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1
Makarenko, Kirill Mikhailovich, and Aleksei Ivanovich Bardakov. "Violence or nonviolence: instrumental nature of protest mobilization." Право и политика, no. 11 (November 2020): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2020.11.34598.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Protest mobilization is a complex multifaceted process, the implementation of which depends on the range objective and subjective factors. Recurrent mass protests aimed against the activity of government structures in different regions of the world, as well as unprecedented decrease in violence worldwide, actualize the questions associated with the motives of protest activity, as well as the instruments that characterize protest mobilization. The subject of this research is the instruments of protest political mobilization. The goal consists in delineating the boundaries of resorting to violence and nonviolence as the instruments of protest mobilization. Leaning on the principles of Charles Tilly’s Repertoire of Contention towards analysis of violence and nonviolence in political activity, as well as using the analysis of relevant data on the practices of protest activity, the authors formulate the following conclusions: 1) both violent and nonviolent instruments, which intersect within the framework of mass actions to various extent, underlie protest activity; 2) violence is an integral part of mass protests, however, the magnitude and intensity of violence is determined by the level of political dissatisfaction of the subjects of collective activity and the scale of available resource base; 3) statistically, nonviolent forms of mass protest are more successful in attaining the goals by the subjects of mobilization.
2
Case, Benjamin. "Molotov Cocktails to Mass Marches: Strategic Nonviolence, Symbolic Violence, and the Mobilizing Effect of Riots." Theory in Action 14, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 18–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2102.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
What effects do violent protests have on social movement mobilizations? In recent decades, the field of nonviolence studies has popularized a strategic nonviolence framework to understand activist tactics. This framework is problematic in two ways. First, dominant theories argue that violent protest actions demobilize nonviolent protest. However, there is less empirical support for this claim than often assumed. Current quantitative findings on the demobilizing effects of violent protest rely on a false dichotomy between violence and nonviolence that obscures the effects of low-level violent actions. Through statistical analysis of protest trends in the US over 72 years, I show that riots have an overall mobilizing impact on nonviolent protests. Second, the strategic nonviolence framing encourages an instrumental view of tactics that is prone to miss the symbolic and emotional aspects of different types of actions. Through qualitative interviews with participants in the black bloc tactic, I explore the experiential effects of the riot, and find that rioting can have deeply empowering emotional impacts on participants, with lasting effects that sustain activists’ political engagement. In combination, these results demonstrate that low-level violent actions interact with movements in more dynamic ways than dominant theories have understood. [Article copies available for a fee from The Transformative Studies Institute. E-mail address: journal@transformativestudies.org Website: http://www.transformativestudies.org ©2021 by The Transformative Studies Institute. All rights reserved.]
3
Dahlum, Sirianne. "Students in the Streets: Education and Nonviolent Protest." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 2 (April 2, 2018): 277–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018758761.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study investigates whether protest movements consisting of students and educated protesters are more likely to (a) use nonviolent rather than violent resistance and (b) successfully reach their goals. Extant literature suggests that education is negatively linked to violent conflict, and the commonly assumed mechanism is that educated groups are less likely to resort to violence. Moreover, many argue that education is a force for regime change and democratization, by inducing successful protest movements. This article is the first to systematically test implications of these mechanisms at the protest level. The empirical analysis builds on original data on the educational background of participants in all protest campaigns aiming for regime change from 1900 to 2006 identified in the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes Dataset 1.0. I find robust evidence that protest movements with a high degree of involvement by students and graduates are more likely to turn nonviolent. Moreover, there is some (although weaker) evidence that these movements are more likely to achieve their goals, but only due to their nonviolent dispositions. This adds to the literature explaining why some movements resort to nonviolence (and succeed), by establishing that the identity and socioeconomic background of protesters matter.
4
Solt, Frederick. "Economic Inequality and Nonviolent Protest*." Social Science Quarterly 96, no. 5 (September 14, 2015): 1314–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12198.
Повний текст джерела
5
Martin, Brian. "Towards strategic rioting?" Theory in Action 15, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2212.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Benjamin Case (2021) argues that the framework of strategic nonviolence is limited by its assumption that violent protest necessarily demobilises movements, and that rioting can be empowering for participants. However, Case’s statistical analysis of US riots and peaceful demonstrations may not be a comparison of rioting and nonviolent action because it is questionable whether, in the US, peaceful demonstrations should be classified as methods of nonviolent action. Rioting can be empowering, but there is also considerable evidence that participation in nonviolent action can be empowering. Much research remains to be done to determine whether rioting can be a leading or major part of strategic action for social change.
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SCARRITT, JAMES R., and SUSAN McMILLAN. "Protest and Rebellion in Africa." Comparative Political Studies 28, no. 3 (October 1995): 323–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414095028003001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the sub-Saharan African portion of the global Minorities at Risk project. It analyzes the relationships between group characteristics, grievances, mobilization, state characteristics, and nonviolent protest and rebellion in Africa and compares these relationships with those found in a global analysis using the same data set. Mobilization is more important than group characteristics or grievances in explaining nonviolent protest and rebellion in the 1980s globally, and especially in Africa because political action there is taken mainly in response to the dynamics of mobilization and state response over the last 30 years. The state characteristics that are associated with the two forms of political action in Africa and globally differ; in the former case the strongest relationships are between greater—although partial—democracy in the 1960s and nonviolent protest and between competitiveness of participation in the 1960s and rebellion. An interpretive explanation of these differences is presented.
