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Статті в журналах з теми "Nonviolence"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 4 червня 2021

Оновлено: 1 серпня 2024

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1

Fiala, Andrew. "Philosophical Peace and Methodological Nonviolence." Acorn 21, no. 1 (2021): 21–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn2021121319.

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Анотація:

This article considers the nonviolent commitment of philosophy, arguing that “methodological nonviolence” is a normative ideal guiding philosophical practice and that rational dialogue is connected with nonviolence. The paper presents a transcendental argument about the form of nonviolent communication. Even when philosophers argue in favor of justified violence, they make such arguments within a nonviolent practice. The argument is grounded in historical references to ways that philosophers have clarified the philosophical commitment to methodological nonviolence, the ideal unity of means and ends, and the ideal community of inquiry, which is a model of positive peace. While Socrates is treated as a paradigmatic example of methodological nonviolence, Tolstoy’s work is presented as a crucial historical turning point from implicit methodological nonviolence to the more explicit forms that may be found in the works of Jane Addams, Mohandas K. Gandhi, and Martin Luther King, Jr.

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2

Gallo-Cruz, Selina. "Nonviolence beyond the state: International NGOs and local nonviolent mobilization." International Sociology 34, no. 6 (September 20, 2019): 655–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580919865100.

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Анотація:

Studies of nonviolence have taught us much about what makes nonviolence successful, emphasizing the importance of local circumstance and strategy. Little attention has been given to the effect of ties with international organizations on nonviolence: that is, how the embeddedness of local actors in global networks shapes nonviolent mobilization. In this article, a world society framework is applied with the objective of understanding the transnational factors shaping local nonviolent mobilization. Through global and historical models exploring political, economic, and cultural factors, it is found that: first, the global integration and structure of the nation-state is an important and significant factor in shaping the emergence of nonviolent movements; second, integration into global civil society networks significantly increases the likelihood for large-scale nonviolent resistance; and third, ties to a specialized network of nonviolent organizations significantly shape the path toward nonviolence over violent means of resistance.

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3

Wahlrab, Amentahru. "Imagining Global Nonviolence." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 16, no. 1-3 (April 7, 2017): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341429.

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This article interprets the globalization of nonviolence and nonviolent resistance through the lens of Manfred B. Steger’s concept of the “global imaginary.” It argues that the globalization of nonviolence and the global imaginary are mutually reinforcing processes. Nonviolent protests are driven by local issues and are, thus, context specific and local but, as in the case of the Arab uprisings, as they spread through themenaand beyond, the uprisings provided historically linked examples of a growing global consciousness, a “global” we.

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4

Thomas, Dorneshia L., George S. Stavros, Steven J. Sandage, Linda Berg-Cross, and Edwin J. Nichols. "Attachment Neuroscience and Martin Luther King, Jr.’s Nonviolence Philosophy: Implications for the 21st Century and Beyond." Journal of Black Psychology 48, no. 3-4 (May 2022): 507–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00957984211016236.

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Анотація:

This article focuses on the psychology of principled nonviolent activism, specifically ideas associated with Martin Luther King, Jr.’s philosophy of nonviolence and how they are compatible with attachment theory and related areas of modern neuroscience (e.g., attachment/social neuroscience and interpersonal neurobiology). The proposed Kingian Neuro-Relational Theory (KNRT) recognizes King as having a relational development approach to social justice. KNRT offers a way of understanding King’s ideas to aid research and develop strategies for reducing many forms of societal violence, with eventual outcomes of improving mental and physical health via stress reduction, and subsequent creation of a more socially just world. KNRT is an integrative, multidisciplinary approach, incorporating the philosophy of nonviolence, attachment theory, social neuroscience, ecological systems theory, and personalistic philosophy. The theory highlights developmental and clinical implications of moving beyond tactical/pragmatic nonviolent activism (nonviolent direct action) to activism via embracing nonviolence as a principled way of life (nonviolent daily interactions). This theory is building on an earlier project that conveyed how King’s philosophy of nonviolence is related to modern–day diversity and inclusion efforts.

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5

Christoyannopoulos, Alexandre. "Pacifism and Nonviolence: Discerning the Contours of an Emerging Multidisciplinary Research Agenda." Journal of Pacifism and Nonviolence 1, no. 1 (March 22, 2023): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27727882-bja00011.

