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1

Scott, M. "NGOization." Community Development Journal 49, no. 3 (June 1, 2014): 501–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdj/bsu035.

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2

Borchgrevink, Kaja. "NGOization of Islamic Charity: Claiming Legitimacy in Changing Institutional Contexts." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 31, no. 5 (July 25, 2017): 1049–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-017-9892-7.

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Abstract Islamic welfare organizations are currently going through processes of ‘NGOization’. Drawing on qualitative data from Pakistan, Norway and the UK (2012–2015), this article examines how two Islamic welfare organizations which are embedded in Islamic political movements, become ‘Muslim NGOs’. The NGOization of Islamic charity signifies not only a change in organizational structure and legal status, but also more profound changes in organizational discourse and practice, and in the ways the organizations make claims to legitimacy. To claim legitimacy as providers of aid in changing institutional environments, the organizations draw on both religious and professional sources of authority. By analysing the NGOization of Islamic charity, the paper brings out the importance of normative frameworks in shaping organizational legitimacy and sheds light on the continued significance of both moral and transcendental aspects of the discourses, practices and identities of Muslim NGOs.
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3

Klimczuk. "NGOization: Complicity, Contradictions and Prospects." Journal for the Study of Radicalism 9, no. 1 (2015): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/jstudradi.9.1.0173.

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4

Carroll, William K., and J. P. Sapinski. "Transnational Alternative Policy Groups in Global Civil Society: Enablers of Post-Capitalist Alternatives or Carriers of NGOization?" Critical Sociology 43, no. 6 (June 3, 2015): 875–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920515589004.

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Since the 1970s, transnational alternative policy groups (TAPGs) have generated visions and strategies pointing to alternatives to capitalist globalization. However, TAPGs are also embedded in networks of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and foundations, and may thus be subject to NGOization. This article examines two bodies of data relevant to this issue: (1) network data that highlight TAPGs’ links to major sources of funds as well as key IGOs; (2) reflections of TAPG protagonists gleaned from in-depth interviews conducted at these groups. While our network analysis is consistent with the NGOization narrative, and while our participants offered many narratives of their own in line with it, they also provided more nuanced accounts that begin to specify the contingencies mediating between, on the one hand, resort to formal organization and to working with IGOs and foundations, and on the other hand, descent into hegemonic incorporation. In a neoliberal political – economic environment, the future of counter-hegemonic politics hinges partly on our identifying how ‘preventative measures’ can be brought to bear on processes of NGOization.
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5

Guner, Ezgi. "NGOization of Islamic Education: The Post-Coup Turkish State and Sufi Orders in Africa South of the Sahara." Religions 12, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010024.

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This article analyzes the recently formed transnational networks of Islamic education between Turkey and Africa south of the Sahara through the study of the neglected case of Erenköy Cemaati. The expansion of the schools affiliated with Erenköy Cemaati cannot be divorced from Turkey’s Africa strategy and the growing importance of education within it since the late 2000s. Although Sufi orders and state institutions historically represent two divergent and conflicting streams of Islamic education in Turkey, the analysis of Erenköy Cemaati’s schools in Africa south of the Sahara reveal their rapprochement in novel ways. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in Turkey, Tanzania, and Senegal, this article shows that the complex relations between the Turkish state and Sufi orders in the field of education in Africa are facilitated by a constellation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Situating ethnographic data in historical context, it argues that the Islamic schools of Erenköy Cemaati are produced by the overlapping processes of the NGOization of Sufi orders in response to earlier state repression in Turkey and the NGOization of education in the wake of the neoliberal restructuring in Africa. While contributing to our understanding of post-coup Turkey and its evolving relations with Africa south of the Sahara, this article provides at the same time a new window into the NGOization of Islamic education on the continent.
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6

Helliker, Kirk. "Book Review: NGOization: Complicity, Contradictions and Prospects." Journal of Asian and African Studies 50, no. 3 (May 25, 2015): 383–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909614535552.