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Gleditsch, Kristian S., and Mauricio Rivera. "The Diffusion of Nonviolent Campaigns." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 5 (September 2, 2015): 1120–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715603101.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Existing research has uncovered strong geographical clustering in civil war and a variety of diffusion mechanisms through which violence in one country can increase the risk of outbreaks in other countries. Popular coverage of nonviolent protest often emphasizes regional waves like the 1989 revolutions in Eastern Europe and the Arab Spring. However, most research on nonviolence focuses only on features within countries affecting motivation and opportunities, and we know little about the possible role of diffusion and transnational factors. We detail how nonviolent campaigns in other states can increase nonviolent mobilization and direct action, highlighting important differences in the likely actors for violent and nonviolent direct action and the relevant diffusion mechanisms. We find strong empirical evidence for diffusion in nonviolent campaigns. The effects are largely confined to campaigns in neighboring countries, and there is little evidence of global diffusion. The potential diffusion effects are also specific to whether dissent is violent and nonviolent rather than general political instability. Moreover, we find that the effects of neighboring campaigns on nonviolent direct action apply only in cases with plausible motivation for contesting the government, and the effects are stronger when the regional environment can help expand opportunities for organizing dissent.
8
Kim, Nam Kyu, and Alex M. Kroeger. "Conquering and coercing: Nonviolent anti-regime protests and the pathways to democracy." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 5 (May 7, 2019): 650–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319830267.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Recent research finds an association between nonviolent protests and democratic transitions. However, existing scholarship either does not specify the pathways through which nonviolent protests bring about democratization or conduct systematic empirical analyses demonstrating that the specified pathways are operative. This article proposes four pathways through which nonviolent anti-regime protests encourage democratic transitions, emphasizing their ability to directly conquer or indirectly coerce such transitions. Most simply, they can conquer democratic reforms by directly overthrowing authoritarian regimes and installing democracies. They can also coerce democratic reforms through three additional pathways. Nonviolent anti-regime protests can coerce incumbent elites into democratic reforms by threatening the survival of authoritarian regimes. They also increase the likelihood of elite splits, which promote negotiated democratic reforms. Finally, they encourage leadership change within the existing authoritarian regime. Following leadership change, nonviolent movements remain mobilized and are able to coerce democratic concessions from the regime’s new leaders. Our within-regime analyses provide robust empirical support for each pathway. We show that nonviolent anti-regime protests conquer democratic reforms by ousting autocratic regimes and replacing them with democracies. Nonviolent anti-regime protests also coerce elites into democratic reforms by threatening regime and leader survival. These findings highlight the importance of protest goals and tactics and also that nonviolent anti-regime protests have both direct and indirect effects on democratization.
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Santoro, Wayne A., and Max Fitzpatrick. "“The Ballot or the Bullet”: The Crisis of Victory and the Institutionalization and Radicalization of the Civil Rights Movement*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 207–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-2-207.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Many social movements institutionalize and radicalize when nonviolent protest declines. Yet the sparse research addressing this issue has left underanalyzed and undertheorized the role of activist preferences in this process. Using the civil rights movement as our empirical referent, we investigate why some activists (nonviolent protestors) in the late sixties wanted the movement to switch to institutional or violent tactics rather than continue to rely on nonviolent protest. Our central data come from a large probability survey of mainly northern blacks in 1968. Using multinomial regression analysis, we find that feeling disappointed about racial progress pushes activists away from preferring nonviolent protest and instead toward favoring either more moderate or militant tactics. While voting and violence are quite dissimilar tactics, these findings demonstrate that a similar causal process pushes activists in the aggregate toward both directions.
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Celestino, Mauricio Rivera, and Kristian Skrede Gleditsch. "Fresh carnations or all thorn, no rose? Nonviolent campaigns and transitions in autocracies." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 3 (May 2013): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312469979.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Whereas optimists see the so-called Arab Spring as similar to the revolutions of 1989, and likely to bring about democratic rule, skeptics fear that protest bringing down dictators may simply give way to new dictatorships, as in the Iranian revolution. Existing research on transitions has largely neglected the role of protest and direct action in destabilizing autocracies and promoting democracy. We argue that protest and direct action can promote transitions in autocracies, and that the mode of direct action, that is, whether violent or nonviolent, has a major impact on the prospects for autocratic survival and democracy. We present empirical results supporting our claim that nonviolent protests substantially increase the likelihood of transitions to democracy, especially under favorable international environments, while violent direct action is less effective in undermining autocracies overall, and makes transitions to new autocracies relatively more likely.
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Ryan, Cheyney. "The One Who Burns Herself for Peace." Hypatia 9, no. 2 (1994): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1994.tb00431.x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Alice Hertz was a woman who, in J965, burned herself in protest against the Vietnam War. 1 first became aware of her through studying the writings of Dorothy Day, the founder of the Catholic Worker Movement and a central figure in the history of nonviolence. In this essay I reflect on how Alice Hertz's action and Dorothy Day's vision of nonviolent commitment can each illuminate the other.
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Hendrix, Cullen S., and Idean Salehyan. "Ethnicity, nonviolent protest, and lethal repression in Africa." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 4 (March 5, 2019): 469–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318820088.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Why do governments use deadly force against unarmed protesters? The government’s threat perception may be a function of the mobilization potential of the opposition and/or the size of the ruling elite’s support coalition. Given the high salience of ethnicity in African politics, governments that depend on small ethnic coalitions will see peaceful protests as more threatening, as the opposition may be able to draw on larger numbers of potential dissidents and excluded groups. Alternately, governments with larger, more homogeneous ethnic coalitions will find nonviolent mobilization less threatening and will be less likely to respond with deadly force. Using the Social Conflict Analysis Database, we demonstrate that as the size – and to a lesser extent homogeneity – of the ethnic ruling coalition grows, governments are significantly less likely to use deadly force against nonviolent protesters. This finding is robust to several operationalizations of the size of the government’s support coalition, the inclusion of other measures of ethnic demographics, and estimators that account for the hierarchical nature of the data. Threat perception hinges not only on dissident tactics but on their demands, their mobilization potential, and their capacity to impose costs on the government. This article demonstrates that the size and composition of the government’s ethnic support base matters as well.
