic relations have yet to develop sufficient depth to register a sustained forward thrust to record a lasting impact on the global production structure. India's trade with African states, for instance, has shown an uneven pattern for the last two decades and a half, and depicted a falling trend in recent years.

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Ray, James Lee. "The abolition of slavery and the end of international war." International Organization 43, no. 3 (1989): 405–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300032987.

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Slavery and war have both historically been considered inevitable consequences of human nature. Yet slavery has been abolished, and moral progress may have contributed to slavery's disappearance. Both realists and Marxists are skeptical about the impact of ethical constraints on political decisions, while idealists as well as at least some regime analysts emphasize the role of those constraints. However, elements of all of these approaches support the proposition that moral progress may bring an end to international war.Some historical trends do not support the idea that international war is on the verge of disappearance, but there has not been a war between major powers since 1945. In addition, norms against colonialism are strong. No war has occurred between democratic states, nor does a war appear likely among the rather sizable number of industrialized democratic states in the international system today. Explanations of these pockets of peace based on caution induced by nuclear weapons or on economic interdependence, for example, are certainly not beyond question. Therefore, it may be that norms inhibiting the initiation of international war have already made obsolete not only wars between the richest and most powerful states in the world but also some forms of depradation by the strong against the relatively weak states.

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Shandookh, Safa Qasim, Sarab Dalaf Khalaf, and Maan Hasan Sallih. "Effect of Smoking Habit on the Frequency of Micronuclei in in Exfoliated Oral Epithelial Cells and Comparative Image Analysis." Journal of Prevention, Diagnosis and Management of Human Diseases, no. 45 (August 1, 2024): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpdmhd.45.1.9.

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Cigarette smoking is the largest preventable risk factor for disease and death in developed countries. The history of smoking dates back to long periods of time, dating back to the late fifteenth century AD, but its transmission to our Islamic world occurred in the early twentieth century with the coming of colonialism to Islamic countries. The important factors that predict the start of smoking in western societies are the presence of friends who smoke, the presence of parents who smoke, low social level, and the tendency to have mental health problems and impulsivity, while the important factors that predict the transition to regular smoking are the presence of friends who smoke and weak academic orientation. Recently, the use of biomarkers as tools to evaluate Geno toxicity, known as biomarkers are biological parameters that provide information about the physiological or pathological state of an individual or population. There were two sets of participants: nonsmokers and smokers. The results showed that the mean and variation of the total percentage of nuclear abnormalities were, respectively, for smokers and controls. [10.35 ± 4.14], [65.08 ± 17.48*]. The means of the two groups differed significantly, according to an independent sample t-test. Both the smokers' and the controls' results were statistically significant.

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Martínez-San Miguel, Yolanda. "Caribbean Confederations as Relationalities." Journal of French and Francophone Philosophy 32, no. 1/2 (November 5, 2024): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jffp.2024.1068.

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In this essay, I connect my work on Archipelago studies with Édouard Glissant’s notions of relationality and Caribbean confederations to formulate what I denominate as the erotics of archipelagic thinking. My main goal is to share my process of thinking with and through Glissant’s work to focus on a series of theoretical gestures that have allowed me to propose modes of reading literary depictions of Caribbean con/federations that go beyond the binary opposition between colonialism and nationalism. I am performing an exercise that I assign to my students when I teach the “Introduction to Critical Theory” course at the University of Miami. Instead of writing an essay with a short theoretical introduction followed by a detailed close reading of literary and cultural texts that illustrate a keyword or a theoretical insight, I conduct a methodological meditation in which I theorize the archipelagic as a form of relationality that configures an erotic imaginary beyond the nuclear family and towards affective networks. To think about the Caribbean as an archipelagic formation, I use my comparative work on the Antillean Confederation in the Hispanic Caribbean (1860-1898) and the West Indies Federation in the English Caribbean (1958-1962) as a historical context in which the region congealed as a network of locations “act[ing] in concert."

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Ramirez, Jacobo, and Steffen Böhm. "Transactional colonialism in wind energy investments: Energy injustices against vulnerable people in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec." Energy Research & Social Science 78 (August 2021): 102135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2021.102135.

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Kehrt, Christian, and Daniel Brandau. "Introduction." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2022.140101.