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7

Shrestha, Celayne Heaton, and Ramesh Adhikari. "NGOization and de-NGOization of Public Action in Nepal: The Role of Organizational Culture in Civil Society Politicality." Journal of Civil Society 7, no. 1 (April 2011): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2011.553420.

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8

Gholama, Gholama, Zakaria Zakaria, Amira Amira, Sama Sama, and Mawn Mawn. "Institutional Migrations and Radical Survival: Beyond Organizational Splits." Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research 3, Summer (June 1, 2017): 16–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36583/kohl/3-1-4.

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This recorded conversation between Lebanese feminist activists living in Lebanon was held on the 18th of June of 2017 and lasted for three hours. This group of feminist activists came together in an attempt to historicize their personal and political frustrations. The scope of this conversation covers recent events in the LGBT and feminist movements in Lebanon. The discussion was prompted by the silencing and dismissal of debate around Beirut Pride in 2017; yet, it revisits queer and feminist contemporary history in Lebanon and thinks through gender and gay mainstreaming, NGOization, funding, accountability, and stagnant leaderships. In this sense, rather than indicating historical shifts of alliances and people across groups and organizations, institutional migration becomes a necessary structural process that radically resists the NGOization of movements and the cooptation of women and trans within both the LGBT and feminist circles.
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9

Chahim, Dean, and Aseem Prakash. "NGOization, Foreign Funding, and the Nicaraguan Civil Society." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 25, no. 2 (January 12, 2013): 487–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-012-9348-z.

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10

Heideman, Laura. "CULTIVATING PEACE: SOCIAL MOVEMENT PROFESSIONALIZATION AND NGOIZATION IN CROATIA*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-3-345.

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Scholars studying social movements and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have noted a rapid expansion in the number of professional organizations dedicated to creating social change. This study uses the case of the peacebuilding sector in Croatia (1991–present) to examine central questions in both fields: where professional organizations come from, what drives professionalization, and what the consequences of professionalization are for the work of social change. I find there are actually many paths to NGO creation, and identify five types of NGOs: transformed, new, bud, seed, and clone. These five types of organizations had different paths for development, have different levels of professionalization, and engage in different types of work based on their location and history. Examining the history of a social change sector shows professionalization to be a nuanced, uneven process that can expand the social change sector even as it transforms the sector's work.
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11

Hartal, Gili. "Homosexuality and the Politics of LGBT Movements in Israel." IYUNIM Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 36 (December 25, 2021): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-36a121.

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Two processes have been central to the LGBT (lesbian, gay, transgender and bisexual) movement in politics since the end of the 1980’s: NGOization, which has led to the practice of assimilation, and homo-nationalism, representing a binary process of normalization and national inclusion. The amalgamation of NGOization and homonationalism have greatly influenced the movements, their agenda, practices, achievements and networks. The article sheds light on the broad neoliberal processes used by the Israeli LGBT movements to achieve power and status. The analysis traces major milestones from the 1980’s to the 21st century. Viewed through a neoliberal perspective, LGBT social movements are revealed to have worked and grown and become more institutionalized and normalized. However, this does not reflect the attainment of more power by the LGBT social movements in Israel; it is indicative rather of their privatization by the state which enables LGBT social movements to fill a niche under the government’s exclusive responsibility. Thus, in the 21st century, the value and valuation of LGBT subjects have been established not so much by the work of their social movements but through their economic and urban power reflective of ’post-homonationalism.
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12

Arda, Lama, and Bobby Banerjee. "Governance in Areas of Limited Statehood: The NGOization of Palestine." Academy of Management Proceedings 2019, no. 1 (August 1, 2019): 14609. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2019.14609abstract.

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13

Carmody, Pádraig. "NGOization: Complicity, Contradictions and Prospects, by Aziz Choudry & Dip Kapoor." Journal of Development Studies 50, no. 3 (February 26, 2014): 462–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220388.2014.891303.