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Baranowska, Marta. "Działalność pastora Jamesa Lawsona w Nashville 1958-1960 („nonviolent workshop”, sit-ins) – studium przypadku walki o zmiany społeczno-polityczne." Politeja 16, no. 2(59) (December 31, 2019): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.59.16.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In Nashville in 1958 Reverend James Lawson and Reverend Kelly Miller Smith (NCLC) started organising „nonviolent workshop”. Lawson began teaching and train local residents in the techniques of the Gandhi philosophy of direct nonviolent protest. On February 14 and 28, 1960, African American students launched their first full-scale sit-ins. Throughout the spring, students conducted numerous sit-ins and boycott. They suffered physical abuse, arrests, but held to the concept of Christian nonviolence. On April 19, after bombing damaged the home of Z. Alexander Looby (defense counsel for the students), thousand of black and some white Americans marched to Nashville’s City Hall. On May 10, 1960, Nashville became the first major city to begin desegregating its public facilities. The Nashville movement had been planned over several months, and served as a model for future demonstrations against segregation.
14
Gustafson, Daniel. "Hunger to Violence: Explaining the Violent Escalation of Nonviolent Demonstrations." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 6 (December 15, 2019): 1121–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719890669.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Under what conditions do nonviolent demonstrations escalate to violence? I answer this question using a novel theory of individual impatience in protests that begin peacefully. Rather than considering protest groups as unitary actors, I present a theory of collective action in which a group’s decision over whether or not to engage in anti-government violence is the product of individual preferences. Individuals involved in a nonviolent demonstration use the immediacy of their needs and the sustainability of collective action to decide whether or not to initiate violence against the state. Specifically, I hypothesize that the likelihood of violent escalation will increase when the food price increases and unemployment rate is high or when the event is spontaneous. Analysis of a Bayesian multilevel model of 2,405 nonviolent demonstrations from 1991 to 2017 in Africa and Latin America supports my expectations.
15
Pressman, Jeremy, Erica Chenoweth, Tommy Leung, L. Nathan Perkins, and Jay Ulfelder. "PROTESTS UNDER TRUMP, 2017–2021." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-27-1-13.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Trump presidency featured a high volume of contentious mobilization. We describe the collection and aggregation of protest mobilization data from 2017 to 2021 and offer five observations. First, the protests were sustained at a high level throughout the Trump presidency, with the largest subset of protests positioned against Trump and the administration’s policies. Second, the grievances that drove the protests varied. Third, the National Student Walkout and the antiracism protests in 2020 had the broadest geographic spread of any reported protests in U.S. history. Fourth, the vast majority of protests did not have arrests or injuries; they were nonviolent protests. When there were arrests, most people who were arrested were committing nonviolent civil disobedience, not aggression or interpersonal violence. Fifth, in 2020, a sustained period of right-wing countermobilization began around the issues of COVID-19 lock-downs, policing and race, and Trump’s false claim about the presidential election.
16
Johnson, Jaclyn, and Clayton L. Thyne. "Squeaky Wheels and Troop Loyalty." Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, no. 3 (June 26, 2016): 597–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002716654742.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article considers how domestic protests influence coups. Protests signal regime illegitimacy, which incentivizes coups and provides a favorable climate for postcoup reforms. Protests also ease coordination obstacles among coup plotters and make international actors less likely to punish coup leaders. We expect these signaling processes to be strongest when protests take place near the capital or are nonviolent. Our empirical analyses introduce event-level protest data from the Social, Political, and Economic Event Database project into the coup literature. Examining a global sample of coup attempts from 1951 to 2005, we find strong support for our theoretical expectations. Our discussion provides implications for scholars studying coups and nonviolent movements more generally. It also speaks to the influence of external actors on social uprisings and highlights the importance of geographical disaggregation in the study of dissident behavior.
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Sombatpoonsiri, Janjira, and Thammachat Kri-aksorn. "Taking Back Civic Space: Nonviolent Protests and Pushbacks against Autocratic Restrictions in Thailand." Protest 1, no. 1 (November 17, 2021): 80–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-bja10006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The year of 2020 witnessed the eruption of Thailand’s largest and longest-lasting mass demonstrations since the 2014 military putsch. Despite threats of crackdown, protesters leveraged a host of innovative nonviolent actions to reclaim political space that the regime had previously squeezed. This article sheds light on key mechanisms that underpin nonviolent actions’ ability to push back against a trend of shrinking space. We argue that the logic of nonviolent action, tactical and digital creativity, and counteracting repression operates in tandem. First, specific forms of nonviolent action carved out space for popular protest and increased public participation in it despite regime hindrances. Second, particularly tactical and digital creativity sustained this mass participation by reversing some effects of repression. Third, nonviolent responses to this repression encouraged further anti-regime mobilization. We conclude our analysis with some caveats. The Thai case shows that keeping regained space can be difficult.