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Анотація:

Abstract Pacifism and nonviolence have separable foci and origins, yet also share important similarities, and their respective histories are mutually imbricated. Both have, furthermore, been attracting growing scholarly interest. However, that scholarship has so far been scattered in disparate sub-disciplinary debates and specialist publications. The time has come for an ambitious multidisciplinary agenda to coordinate research on topics including: the varieties of approaches to nonviolence and pacifism; accusations against pacifism; tensions between pacifism and nonviolence; theories and practices outside the Global North; the multiple consequences of violence; violence and nonviolence in political thought; the relationship between violence/nonviolence and gender, race, and other social identities; the religious roots of pacifism and nonviolence; the place of violence and nonviolence in popular culture; practical nonviolent policies of governance; predominant assumptions concerning violence in ir; the threshold characteristics of ‘violence’; and methodological challenges in the study and pedagogy of nonviolence and pacifism.

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6

Nepstad, Sharon Erickson. "Violence, Nonviolence, and the Palestinian National Movement. By Wendy Pearlman." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (December 2012): 993–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002617.

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Анотація:

Violence, Nonviolence, and the Palestinian National Movement. By Wendy Pearlman. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 304p. $99.00.In recent years, social scientific research on nonviolent resistance has burgeoned. Yet many studies focus on the factors associated with nonviolent movements' success or failure. In her book, Wendy Pearlman poses different questions. Instead of asking when and how nonviolence works, she asks why some activists choose nonviolent tactics while others choose violent ones. Additionally, she asks why movements may, over time, shift between armed and unarmed strategies.

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7

NAZZAL, Abdeleahman, and Ayman YOUSEF. "PALESTINE: POPULAR NON-VIOLENT RESISTANCE. DEBATING TERMINOLOGY AND CONSTRUCTING PARADIGMS." Conflict Studies Quarterly 36 (July 5, 2021): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.3.

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Анотація:

The main goal of this research paper is to examine the core role of popular nonviolent resistance in transforming the Israeli Palestinian conflict through all available peaceful means. We have deeply gone through different definitions of nonviolence as an international concept and we explored the various historical stages and prominent stations of this type of nonviolence. To elaborate more on this goal, we can say that the strategic aim is to bridge the gap between theories and approaches of conflict transformations and the current study of peaceful resistance. Nonviolence is one strategic options for the Palestinians if we realize that the political alternatives and narrow and limited. Methodology adopted in this research is primarily qualitative with analytical and empirical connotations and implications, we relied on both primary and secondary data to reach the final results and conclusions. As far the final findings are concerned, this paper concluded that there is a gap between nonviolence peaceful resistance in the field in one hand and the decision makers on the other hand. There is a gap those who practiced or who embraced nonviolence as strategic resistance and those who put political goals and practiced political leadership. There is a lack of a proper understanding of peaceful nonviolent resistance and its role in liberating and emancipating Palestine from the occupation. Keywords: nonviolence, occupation, popular resistance, Gandhian model.

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8

Martin, Brian. "The Dynamics of Nonviolence Knowledge*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 533–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-4-533.

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Анотація:

Nonviolent action, despite its widespread use and successes, has received relatively little scholarly attention and financial support compared to military research and studies of conventional politics. Understanding the direction and content of knowledge about nonviolence is a project in the tradition of the sociology of knowledge that can help explain why the study of nonviolence has been marginalized, why misconceptions about it persist, why so much research in the area has been oriented to challenging regimes, and how nonviolence researchers are connected to nonviolence practice. This investigation leads to some suggestions for social movement scholars, in particular the value of studying agency and strategy, and the possibility of gaining insight by being involved in the movements being studied.

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9

Blackman, Anna. "Nourishing Nonviolence: Dorothy Day as Exemplar and Educator." Journal of Catholic Social Thought 20, no. 2 (2023): 305–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcathsoc202320221.

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Анотація:

In his 2022 World Day of Peace Message, Pope Francis argues that education serves as an essential mechanism in building “lasting peace.” However, though an ethic of nonviolence has been gaining traction within Church teaching, education for nonviolence remains far from mainstream. This paper will argue that education has a vital role to play in the flourishing of a nonviolent Church. In doing so, it will question how an education for nonviolence might be approached, drawing on Dorothy Day as an exemplar of both pedagogy and praxis.

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10

Misra, Maria. "Sergeant-Major Gandhi: Indian Nationalism and Nonviolent “Martiality”." Journal of Asian Studies 73, no. 3 (July 14, 2014): 689–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814000485.