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“Revolutionary” technologies or large technological systems are often deemed controversial, risky, or ambivalent. Diverging interpretations clash when technological objects, such as rockets, airplanes, or nuclear reactors, are exhibited in museums or at heritage sites, with profound implications for underlying concepts of historical education. This special issue explores the argument that histories of technology have often upheld a traditional view of modern linear progress but became the focus of controversies when the social, political, and cultural conditions of perceiving and remembering these objects changed. At former “places of progress,” visitors and exhibition makers are confronted with the remains of the Industrial Revolution, colonialism, two World Wars, the Cold War, the Age of Coal, the Space Age, the Atomic Age and the Digital Age. Exhibitions and displays have been used to explain, teach, or make sense of the advents, successes, and failures of high-tech projects. Understanding technological artifacts and corresponding sites such as Chernobyl, Peenemünde, and Hiroshima as well as structures such as factories or bunkers as sites of memory (lieux de mémoire, a term coined by Pierre Nora) shifts our attention to processes of remembering modern technologies and the cases in which established narratives of progress have been supported or challenged. Questions about the ethics of technology use often seem to subvert stories of the “heroes of invention,” leaving visitors with the impression of technological ambivalence. Attempts to teach and learn about history and technology via objects and sites have been complicated, politicized, and contested.

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Kazanjian, David, and Anahid Kassabian. "Mass Mediating Diaspora: Iranian Exile Culture in Los Angeles." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 5, no. 2 (September 1996): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.5.2.317.

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In this most recent era of transnational movements of labor, commodity, capital, and information, distinctions among cultures and conditions of exile, diaspora, nationality, ethnicity, and race are both elusive and in need of elucidation. That need is particularly strong when such cultures and conditions are articulated in and through mass media. Studies of globalization and transnational media corporations in communications and media studies have rarely examined the continuing legacies of colonialism and imperialism. In turn, studies of postcoloniality, whose strongest disciplinary connections have been to literature, history, and anthropology, have been noticeably reluctant to address the realm of mass-mediated culture. Yet postcoloniality is routinely animated by the political economy and representational practices of mass-media technologies. Consider how the following mass mediated representations weave a tangled web of postcolonial relations. On the one hand, the nuclear bomb-toting terrorists of the “Crimson Jihad” in the recent blockbuster movie True Lies represent “peoples of the ‘Middle East’ ” by violently condensing Armenians, Turks, Lebanese, and Azeris along with, for example, Palestinians, Libyans, and Iranians. On the other hand, Armenian and Azeri war tactics in Karabakh are partly driven by international media coverage while that same war is consumed through mass media in Long Island and Los Angeles. To complicate the picture even further, Los Angeles-based institutions of mass media are driven by that city’s surplus labor pool of working-class immigrants from the “South.”

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Leshoele, Moorosi. "Power Lies in the Barrel of a Gun: Diplomacy Without Strategic Military Capability Is Futile." African and Asian Studies 20, no. 1-2 (April 27, 2021): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341484.

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Abstract The United States of America invests heavily on their military capability and it is estimated that it spends, alone, approximately 40 per cent of what the whole world spends on military. Four of the other super powers that make up the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (UN-SC) also spend a significant percentage of their national budgets on military. Chinweizu has for a long time argued that Africa needs a well-resourced African Standby Force (or the Black Africa League) that will protect the interests of the continent so as to prevent the history of Africans enslavement and colonialism repeating itself. This article seeks to analyse Africa’s investment on its military defense capability vis-à-vis the five permanent members of the UN-SC and North Korea, by critiquing two case studies of two of the continent’s economic giants – South Africa and Egypt. Realist and Sankofa perspectives are used as the prisms through which the article was researched. In line with Chinweizu’s observation, the article argues that without serious political will and dedication to building Africa’s nuclear weapons capability and ensuring that Africa is economically self-reliant, diplomatic engagements with the rest of the world as (un)equal partners will remain a pipe dream and the looting of Africa’s mineral wealth will continue unabated. It is clear that given the reality of the African Holocust if African countries fail to collectively defend themselves, Africa will continue to be a political football for the rest of the world.

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Fulani, Abdu Auwalu Sarkin. "ADAPTING TRADITIONS: AN EXAMINATION OF THE EVOLUTION OF THE FULƁE KINSHIP STRUCTURE IN JIGAWA STATE, NIGERIA." Gusau Journal of Sociology 4, no. 2 (May 20, 2024): 128–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.57233/gujos.v4i2.10.