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Abbs, Luke, and Kristian Skrede Gleditsch. "TICKED OFF, BUT SCARED OFF? RIOTS AND THE FATE OF NONVIOLENT CAMPAIGNS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-1-21.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Research on the relationship between nonviolent and violent dissent has focused on explicit shifts in organized strategies, disregarding less-organized forms of violence such as riots. Even though disorganized violence is common, we know little about how it influences the onset and fate of antigovernment nonviolent campaigns. Activists frequently argue that nonviolent discipline is essential and disorganized violence is counterproductive for effective large-scale mobilization. However, others emphasize how disorganized violence could have a mobilizing effect on large-scale protest and revitalize a nonviolent campaign. We detail these competing perspectives on how riots can influence the onset and outcomes of nonviolent campaigns. We then evaluate these contending claims empirically by examining how riots affect the initial emergence of nonviolent campaigns and the likelihood that campaigns will terminate. We find that nonviolent mobilization is less likely to emerge after riots, and ongoing campaigns are more likely to collapse under higher rates of rioting.
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Budji, Ivoline Kefen. "Utilizing Sounds of Mourning as Protest and Activism." Resonance 1, no. 4 (2020): 443–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/res.2020.1.4.443.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper examines how women of the northwestern Grassfields of Cameroon transpose and deploy lamentation sounds as a means of nonviolently resisting, challenging, counteracting, and controlling the audio-sphere hitherto militarized through the weaponization of the sounds of war. The main argument is that contrary to the popular narrative of African women as passive recipients of sociocultural norms and traditional political power that propagate female marginalization and oppression, African women can and do consciously draw from these same norms to achieve their sociopolitical aims. Following dark anthropology and the anthropology of resistance/activism that examine politics, power, conflict, and other grim realities of life, the paper employs a multimodal approach to illustrate how through the public performance of the sounds of mourning, the women tap into and make use of sociocultural understandings of womanhood and mourning. These sounds become an instrument that nonviolently opens a more peaceful channel for dialogue with the Cameroonian prime minister within the male-dominated political arena in modern-day Cameroon. The paper centers two integral yet often neglected elements of conflict: women and sound. Also, by examining how sociocultural instruments of subjugation can be pragmatically and ingeniously harnessed, overturned, and deployed by the victims to achieve the opposite of what these norms uphold, the paper provides vital insights about alternative forms of nonviolent resistance/activism from localized contexts within the Global South.
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Ishchenko, Volodymyr. "Insufficiently diverse: The problem of nonviolent leverage and radicalization of Ukraine’s Maidan uprising, 2013–2014." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 2 (June 14, 2020): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520928363.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article explains the violent radicalization of the initially peaceful Maidan uprising in January 2014 as the result of failure to build efficient leverage against Viktor Yanukovych with nonviolent methods. Maidan lacked critical diversity of nonviolent tactics insofar as directly disruptive methods of noncooperation (e.g., strikes and boycott) remained small-scale and inefficient. The Maidan protest coalition primarily lacked social-organizational resources, i.e. authoritative civil society organizations and strong labor movement, for developing nonviolent leverage that was partially connected to gaps in ideological and regional diversity and partially to unfavorable structural conditions. However, radical nationalists actively participating in the protests possessed a unique combination of resources for initiating and diffusing efficient, coordinated, and strategic violence when it became legitimated by intensifying repressions and disillusionment in the incapacity of the oppositional political parties to propose an efficient strategy against the government. Violent radicalization facilitated geographical expansion of disruption via occupations of governmental buildings in western and central Ukrainian regions that the state was ultimately incapable of containing.
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Chenoweth, Erica, Jonathan Pinckney, and Orion Lewis. "Days of rage." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 4 (April 19, 2018): 524–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318759411.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Although the empirical study of strategic nonviolent action has expanded in recent years, no current dataset provides detailed accounts of the day-to-day methods and tactics used by various nonviolent and violent actors seeking political change. We introduce the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO) version 3.0 dataset, which assembles over 100,000 hand-coded observations of nonviolent and violent methods in 21 countries around the world between 1991 and 2012. Researchers can use these data and their associated coding framework to (1) replicate or challenge existing findings about nonviolent and violent action; (2) test or uncover novel insights about the dynamics of violent and nonviolent action; and (3) recode existing protest events databases to capture specific variations in risk and disruption across event types. In particular, scholars can use these data to better understand which types of lower-level interactions between dissidents and regimes lead to large-scale mobilization; which sequences of nonviolent methods are most effective; and which types of spatial and participation diffusion yield the highest likelihood of success.
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WASOW, OMAR. "Agenda Seeding: How 1960s Black Protests Moved Elites, Public Opinion and Voting." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (May 21, 2020): 638–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305542000009x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
How do stigmatized minorities advance agendas when confronted with hostile majorities? Elite theories of influence posit marginal groups exert little power. I propose the concept of agenda seeding to describe how activists use methods like disruption to capture the attention of media and overcome political asymmetries. Further, I hypothesize protest tactics influence how news organizations frame demands. Evaluating black-led protests between 1960 and 1972, I find nonviolent activism, particularly when met with state or vigilante repression, drove media coverage, framing, congressional speech, and public opinion on civil rights. Counties proximate to nonviolent protests saw presidential Democratic vote share increase 1.6–2.5%. Protester-initiated violence, by contrast, helped move news agendas, frames, elite discourse, and public concern toward “social control.” In 1968, using rainfall as an instrument, I find violent protests likely caused a 1.5–7.9% shift among whites toward Republicans and tipped the election. Elites may dominate political communication but hold no monopoly.