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Анотація:

This article takes issue with recent accounts of the evolution of Gandhian ideas that have stressed his importance as a global theorist of principled nonviolence. It suggests that throughout his life Gandhi's writings display a preoccupation with ideas of martial courage and fearlessness; his stance might best be defined as one of nonviolent “martiality” rather than nonviolence per se. His overriding goal was not to proselytize for global “ahimsa” (nonviolence) but to shape the Indian people into a nonviolent army that could wrest freedom from the colonizers. It explains this concern for both nonviolence and martial attitudes by arguing that Gandhi's thought has to be reassessed and placed within several important contexts: the widespread global popularity of militarism before 1914; an influential intellectual critique of Western “materialist” values; Asian nationalist efforts to develop “indigenous” forms of mobilizational politics in their struggles against imperialism; and Indian thinking about caste (varna), which was central to Gandhi's thought and has generally been neglected in the literature. These contexts help us to understand Gandhi's complex and sometimes contradictory thinking on the issue of violence.

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11

Fitz-Gibbon, Andrew, Danielle Poe, Sanjay Lal, William C. Gay, and Mechthild Nagel. "What Would Make For A Better World?" Acorn 21, no. 1 (2021): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn2021122821.

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Анотація:

Andrew Fitz-Gibbon in Pragmatic Nonviolence: Working Toward a Better World argues that a principled form of pragmatism—pragmatism shaped by the theory of nonviolence—is the best hope for our world. He defines nonviolence as “a practice that, whenever possible seeks the well-being of the Other, by refusing to use violence to solve problems, and by having an intentional commitment to lovingkindness.” In the first part of the book, Fitz-Gibbon asks what a better world would look like. In the second part, he covers what is the greatest obstacle to that better world: violence. In the third part, he examines philosophical theories of nonviolence. The fourth part examines pragmatism as a philosophy of “what works” (William James) through the lens of the principle of maximizing well-being through nonviolent practice. In response to Fitz-Gibbon’s work, critic Danielle Poe asks what a nonviolence response looks like to the Other whom we have wronged and wonders how nonviolence responds to systemic violence. Sanjay Lal asks whether pragmatism and nonviolence can be synthesized given the popular conception that the pragmatic possible seems at odds with the ideal of absolute nonviolence. William C. Gay affirms much of the text and suggests its uses in teaching. Mechthild Nagel wonders if Fitz-Gibbon’s pragmatic nonviolence is too anthropocentric and questions the absence of a consideration of systemic violence in the criminal justice system. Fitz-Gibbon then responds to the critics.

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12

Sasongko, Nindyo. "Toward a Nonviolent Koinonia." Ecclesiology 11, no. 3 (October 16, 2015): 327–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-01103005.

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Анотація:

While many churches now affirm the importance of nonviolence as a missional strategy, it is not clear that this has yet affected their ecclesial self-understanding. What have the ecumenical churches said about the church and nonviolence? Have they developed enough of a nonviolent ecclesiology? In this study, I contend that it is essential that the Christian churches be a nonviolent koinonia. The true church is the nonviolent church. Drawing upon major ecumenical documents, and listening to the voices of three theologians who have endorsed nonviolent theology, I outline a vision of the nonviolent church as a koinonia which participates in the life of the Triune God. As the community which is centred on the eucharist, I argue that the nonviolent koinonia is a community of anamnesis, of prolepsis, and of philoxenia.

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13

Branagan, Marty. "Nonviolence and Sustainability: An Indivisible Connection." Sustainability 14, no. 11 (May 24, 2022): 6426. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14116426.

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Анотація:

Nonviolence is an important element of sustainability for three main reasons. One is that nonviolent actions, including Australia’s Franklin River campaign, anti-nuclear blockades at Roxby Downs and Jabiluka, northern NSW old-growth forest blockades, and climate actions against coal seam gas and coal extraction, have long been effectively used by environmentalists, conservationists, and preservationists to protect environments from damage and to advocate for more sustainable societies, institutions, systems, and processes. Nonviolent environmental action has also opposed militarism for a range of reasons, one of which is concern about the large environmental footprint of militarism. The third reason why nonviolence is important for sustainability is because it offers an alternative to militarism as a means of national and regional self-defence and the removal of dictatorships, genocidal regimes, and military juntas. This alternative has much lower environmental, economic, and social costs. The article begins with the introduction and methods sections, introduces the 2030 Agenda of the United Nations and ‘sustainability’ and defines ‘nonviolence’ and introduces its connection to sustainability. This is followed by the case studies and a discussion of how these nonviolent actions contributed to environmental sustainability. Militarism and its impacts on the environment are described, and nonviolent defence and regime change are presented as viable and less environmentally-damaging alternatives.