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This study examined the dynamic evolution of Fulɓe (Fulani) kinship structures within Jigawa State, Nigeria. Jigawa State, located in northern Nigeria, is home to a diverse range of ethnic groups, in addition to the Fulɓe. Some of these ethnic groups include Zarma (Zabarmawa), Hausa, Kanuri, Bade, Ngizim, Gungawa, and so on. Some typologies of Fulɓe people in Jigawa State include Nomadic Fulɓe, Sedentary Fulɓe, Agro-pastoral Fulɓe, Fulɓe Traders, etc. The research employed qualitative methods by utilizing secondary sources such as documents and records, books, journals, and internet sources to collect data on the dynamic evolution of Fulɓe kinship structures within Jigawa State. The investigation draws on the social structure theory to comprehend the traditional Fulɓe kinship systems, elucidating their essential functions in maintaining stability and order within Jigawa State. The findings reveal that the evolution of Fulɓe kinship structures in Jigawa State is intricately linked to historical events such as colonialism, the spread of formal education, urbanization, economic transformations, and the assimilation of modern values. Consequently, Fulɓe kinship structures in Hadejia Emirate, Ringim, Dutse, Kazaure, Birnin Kudu, and Buji, in Jigawa State, exhibit a synthesis of traditional and modern influences by adapting to the changing societal landscape. This adaptation involves a shift towards an increased emphasis on individual choice, smaller nuclear families, more flexible kinship networks, and a heightened focus on individual accomplishments. In light of these findings, the study advocates for collaborative efforts between the government and Fulɓe communities in Jigawa State to formulate policies that are supportive of the distinctive kinship structures in the State.

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Moura, Hudson. "Hollywood’s Viral Outbreaks and Pandemics: Horror, Fantasy, and the Political Entertainment of Film Genres." Revista Légua & Meia 13, no. 1 (January 26, 2022): 97–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.13102/lm.v13i1.7710.

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Films revolving around big natural catastrophes, the end of the world, and global pandemics are viral in Hollywood. Some authors claim that 9/11 enticed the proliferation of disasters, zombies, and apocalyptical narratives. Will the coronavirus further increase these narrative tropes? A cinematic apocalypse takes many shapes, including zombie infestation, nuclear war devastation, and aliens’ attack. Watching films such as Twelve Monkeys (1995), Children of Men (2006), or Contagion (2011) during a real-life global pandemic creates a much different viewing experience than when these films were released. Certain films kill humans with a deadly virus and turn them into zombies emphasizing and pushing forward to a cinema of genre its entertainment features, such as I Am Legend (2007), Train to Busan (2016), or Blood Quantum (2020). However, they also use horror, science fiction, and fantasy genres to portray a realistic compelling family drama or discuss structural racism and systemic colonialism against America’s indigenous peoples. In all these films, scientific ambition, political greed, and economic power intermingle, becoming the unknown forces and real detractors behind these catastrophes. Whether or not the end of the world is an appropriate story for entertainment attracts most viewers to Hollywood cinema. Conventional postapocalyptic tropes create a film riddled with relevant political concerns. Every year, hundreds of films transpose to the screen compelling narratives related to pandemics and their effects. In Coronavirus’s times, I analyze and contextualize several of Hollywood’s viral outbreaks to situate their narratives to current political subjects and understand how disaster and pandemic films have become entertaining. Keywords Hollywood cinema, Film Genres, Pandemics, Coronavirus, Racism, Indigenous, Covid19, Politics, Film Aesthetic, Disaster Films.

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Mrozewicz, Anna. "Rendering slow ecological crisis in a popular medium: Hyperobjects and Sámi resistance in the Swedish-French TV series Midnight Sun." Images. The International Journal of European Film, Performing Arts and Audiovisual Communication 31, no. 40 (January 17, 2023): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/i.2022.40.02.

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The article examines the ways in which the slowly evolving and invisible processes of the ongoing ecological crisis can be represented in the format of a contemporary serial television drama. The author argues that despite heavy reliance on spectacular and captivating character-born plots, the long-form storytelling of new television narratives can be well suited to representing the complex and unspectacular temporalities of the ecological crisis. With the Swedish-French Arctic noir TV series Midnight Sun as a case study, the analysis shows how a highly spectacular criminal plot is developed to reveal the invisible temporal action and nonhuman agency of a special kind of waste paradigmatic of the era of the Anthropocene, defined by Timothy Morton as a hyperobject (2013). This idea is established in Midnight Sun not only by placing radioactive waste at the center of the narrative but also by gradually foregrounding its nonhuman agency behind the events. The aim of the analysis is to demonstrate that by both using and reimagining the conventions of the television crime drama (Arctic noir), Midnight Sun translates into quotidian terms the unspectacular and long-term aspects of human-induced ecological destruction, which surpass the individual human scale and evade our cognition. An important strategy adopted in Midnight Sun is bringing together two levels of criticism: ecocritical and postcolonial. The slow ecological violence (R. Nixon, 2011) and nuclear colonialism (G. Schwab, 2020) exerted by the powerful against regions and people who are globally less visible are depicted as a continuation of the history of colonization, and more specifically, the systemic and longstanding ill-treatment of the indigenous Sámi people in Sweden.