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Ives, Brandon, and Jacob S. Lewis. "From Rallies to Riots: Why Some Protests Become Violent." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 5 (November 22, 2019): 958–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719887491.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When do nonviolent protests escalate into violence? Existing literature has focused primarily on campaign-level escalations and only recently has work begun to examine protest event-level escalations. We build on this emerging literature and develop an argument for why some protests escalate to violence. We use statistical analysis and find that violent escalations are more likely to occur following recent repression and when protests are unorganized. Our results offer insight into the conditions in which protests remain peaceful and offer citizens a channel to pursue their goals as well as the conditions in which protests become violent and destabilizing.
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Case, Benjamin S. "CONTENTIOUS EFFERVESCENCE: THE SUBJECTIVE EXPERIENCE OF RIOTING." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-2-179.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
How do violent protests affect social movement participants? Riots are common in civilian movements, but the effects of protester violence remain under-researched, in part due to an association of civilian protest with nonviolent methods and an association of violent protest with irrational chaos. Specifically, few studies have examined the experiences of rioters themselves. I use theoretical analysis and qualitative in-depth interviews with activists from the United States and South Africa to explore the subjective impact that moments of violent protest have on participants. Activist accounts indicate that many experience what I call “contentious effervescence,” a heightened state and sense of political empowerment amidst low-level violent actions, with long-term effects that raise consciousness and deepen and sustain activists’ resolve. I argue that examining the experiential and emotional effects of riots enhances our ability to understand contentious politics from below.
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Girod, Desha M., Megan A. Stewart, and Meir R. Walters. "Mass protests and the resource curse: The politics of demobilization in rentier autocracies." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 5 (July 27, 2016): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216651826.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Why are some dictators more successful at demobilizing protest movements than others? Repression sometimes stamps out protest movements (Bahrain in 2011) but can also cause a backlash (Egypt and Tunisia in 2011), leading to regime change. This article argues that the effectiveness of repression in quelling protests varies depending upon the income sources of authoritarian regimes. Oil-rich autocracies are well equipped to contend with domestic and international criticism, and this gives them a greater capacity to quell protests through force. Because oil-poor dictators lack such ability to deal with criticism, repression is more likely to trigger a backlash of increased protests. The argument is supported by analysis of newly available data on mass protests from the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO 2.0) dataset, which covers all countries (1945–2006). This article implies that publics respond strategically to repression, and tend to demobilize when the government is capable of continually employing repression with impunity.
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Goldman, Danielle. "Bodies on the Line: Contact Improvisation and Techniques of Nonviolent Protest." Dance Research Journal 39, no. 1 (2007): 60–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767700000073.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On the morning of May 4, 1961, a brave and motley group of travelers—seven black males, three white males, and three white females, varying in age and professional standing but all trained in nonviolence—embarked on what they called the “Freedom Ride.” Designed by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the bus ride was meant to commemorate and further the organization's 1947 Journey of Reconciliation, a non-violent test of desegregation on interstate buses that quickly disintegrated in the face of staunch resistance. This time, riders would test the 1960 Supreme Court decision Boynton v. Virginia, which prohibited segregation in the waiting rooms and restaurants of bus terminals (Branch 1989, 390). Departing from Washington, D.C., the Freedom Ride aimed to arrive in New Orleans on May 17, the seventh anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education. Explaining that they were merely exercising rights granted by the Supreme Court but that they knew the dangers, CORE director James Farmer said, “We were prepared for the possibility of death” (Cozzens 1997). Riding the momentum of the student sit-ins, the civil rights movement had become for many a matter of “putting your body on the line” (Branch 1989, 392).
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McCarthy, Claudine. "Take a student-centered approach to managing demonstrations, understanding nonviolent protest." Student Affairs Today 20, no. 7 (September 19, 2017): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/say.30388.
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Asal, Victor, Justin Conrad, and Peter White. "Going Abroad: Transnational Solicitation and Contention by Ethnopolitical Organizations." International Organization 68, no. 4 (2014): 945–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818314000228.
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AbstractExisting literature on contentious political movements has generally focused on domestic political activity. Using the new Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior–Middle East data set (MAROB-ME), which contains organization-level data for 104 ethnopolitical organizations in the Middle East and North Africa, we analyze the decision of both violent and nonviolent organizations to engage in political activity transnationally. Among the results, we find that diaspora support is associated with transnational nonviolent protest, whereas foreign state support and domestic repression increase the use of transnational violence. The most robust finding, however, is that participation in the domestic electoral process consistently reduces the likelihood that an organization will engage in any political activity abroad.
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Danielson, Leilah C. "“In My Extremity I Turned to Gandhi”: American Pacifists, Christianity, and Gandhian Nonviolence, 1915–1941." Church History 72, no. 2 (June 2003): 361–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700099881.
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American pacifists first heard of Mohandas Gandhi and his struggles in South Africa and India after World War I. Although they admired his opposition to violence, they were ambivalent about non-violent resistance as a method of social change. As heirs to the Social Gospel, they feared that boycotts and civil disobedience lacked the spirit of love and goodwill that made social redemption possible. Moreover, American pacifists viewed Gandhi through their own cultural lens, a view that was often distorted by Orientalist ideas about Asia and Asians. It was only in the 1930s, when Reinhold Niebuhr and other Christian realists charged that pacifism was impotent in the face of social injustice, that they began to reassess Gandhian nonviolence. By the 1940s, they were using nonviolent direct action to protest racial discrimination and segregation, violations of civil liberties, and the nuclear arms race.
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Braithwaite, Alex, Jessica Maves Braithwaite, and Jeffrey Kucik. "The conditioning effect of protest history on the emulation of nonviolent conflict." Journal of Peace Research 52, no. 6 (October 14, 2015): 697–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343315593993.