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14

Case, Benjamin. "Molotov Cocktails to Mass Marches: Strategic Nonviolence, Symbolic Violence, and the Mobilizing Effect of Riots." Theory in Action 14, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 18–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2102.

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Анотація:

What effects do violent protests have on social movement mobilizations? In recent decades, the field of nonviolence studies has popularized a strategic nonviolence framework to understand activist tactics. This framework is problematic in two ways. First, dominant theories argue that violent protest actions demobilize nonviolent protest. However, there is less empirical support for this claim than often assumed. Current quantitative findings on the demobilizing effects of violent protest rely on a false dichotomy between violence and nonviolence that obscures the effects of low-level violent actions. Through statistical analysis of protest trends in the US over 72 years, I show that riots have an overall mobilizing impact on nonviolent protests. Second, the strategic nonviolence framing encourages an instrumental view of tactics that is prone to miss the symbolic and emotional aspects of different types of actions. Through qualitative interviews with participants in the black bloc tactic, I explore the experiential effects of the riot, and find that rioting can have deeply empowering emotional impacts on participants, with lasting effects that sustain activists’ political engagement. In combination, these results demonstrate that low-level violent actions interact with movements in more dynamic ways than dominant theories have understood. [Article copies available for a fee from The Transformative Studies Institute. E-mail address: journal@transformativestudies.org Website: http://www.transformativestudies.org ©2021 by The Transformative Studies Institute. All rights reserved.]

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15

Losurdo, Domenico. "Moral Dilemmas and Broken Promises: A Historical-Philosophical Overview of the Nonviolent Movement." Historical Materialism 18, no. 4 (2010): 85–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920610x550622.

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AbstractGreat historical crises oblige us to choose not between violence and nonviolence, but between two different forms of violence. Nonviolent movements are no exception to this rule. In the US, with the outbreak of the War of Secession, the Christian-nonviolent movement was obliged to choose between the violence of the Union-army (which ultimately imposed on the South an abolitionist revolution from above) and the violence of slavery. With the outbreak of World-War One, Lenin chose revolution, while, in India, Gandhi became the ‘recruiting agent-in-chief’ for the British army. At that moment, he struggled not for the general emancipation of colonial peoples, but only for the co-optation of the Indian people under the ruling races, and this co-optation was to be gained on the battlefield. While in the past, in spite of their mistakes and oscillations, the protagonists of nonviolence (Gandhi, Tolstoy, Martin Luther King, etc.) were an integral part of the anticolonialist movement, today nonviolence is the watchword of imperialism, which tries to discredit as violent its enemies and challengers.

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16

Särg, Taive. "Nonviolence Loves Freedom." Folklore: Electronic Journal of Folklore 63 (April 2016): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/fejf2016.63.review_essay.

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17

Howes, Dustin Ells. "The Failure of Pacifism and the Success of Nonviolence." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 427–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713001059.

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Although pacifism and nonviolence bear a close relationship to one another historically, pacifism is the ideological assertion that war and violence should be rejected in political and personal life, whereas nonviolence refers to a distinct set of political practices. Unlike other modern ideologies such as liberalism and socialism, pacifism has never gained widespread acceptance among a significant portion of humanity and seems to remain a minority position among most of the peoples of the world. Even among those who use nonviolent techniques, the conventional wisdom that physical violence is necessary under certain circumstances often prevails. However, a growing body of empirical evidence shows that the methods of nonviolence are more likely to succeed than methods of violence across a wide variety of circumstances and that more people are using nonviolence around the world. At the same time, both the effectiveness of military and material superiority in achieving political ends and the incidence of warfare and violence appear to be waning. In a remarkable example of convergence between empirical social science and political theory, explanations for the effectiveness of nonviolence relative to violence point to a people-centered understanding of power. This research can provide a basis for a reinvigorated and pragmatic brand of pacifism that refocuses the attention of political scientists on the organization, actions, and loyalties of people as opposed to technologies of domination and destruction.

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18

Nagler, Michael N. "Nonviolence." Acorn 1, no. 2 (1986): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn19861212.

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19

Nepstad, Sharon Erickson. "Nonviolent Resistance Research." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 415–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-4-415.