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Foley, Barbara. "African Americans against the Bomb: Nuclear Weapons, Colonialism, and the Black Freedom Movement by Vincent J. Intondi, and: F. B. Eyes: How J. Edgar Hoover’s Ghostreaders Framed African American Literature by William J. Maxwell." African American Review 48, no. 1-2 (2015): 215–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/afa.2015.0016.

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Ota, Osamu. "Korean Atomic Bomb Survivors Who Crossed Borders and Japan's Solidarity Movement: Focusing on Son Gwi-dal's Stowaway and the Attempted Treatment of Eom Bun-ryeon and Im Bok-sun in Japan." Korean Association For Japanese History 60 (April 30, 2023): 5–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24939/kjh.2023.4.60.5.

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This paper examines the aspects of the border-crossing actions of Korean atomic bomb survivors in South Korea and the solidarity movements that arose in Japan around these actions, with a focus on the “illegal entry” by Son Gwi-dal and the attempt of seeking for medical treatment in Japan by Eom Bun-ryeon and Im Bok-sun in 1968. Using testimonies and writings of A-bomb suvivors, journalists' reports, documentary films, newspaper articles, and diplomatic records, the paper highlights the meaning and historical significance of their crossing-border actions and Japan's citizens' solidarity movements. Incident was an act of crossing a boundary drawn by the law and treaty that ignored colonial responsibility, which aimed to “resolve completely and finally” through the Korea-Japan Claims Settlement Treaty. Their atempts to cross the boundary were not only to cross the border established between Korea and Japan, but also to cross the boundary between Japanese victims in Japan and those overseas. In the late 1960s, some Korean atomic bomb survivors emerged as people who appealed for compensation to the Japanese Embassy in South Korea, wrote their experiences as victims, or expressed their situation and hopes in meetings, films, and books, rather than being merely objects of pity. We consider Son Gwi-dal, Eom Bun-ryeon and Im Bok-sun's stowaway as symbolic actions that mark the beginning of Korean atomic bomb survivors' emergence as agents. Meanwhile, their border-crossing acts greatly shocked those who were engaged in Japan's anti-nuclear power movement or civil society. Those who became interested in Korean atomic bomb survivors recognized their historical significance through their border-crossing acts and introduced their writings and meetings, published books, made and screened films, and sought solidarity with them by reflecting on the nationalistic “peace” that regarded the atomic bombing victims of Hiroshima and Nagasaki as sacrifices of “post-war Japanese” and positioning Korean victims of colonialism in history, thereby questioning the Korea-Japan Treaty System that disregarded colonial responsibility.

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Johnson, Joyce Blackwell. "Carol Anderson. Bourgeois Radicals: The NAACP and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941-1960. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015.Vincent J. Intondi. African Americans Against the Bomb: Nuclear Weapons, Colonialism and the Black Freedom Moveme." Peace & Change 41, no. 3 (June 24, 2016): 410–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pech.12199.

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Choi, Shine, and Catherine Eschle. "Rethinking global nuclear politics, rethinking feminism." International Affairs 98, no. 4 (July 4, 2022): 1129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac118.

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Abstract This article serves as an introduction to the International Affairs special section, ‘Feminist interrogations of global nuclear politics’. In this article, we argue that feminist International Relations scholarship on the global nuclear order and its discontents should be revitalized, in ways that reckon more fully with the colonial matrix of power and its contemporary realignments. As the initial step in such a task, the first part of the article explores some of the distinctive insights that are generated about global nuclear politics by a feminist approach that takes coloniality seriously. We show that such an approach reconceptualizes nuclear destruction as a lived reality for many, within a broader history of domination; exposes the racialized, gendered and colonial dimensions of nuclear discourses; and casts fresh light on the material colonial relationships at the heart of the global nuclear order. In the second part, we reverse our focus to critically think through how the content of feminism, and its relation to coloniality and struggles for self-determination, might be understood differently if we start from a concern with global nuclear politics. The third and final part surveys the articles in the special section, highlighting where they pick up on the themes we have explored and some future lines of enquiry.

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