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Lawson, George. "Revolution, Nonviolence, and the Arab Uprisings*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 453–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-4-453.
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This article combines insights from the literature on revolutions with that on nonviolent protest in order to assess the causes and outcomes of the Arab uprisings. The article makes three main arguments: first, international dynamics were the precipitant cause of the Arab uprisings; second, because the region's “neopatrimonial” regimes were particularly vulnerable to shifts in state-military relations, the hold of elites over state coercive apparatuses played a decisive role in determining the outcomes of the revolutions; and third, the organizational character of the protest movements, including their use of information and communication technologies, helped to raise levels of participation, but limited their capacity to engender major transformations. Of particular interest to scholarship on nonviolent movements, this article demonstrates the ways that, as the revolutionary wave spread around North Africa and the Middle East, protestors in states outside the original onset of the crisis overstated the possibilities of revolutionary success. At the same time, regimes learned quickly how to demobilize their opponents. The lesson is clear: the timing of when movements emerged was just as important as their organizational coherence and levels of participation.
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TROFIMOVA, Kristina. "THE PHENOMENON OF PROTEST POLITICAL ACTIVITY: CONCEPTUALIZATION OF THE MAIN APPROACHES." Vestnik BIST (Bashkir Institute of Social Technologies) 137 (December 28, 2020): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.47598/2078-9025-2020-4-49-109-114.
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This article provides a comparative political science analysis of the main approaches to the study of the phenomenon of protest activity. Using a combination of General scientific and special methods, it is established that protest political activity is a conflict behavior (or deliberate inaction) of individuals, groups, parties, and social movements in relation to state institutions. The object of such activity, as a rule, is the power represented by the ruling elite, and the subject is a set of political contradictions, socio — economic problems and other conflictcausing factors that provoke discontent on the part of citizens. The intensity of political protest activity ranges from mild nonviolent resistance to mass riots, clashes, and revolutionary events. In the modern information society, protest political activity is usually incubated in the virtual space of the Internet, and then flows into mass street practices. At the same time, the protest itself is becoming more decentralized, and the role of leaders in it is steadily decreasing.
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Flacks, Richard, Barbara Epstein, Ron Eyerman, and Andrew Jamison. "Political Protest and Cultural Revolution: Nonviolent Direct Action in the 1970s and 1980s." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 5 (September 1992): 683. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075561.
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Breines, Wini, and Barbara Epstein. "Political Protest and Cultural Revolution: Nonviolent Direct Action in the 1970s and 1980s." American Historical Review 97, no. 2 (April 1992): 637. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165903.
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Shaykhutdinov, Renat. "Give peace a chance: Nonviolent protest and the creation of territorial autonomy arrangements." Journal of Peace Research 47, no. 2 (February 16, 2010): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343309353109.
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Chism, Jonathan Langston. "“The Saints Go Marching”: Black Pentecostal Critical Consciousness and the Political Protest Activism of Pastors and Leaders in the Church of God in Christ in the Civil Rights Era." Pneuma 35, no. 3 (2013): 424–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-12341350.
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Abstract Although black Pentecostal leaders are known for their emphasis on holiness and spiritual empowerment, they are not renowned for having led and spearheaded political protest struggles during the Civil Rights movement. In this paper I discuss black Pentecostals’ postures toward political protest struggles, and I analyze reasons why some black Pentecostals participated in the Civil Rights movement while others did not. My central argument is that critical consciousness formation played an integral role in motivating a minority of Church of God in Christ (COGIC) clergy and leaders to engage in Civil Rights protest struggles. That is to say, many black Pentecostals who took part in the movement reconciled their strivings for spiritual empowerment against evil with critical reflection upon complex social, political, and economic realities. They recognized the utility of opposing structures of oppression through direct, nonviolent means.
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Tolstrup, Jakob, Michael Aagaard Seeberg, and Johanne Grøndahl Glavind. "Signals of Support From Great Power Patrons and the Use of Repression During Nonviolent Protests." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 4 (June 28, 2018): 514–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018784047.
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When autocrats face threats of nonviolent mass mobilization, they are likely to respond with repression. However, when will the autocrat initiate, step up, or downscale repressive behavior during such protest events? We propose that signals of support from great power patrons play a pivotal role in emboldening rulers to engage in and intensify repressive behavior. To probe this hypothesis, we analyze how supportive and nonsupportive actions and statements of the great powers in the United Nations Security Council shape the repressive behavior of authoritarian regimes during three recent, and similar, cases of protest events: Burma 2007, Zimbabwe 2008, and Burkina Faso 2014. The cases show that the more unequivocal and consistent patron support for the besieged regime is the firmer and more violent are the responses to the domestic challengers.
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Lee, Murray. "Policing the Pedal Rebels: A Case Study of Environmental Activism Under COVID-19." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 156–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.1887.
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Australia, along with nation-states internationally, has entered a new phase of environmentally focused activism, with globalised, coordinated and social media–enabled environmental social movements seeking to address human-induced climate change and related issues such as the mass extinction of species and land clearing. Some environmental protest groups such as Extinction Rebellion (XR) have attracted significant political, media and popular commentary for their sometimes theatrical and disruptive forms of nonviolent protest and civil disobedience. Drawing on green and cultural criminology, this article constitutes an autoethnographic account of environmental protest during the final stages of the initial COVID-19 lockdown in NSW, Australia. It takes as a case study a small protest by an XR subgroup called the Pedal Rebels. The article explores the policing of environmental protest from an activist standpoint, highlighting the extraordinary police resources and powers mobilised to regulate a small peaceful group of ‘socially distanced’ protesters operating within the existing public health orders. It places an autoethnographic description of this protest in the context of policing practice and green and cultural criminology. Additionally, it outlines the way in which such policing is emboldened by changes to laws affecting environmental protest, making activism an increasingly risky activity.