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Анотація:

To introduce this special issue, I provide a brief overview of nonviolence or civil resistance research. I explain the origins and development of the field starting with its Gandhian roots, through the pragmatic Sharpian period, to the current state of empirical testing and development of nonviolence theories. I also summarize the field's main findings to date, particularly in the areas of campaign outcomes, long-term consequences of nonviolent revolutionary movements, and tactical shifts from nonviolence to violence and vice versa. Pointing out the civil resistance research questions and findings that complement social movement studies, I call for greater dialogue between these two fields that have largely developed in parallel with few points of crossover. I conclude by overviewing the articles in this special issue, noting how they extend our knowledge, make new contributions, and offer a timely reflection on this burgeoning field—particularly its theoretical blind spots and omissions.

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20

MANTENA, KARUNA. "Another Realism: The Politics of Gandhian Nonviolence." American Political Science Review 106, no. 2 (May 2012): 455–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541200010x.

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Анотація:

Although Gandhi is often taken to be an exemplary moral idealist in politics, this article seeks to demonstrate that Gandhian nonviolence is premised on a form of political realism, specifically a contextual, consequentialist, and moral-psychological analysis of a political world understood to be marked by inherent tendencies toward conflict, domination, and violence. By treating nonviolence as the essential analog and correlative response to a realist theory of politics, one can better register the novelty of satyagraha (nonviolent action) as a practical orientation in politics as opposed to a moral proposition, ethical stance, or standard of judgment. The singularity of satyagraha lays in its self-limiting character as a form of political action that seeks to constrain the negative consequences of politics while working toward progressive social and political reform. Gandhian nonviolence thereby points toward a transformational realism that need not begin and end in conservatism, moral equivocation, or pure instrumentalism.

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21

Khanna, Aggarwal Suman. "Spirals of Mutuality: Love, Nonviolence and Service." FORUM, no. 3 (July 2009): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/foru2009-002005.

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Анотація:

- In this shortened version of her plenary lecture given at the IAGP Conference in Sao Paulo in July 2006, Suman Khanna Aggarwal reflects on the idea that the welfare of every single individual or group is indissolubly intertwined with that of others and that peace is the common goal of all people and all groups. Since we are all individuals who have differing points of view, conflict often occurs at all levels of human interaction though conflict per se is not a problem; the problem is the method of conflict resolution which can be either violent (bad) or nonviolent (good). It is thus important to understand why we must choose nonviolence to resolve conflict. Gandhi maintains we must choose it because, ‘The Law of Nonviolence which is The Law of Love is the Law of Our Species'. This lecture analyses what constitutes love and transfers this analysis to nonviolence. Once we see how they are related we can start connecting effectively with others.

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22

Mallat, Chibli. "The Philosophy of the Middle East Revolution, Take One: Nonviolence." Middle East Law and Governance 3, no. 1-2 (March 25, 2011): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633711x591495.

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Анотація:

Against the sceptics, who see nonviolence as a serendipitous occurrence of the Middle East Revolution, the reality is that of a powerful, conscious determination of the revolutionaries in at least three countries where repression was immense, and where people refused to take up arms after the nonviolent precedents in Tunisia and in Egypt. In Bahrain, Yemen and Syria, the refusal to resort to violence is a conscious choice of hundreds of thousands of people. Th at clear appreciation of the power of nonviolence, in contrast to the revolutionaries in Libya, is the leitmotive of the Middle East Revolutions. Th e rebels in Libya made a mistake in taking up arms against Qaddafi , and lost Tripoli on the very day when the military front was constituted. Yet the rule remains, across the ME Revolution from the beginning of the paradigmatic shift in January 2011, in the attachment to nonviolence as the privileged means to revolutionary success.

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23

Anisin, Alexei. "Debunking the Myths Behind Nonviolent Civil Resistance." Critical Sociology 46, no. 7-8 (April 29, 2020): 1121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920520913982.

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Анотація:

Scholars argue that nonviolence is likelier to cause political change in comparison to other strategies, including violence. This study identifies issues throughout this literature ranging from coding procedures, observational sampling, to interpretations of phenomena. If unarmed violence, reactive violence, and omitted cases are analyzed, nonviolent success rates are worse than formerly considered. Inclusion of 19th century (1800–99) cases and previously unanalyzed cases from the 20th century reveals that nonviolent campaigns experienced a 48% rate of success, whereas campaigns that adopted unarmed violence were 61% successful, campaigns utilizing reactive unarmed violence were 60% successful, and 30% of fully violent campaigns were successful. Nonviolence is not a causal determinant of political change, but rather, its implementation falls short of a probabilistic coin toss. There is reason to presume this literature is biased toward elite interests in similar ways to how scientific inquiry on dietary and substance guidelines has historically been skewed by corporatism.