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Johnstad, Petter Grahl. "When the Time Is Right: Regime Legitimacy as a Predictor of Nonviolent Protest Outcome." Peace & Change 37, no. 4 (September 10, 2012): 516–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0130.2012.00769.x.
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Muñoz, Carlos. "The Chicano Movement: Mexican American History and the Struggle for Equality." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 17, no. 1-2 (February 13, 2018): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341465.
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Abstract The Chicano/Chicana movement was a product of the global eruption that took place in 1968. A critical understanding of this movement requires that it be put into a historical context and theoretical framework of an indigenous people who were internally colonized by the expanding us Empire after the end of the us-Mexico War of 1846-48. Violent and nonviolent struggles took place prior to the 1960s over the issues of land, social justice, and civil rights. The first nonviolent and largest Mexican American mass protest in us history occurred in the Spring of 1968 in East Los Angeles, California, where over ten thousand Chicano high school students walked out of their inferior and racist barrio high schools. The student walkouts ignited the emergence of the Chicano civil rights movement. The movement’s positive contributions and failures will be discussed. Discussion will conclude with a critical analysis of Mexican American struggles in the present age of “Trumpism”.
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Логунова, Л. Ю., та Е. А. Маженина. "ЦЕННОСТИ И СМЫСЛЫ НЕНАСИЛИЯ В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ПРОТЕСТЕ". Konfliktologia 15, № 4 (16 лютого 2021): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2020-15-4-58-77.
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The article presents the results of a long-term study of protest as a cultural phenomenon, the transformation of values, realized in the activities of the best people of the planet and their followers. These values have absorbed the experience of many generations and the behavior of people defending the rights of an individual to dignity, equality before the law, fair attitude, freedom of thought. In the history of the development of political thought, values have formed that constitute the core of civil culture. The genesis of the birth of the nucleus of civil culture from the thinkers of Antiquity, ideologists of nonviolent resistance, leaders of the French bourgeois revolution, activists of the “new left” movement to the protests of our time is shown. The basis for updating the protection of these values is the socio-political situation, characterized by the divergence of interests of civil society and ruling political groups. The values of the core of civil culture (freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, freedom of assembly, human rights) acquire an acute urgency in situations of power crisis. This is the time of the birth of new values that will mobilize new generations of protesters. Protest, as an act of protecting the values of the individual, is a measure of the level of development of political culture in the state. The protest — it's not just a mass exit of dissent on the area. This is an indicator of the level of self-awareness of citizens and the development of the political culture of society. The symbols of political protest actions are a special text that expresses the meanings of values. The authors present the results of a sociological study, which used comparative, value-semantic, interpretive approaches, studied the meanings and values of political protests of the 20th — early 19th centuries, analyzed visual and publicistic evidence of protest actions: photo and video materials, publications in the press.
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Quaranta, Mario. "Nonviolent Protest in Europe: The Role of Macroeconomic Conditions in Party and Union Members’ Participation." PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 01 (January 2018): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096517001792.
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Codogni, Paulina. "Protesty głodowe jako taktyka walki bez przemocy." Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 16 (January 30, 2014): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2014.16.02.
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The article discusses the phenomenon of hunger strikes which are considered to be an example of strategies and tactics of nonviolent struggle. The resistance is based on a conscious refusal to eat food which causes the political matter against which the protest is directed to become an existential matter. Everyday actions, such as eating, take on a different meaning. The same happens with the meaning of the act of political contestation. On the one hand what can be seen is the embodiment of politics and on the other the politicization of the body. The article also showcases a number of historical and contemporary examples of hunger strikes and tries to find the answer whether hunger strikes are an effective method of political resistance.
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Basedau, Matthias, and Vita Roy. "Sleep, bark, or bite: Do natural resources make the difference regarding peaceful or violent conflict?" International Area Studies Review 23, no. 1 (January 21, 2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865919895859.
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Natural resources can create state-based and other conflicts through several causal mechanisms. Debate, however, has remained silent on forms of conflict, especially why violent or peaceful collective action occurs. Combining the literatures on nonviolent- and armed conflict with work on the resource–conflict link, we developed a number of hypotheses on how resources affect the conditions under which collective actors such as ethnic groups remain dormant, voice grievances peacefully or engage in violent rebellion. A grid-cell analysis of ethnic groups in Africa largely confirmed our expectation on the effect of resources. Resource deposits increased the risk that violent conflict would occur; the effect was reversed and ethnic groups become dormant when groups living in resource regions were politically included. We also found some evidence that lootable resources fuel violent but not peaceful conflict. However, the non-resource context best explained the difference between violent and nonviolent conflict. Democracy, political exclusion and geography such as distance from capital and transborder ethnic kin were key in explaining why violent and not peaceful protest emerged. Future research should dig deeper into mechanisms of how resources affect forms of conflict and should further study non-resource conditions that can have functionally equivalent effects.
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Ortiz, David. "Rocks, Bottles, and Weak Autocracies: The Role of Political Regime Settings on Contention-Repression Interactions." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 289–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.18.3.33688097222u6866.
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Scholars have recently begun to explore more nuanced ways of looking at the links between protest and repression, including consideration of the regime and other structural impacts on this dynamic relationship. This work contributes to this growing literature by employing Cox proportional hazards models to analyze daily data from 98 countries to study the exchanges between violent and nonviolent contention and repression under different regime settings. Results highlight the importance of considering the political setting when examining the dynamic contention-repression interaction, the need to account for both contentious actions' effects on state repression and state repression's effects on contention, and the fact that regime type categories should be further disaggregated in order to fully capture the particularities of this complex relationship.
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Asal, Victor, Richard Legault, Ora Szekely, and Jonathan Wilkenfeld. "Gender ideologies and forms of contentious mobilization in the Middle East." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 3 (May 2013): 305–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343313476528.
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This article explores those factors that shape a political organization’s choice of tactics in political mobilization with a particular focus on the influence of gender ideology on the choice of different type of contentious action. To understand why political organizations engaging in contentious politics choose to employ violent tactics, nonviolent tactics, or a mixture of both, current scholarship has tended to focus on factors such as relationship with the government, external support, and religious or leftist ideology. Far less attention has been given to the role of an organization’s ideology relating to gender when predicting its behavior. In addition, much of the analysis of contentious activity has analyzed the use of violence or protest separately and rarely examines the choice of a mixed strategy. We employ a time-series multinomial logistic regression analysis to examine the Middle East Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior dataset (MAROB), including data over 24 years on 104 ethno-political organizations that have used a range of tactics including protest, violence, and/or a mix of the two, to investigate organizational and state-level variables that lead organizations to choose different strategies. We find that a number of variables can influence a movement’s choice to engage in one strategy over another. Gender-inclusive ideology makes an organization more likely to engage in protest and less likely to choose a violent or mixed strategy.
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Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.
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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrasting actions of peaceful protestors and violent local authorities. In addition, political opportunities also played a role in the movement’s success, as during the Cold War the U.S. federal government became increasingly concerned about their international image. Other reasons for the movement’s success include an increased access to television among the American public, and pre-existing black institutions and organizations. The civil rights movement left an important legacy and ensuing social movements have utilized similar framing techniques and strategies.
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Smith, William. "The Ethics of (Un)Civil Resistance." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 363–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000248.
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AbstractCivil disobedience is a conscientious, unlawful, and broadly nonviolent form of protest, which most political philosophers and many non-philosophers are inclined to treat as potentially defensible in democratic societies. In recent years, philosophers have become more receptive to long-standing complaints from activists that civil disobedience is an unduly restrictive framework for considering the ethics of dissent. Candice Delmas and Jason Brennan have written important books that illustrate and strengthen this trend, both defending forms of “uncivil” resistance that go beyond the narrow confines of civil disobedience. Their books offer contrasting but complementary philosophical defences of incivility as a tactic of resistance, but it is nonetheless a mistake to conclude that the rich tradition associated with civil disobedience no longer has any relevance for resistance in national, transnational, and global contexts.
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Ni, Michael Y., Yoona Kim, Ian McDowell, Suki Wong, Hong Qiu, Irene OL Wong, Sandro Galea, and Gabriel M. Leung. "Mental health during and after protests, riots and revolutions: A systematic review." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 54, no. 3 (January 28, 2020): 232–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004867419899165.
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Objectives: Protests, riots and revolutions have long been a part of human history and are increasing globally, yet their impact on mental health remains largely unknown. We therefore systematically reviewed studies on collective actions and mental health. Method: We searched PubMed, Web of Science, PsycINFO and CINAHL Plus for published studies from their inception until 1 January 2018. Study quality was rated using the Newcastle–Ottawa Scale. Results: We identified 52 studies ( n = 57,487 participants) from 20 countries/regions. The prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder ranged from 4% to 41% in riot-affected areas. Following a major protest, the prevalence of probable major depression increased by 7%, regardless of personal involvement in the protests, suggestive of community spillover effects. Risk factors for poorer mental health included female sex, lower socioeconomic status, exposure to violence, interpersonal conflicts, frequent social media use and lower resilience and social support. Nevertheless, two studies suggested that collective actions may reduce depression and suicide, possibly due to a collective cathartic experience and greater social cohesion within subpopulations. Conclusion: We present the first systematic review of collective actions and mental health, showing compelling evidence that protests even when nonviolent can be associated with adverse mental health outcomes. Health care professionals therefore need to be vigilant to the mental and psychological sequelae of protests, riots and revolutions. Further research on this emerging sociopolitical determinant of mental health is warranted.
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Kotin, Alison, Stella Aguirre McGregor, DeAnna Pellecchia, DeAnna Pellecchia, Ingrid Schatz, and Shaw Pong Liu. "Speak Out. Act Up. Move Forward. Disobedience-Based Arts Education." Harvard Educational Review 83, no. 1 (March 26, 2013): 190–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.83.1.x2j8070452124kv3.
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In this essay, Alison Kotin, Stella Aguirre McGregor, DeAnna Pellecchia, Ingrid Schatz, and Shaw Pong Liu reflect on their experiences working with public high school students to create Speak Out. Act Up. Move Forward., a performative response to current and historical acts of civil disobedience. The authors—a group of instructors from the Urbano Project with specialties in contemporary dance, musical composition, and interactive digital media—discuss their collaboration with students to draw connections between nonviolent protest and the challenges, pressures, and choices teens are faced with in everyday life. Through the use of student voices and powerful images, this reflective piece illustrates the potential of contemporary art to empower youth with a platform to work collaboratively, engage in critical reflection, and provoke and intrigue their audiences in open-ended consideration of urban young people's lived experiences and views of the world.