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24

Crawford, Neta C. "The Critical Challenge of Pacifism and Nonviolent Resistance Then and Now: From Sand Creek, and Ukraine to Climate Change." Journal of Pacifism and Nonviolence 1, no. 1 (March 22, 2023): 140–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27727882-bja00012.

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Анотація:

Abstract Pacifism and nonviolence are ethical, political, and practical policy/strategy arguments that articulate alternative visions of politics, security, and social relations. They bring different perspectives to the problem of aggression and resistance to it, such as in the Ukraine war, and to the longer term climate crisis. Because pacifism and the potential efficacy of nonviolent action challenge militarist assertions about the morality and effectiveness of military force, they provide tools for an effective critique of the war system, not only at the fringes where one is debating policy alternatives, but at the core. Research should explore the spectrum of pacifism and nonviolence—from peaceful societies to nonviolent direct action and defensive defense. The non-participation of US soldiers in the Sand Creek Massacre illustrates both the bravery and limits of non-participation and the potential importance of the philosophical links between pacifism and cognate movements in shaping the motivation to resist violence.

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25

Lakam, Eliane. "Weaving the Interconnected Threads: Care for Creation, Nonviolence, and Racial Justice." Journal of Catholic Social Thought 20, no. 2 (2023): 259–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcathsoc202320219.

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Анотація:

Violence is often understood as a phenomenon characterized by direct physical harm customarily motivated by willful malice. In his 2017 World Day of Peace Message, Pope Francis challenges this narrow definition, noting that violence is not confined to physical harm but also includes environmental devastation, which, as he points out, disproportionately harms the most vulnerable members of the planet. Following this claim, this article probes the interrelationship between care for creation, nonviolence, and racial justice, highlighting the significance of this intersectionality within Catholic social teaching. It reflects on Francis’s reading of Gospel nonviolence and his notion of integral ecology, and concludes with a case study that demonstrates the practical application of Francis’s social teachings on creating a more just, nonviolent, and sustainable world.

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26

Sonnleitner, Michael W. "Gandhian Nonviolence." Acorn 2, no. 2 (1987): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn1987224.

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27

Norman, Liane Ellison. "Constructive Nonviolence." Acorn 4, no. 2 (1989): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn1989422.

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28

Roy, Sara. "Advocating Nonviolence." Journal of Palestine Studies 25, no. 2 (January 1, 1996): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538193.

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29

Docherty, Thomas. "Nonviolence unbound." Prometheus 33, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 92–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08109028.2015.1131909.

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30

Kohn, Shanna. "Tibetan Nonviolence." Peace Review 26, no. 1 (January 2014): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2014.876318.

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31

Amster, Randall. "Digital Nonviolence." Peace Review 31, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 216–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2019.1667575.

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32

MEYER, MATT. "Revolutionary Nonviolence." Tikkun 30, no. 3 (2015): 31–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08879982-3140356.

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33

Novovic, Gloria. "Understanding Nonviolence." Community Development Journal 50, no. 4 (August 7, 2015): 753–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdj/bsv027.

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34

Whisnant, Rebecca. "Rethinking Nonviolence." Social Philosophy Today 21 (2005): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday2005213.

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35

Makarenko, Kirill Mikhailovich, and Aleksei Ivanovich Bardakov. "Violence or nonviolence: instrumental nature of protest mobilization." Право и политика, no. 11 (November 2020): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2020.11.34598.

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Анотація:

Protest mobilization is a complex multifaceted process, the implementation of which depends on the range objective and subjective factors. Recurrent mass protests aimed against the activity of government structures in different regions of the world, as well as unprecedented decrease in violence worldwide, actualize the questions associated with the motives of protest activity, as well as the instruments that characterize protest mobilization. The subject of this research is the instruments of protest political mobilization. The goal consists in delineating the boundaries of resorting to violence and nonviolence as the instruments of protest mobilization. Leaning on the principles of Charles Tilly’s Repertoire of Contention towards analysis of violence and nonviolence in political activity, as well as using the analysis of relevant data on the practices of protest activity, the authors formulate the following conclusions: 1) both violent and nonviolent instruments, which intersect within the framework of mass actions to various extent, underlie protest activity; 2) violence is an integral part of mass protests, however, the magnitude and intensity of violence is determined by the level of political dissatisfaction of the subjects of collective activity and the scale of available resource base; 3) statistically, nonviolent forms of mass protest are more successful in attaining the goals by the subjects of mobilization.

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36

Haque, Md Moynul. "Perception Analysis of Nonviolent Public Protests in Bangladesh." Social Science Review 40, no. 2 (April 1, 2024): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/ssr.v40i2.72130.

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Public protests challenging powerful authorities or regimes have been notable features of democratic politics worldwide. There seems to be an increasing tendency among civilians to attend protest mobilizations by relying on nonviolent forms such as sit-ins, slogans, marches, human chains, demonstrations, petitions, and hunger strikes while resisting the adversary. Given the frequent display of public dissent, the conceptual underpinning of this type of protest action is often misconstrued. We know very little about the nature, form, organization, and effectiveness of the unarmed version of contentious political action. This research investigates to what extent people understand nonviolent public protests. In so doing, this study collects opinions of various groups of people to understand nonviolent protest movements in Bangladesh. The data is collected using a survey questionnaire. The findings of the study suggest that nonviolent action is a strategic option for ordinary civilians in Bangladesh. It further shows that the knowledge of the efficacy and potential of nonviolence is not broadly shared, which is why the power of nonviolence is far from acceptable to many groups. The result reveals that nonviolent protest is popular among urban-centric movement organizers and educated young activists, especially students. The study also finds that people envision nonviolent action as a reliable protest tool that can yield significant social and political changes in Bangladesh. These findings can be a good reference for future studies on Bangladesh’s social movements, contentious politics, and collective action. Social Science Review, Vol. 40(2), December 2023 Page: 59-80

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37

Palaver, Wolfgang. "Gandhi’s Militant Nonviolence in the Light of Girard’s Mimetic Anthropology." Religions 12, no. 11 (November 11, 2021): 988. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12110988.

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Nuclear rivalry, as well as terrorism and the war against terror, exemplify the dangerous escalation of violence that is threatening our world. Gandhi’s militant nonviolence offers a possible alternative that avoids a complacent indifference toward injustice as well as the imitation of violence that leads to its escalation. The French-American cultural anthropologist René Girard discovered mimetic rivalries as one of the main roots of human conflicts, and also highlighted the contagious nature of violence. This article shows that Gandhi shares these basic insights of Girard’s anthropology, which increases the plausibility of his plea for nonviolence. Reading Gandhi with Girard also complements Girard’s mimetic theory by offering an active practice of nonviolence as a response to violent threats, and by broadening the scope of its religious outreach. Gandhi’s reading of the Sermon on Mount not only renounces violence and retaliation like Girard but also underlines the need to actively break with evil. Both Gandhi and Girard also address the religious preconditions of nonviolent action by underlining the need to prefer godly over worldly pursuits, and to overcome the fear of death by God’s grace. This congruence shows that Girard’s anthropology is valid beyond its usual affinity with Judaism and Christianity.

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38

Tully, James. "Middle East Legal and Governmental Pluralism: A View of the Field from the Demos." Middle East Law and Governance 4, no. 2-3 (2012): 225–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00403004.

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The article addresses the following question: Can a people change their form of government and law and bring them permanently under their shared democratic authority by nonviolent, participatory democratic means? It examines this question through the example of the nonviolent Egyptian Spring. It also addresses the questions of whether this is a new form of the right of self-determination of peoples as well as an alternative to the current models of transitional justice. The means used to address these questions are adapted from the methods of legal and political pluralism, the politics of nonviolence and participatory democracy. Its objective is to place the nonviolent Egyptian Spring in the broader context of nonviolent and democratic regime transformation since Decolonization.

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39

Treesh, Susanna K. "The Waldensian Recourse to Violence." Church History 55, no. 3 (September 1986): 294–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166819.

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From their origins in the twelfth century to their support for and involvement in the Reformation in the sixteenth, the Waldensian heretics professed nonviolence as one of their beliefs. Later Protestant and Catholic polemicists equated the profession of nonviolence with a policy and bestowed upon the sect a reputation as one of the precursors of religious pacifism. More recent scholars have noted that the heretics at least occasionally employed violence. I will argue that lay Waldensian believers, called credentes, reacted violently to persecution and learned to employ aggression in pursuit of political goals. In the later Middle Ages, at least, Waldensians resorted to violence on enough occasions and in enough different locations to justify dropping the idea that they were a nonviolent group. Their use of violence did become more sophisticated—that is, more closely connected to political goals—during the fifteenth century as access to representatives of the state increased.

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40

Ryan, Cheyney. "The One Who Burns Herself for Peace." Hypatia 9, no. 2 (1994): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1994.tb00431.x.

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Alice Hertz was a woman who, in J965, burned herself in protest against the Vietnam War. 1 first became aware of her through studying the writings of Dorothy Day, the founder of the Catholic Worker Movement and a central figure in the history of nonviolence. In this essay I reflect on how Alice Hertz's action and Dorothy Day's vision of nonviolent commitment can each illuminate the other.

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41

Martin, Brian. "Towards strategic rioting?" Theory in Action 15, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2212.

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Benjamin Case (2021) argues that the framework of strategic nonviolence is limited by its assumption that violent protest necessarily demobilises movements, and that rioting can be empowering for participants. However, Case’s statistical analysis of US riots and peaceful demonstrations may not be a comparison of rioting and nonviolent action because it is questionable whether, in the US, peaceful demonstrations should be classified as methods of nonviolent action. Rioting can be empowering, but there is also considerable evidence that participation in nonviolent action can be empowering. Much research remains to be done to determine whether rioting can be a leading or major part of strategic action for social change.

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42

Christiansen, Drew. "I. The Nonviolence–Just War Nexus." Horizons 45, no. 1 (May 23, 2018): 108–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2018.2.

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Gerald Schlabach wrote that a key test of progress for Catholicism in its dialogue with the historic peace churches on nonviolence and the use of force would be that the church's teaching on nonviolence would become “church wide and parish deep.” While modern Catholic social teaching has recognized nonviolence since the time of the Second Vatican Council, and Pope Saint John Paul II gave nonviolence strong, formal endorsement in his 1991 encyclical Centesimus Annus, the church's teaching on nonviolence is hardly known in the pews. If they are familiar at all with Catholic teaching on peace and war, most Catholics would know the just-war tradition, especially through the US bishops’ 1983 pastoral letter, The Challenge of Peace. But the newer and still relatively slight teaching on nonviolence is hardly known at all. Only by rare exception do Catholic preachers address issues of peace and war.

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43

Ngide, George. "Romanticism and Nonviolence: Percy Bysshe Shelley Exhumed." International Journal of Literature and Arts 12, no. 2 (April 11, 2024): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.ijla.20241202.11.

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This paper posits that in his prose and poetry, Percy Bysshe Shelley (an English poet of the Romantic period) articulates both the philosophy and methodology of nonviolence as a response to oppression, repression and marginalisation. It also contends that although his theory significantly impacted the formation of the philosophies and socio-political campaigns of later nonviolence activists, especially the Indian Civil Rights Activist Mahatma Gandhi, Shelley has not been sufficiently credited for the ground-breaking political philosophy of nonviolence. This article thus explores Shelley’s philosophy of nonviolence in his poetry, prose, dramas and pamphlets. It compares the nonviolence philosophies of Gandhi and Shelley and brings out Shelley’s unquestionable influence on Mahatma Gandhi. The article raises questions about why Shelley was not credited with the philosophy of nonviolence and suggests possible reasons for this apparent near lack of global consideration for the English Romantic poet despite his pioneering the philosophy. Having proceeded thus and upon thorough academic investigation, the article irresistibly concludes that contrary to popular socio-political opinion, Percy Bysshe Shelley is the unrivalled father of nonviolence as an ethical and pragmatic philosophy for socio-political mutation. By this study, Shelley is given his rightful position in matters of nonviolence and thus exhumed as a poet-philosopher whose philosophy has outlived his existence and practised to date by activists to press for reform.

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44

Easwaran, Eknath. "Truth and Nonviolence." Acorn 2, no. 1 (1987): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn19872110.

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45

Moses, Greg. "Nonviolence Inside Out." Acorn 10, no. 2 (2000): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn20001029.

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46

Lehoucq, Fabrice. "Does Nonviolence Work?" Comparative Politics 48, no. 2 (January 1, 2016): 269–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041516817037691.

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47

Dietrich, Donald J., Glenn Paige, Chaiwat Satha-Anand, and Sarah Gilliat. "Islam and Nonviolence." Political Psychology 17, no. 4 (December 1996): 809. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3792145.

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48

Doorley, Mark J. "Nonviolence, Creation, Healing." Method 17, no. 2 (1999): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/method19991721.

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49

ISHIDA, Ryuji. "Nonviolence as “Mutuality”." Annual review of sociology 2001, no. 14 (2001): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5690/kantoh.2001.51.

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50

Omar, Ayesha. "Introduction to Nonviolence." Politikon 42, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 293–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2015.1041675.

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