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14

Vannier, Christian N. "The Legitimation and Professionalization of Ritual Service in South Togo." Anthropos 114, no. 2 (2019): 373–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2019-2-373.

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Indigenous religious organizations in southern Togo represent organized means of professionalizing and legitimating indigenous religious specialists that provide ritual services such as healing to congregations and communities. Drawing upon interviews with religious specialists and observations surrounding these organizations, this article ethnographically details a particular organization whose principal aim is to codify and enforce social sanctions that originate in Vodu law. The article concludes that in this case study processes of formalization and professionalization signify processes of “NGOization,” the adoption of the “NGO form” that allows for the representation of beliefs and people not typically represented by the state or market.
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15

Beck, Erin. "Countering Convergence: Agency and Diversity Among Guatemalan NGOs." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 2 (2014): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00234.x.

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AbstractThe proliferation of nongovernmental organizations across the developing world has sparked discussions of the “NGOization” of civil society and concern that NGOs have become increasingly uniform and internally homogenous. This article explores the evolution of NGOs in Guatemala since the 1960s and finds that NGOs historically and currently respond in diverse ways to external pressures—adjusting their strategies and actively attempting to shape their environment. Comparing two microcredit NGOs, it finds in addition that old and new models combine in unique organizational contexts in distinct ways. These two findings suggest that diversity is likely to persist among NGOs.
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16

Paternotte, David. "The NGOization of LGBT activism: ILGA-Europe and the Treaty of Amsterdam." Social Movement Studies 15, no. 4 (September 14, 2015): 388–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2015.1077111.

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17

Yacobi, Haim. "The NGOization of Space: Dilemmas of Social Change, Planning Policy, and the Israeli Public Sphere." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 25, no. 4 (August 2007): 745–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d459t.

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This paper offers a critical analysis of the role of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that deal with planning policy in general and in Israel in particular. The inherent dilemmas of the different NGOs' tactics and strategies in reshaping the public sphere are examined, based on a critical reading of Habermas's conceptualization of the public sphere. The main objective of this paper is to investigate to what extent, and under which conditions, the NGOization of space—that is, the growing number of nongovernmental actors that deal with the production of space both politically and tangibly—has been able to achieve strategic goals which may lead towards social change.
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18

Brouwer, Ruth Compton. "When Missions Became Development: Ironies of ‘ngoization’ in Mainstream Canadian Churches in the 1960s." Canadian Historical Review 91, no. 4 (December 2010): 661–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.91.4.661.

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19

Brouwer, Ruth Compton. "When Missions Became Development: Ironies of 'NGOization' in Mainstream Canadian Churches in the 1960s." Canadian Historical Review 91, no. 4 (2010): 661–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/can.2010.0027.

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20

Ahmed, Iqbal. "Book review: Choudry, A. and Kapoor, D., editors. 2013: NGOization: Complicity, contradictions and prospects." Progress in Development Studies 15, no. 3 (July 2015): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464993415578568.

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21

Ali, Zahra. "Women’s political activism in Iraq: Caught between NGOization and the struggle for a civil state." International Journal of Contemporary Iraqi Studies 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijcis.12.1.35_1.

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22

Jaoul, Nicolas. "Politics Against the Grain: The Dalit Movement of Uttar Pradesh in the Throes of NGOization." Critical Sociology 44, no. 4-5 (February 17, 2017): 611–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920516688756.

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The ‘empowerment’ approach to development adopted by international institutions has recently enabled the Indian Dalit movement to avail itself of western funds. This case study of a network of Dalit NGOs in Uttar Pradesh highlights how these funds are being used and to what political effect. It shows that in such a previously politicized context, politicized actors of the NGOization process actively defend a radical agenda that links up caste, class and gender, while pursuing under the label of women’s empowerment a pre-existing trend of mobilization of the rural poor. Their political work, however, requires tactical adjustments so as to fit exacting and costly norms of management imposed by funding agencies. While pointing to certain radical experiments that show the political resilience of the Dalit movement in spite of a depoliticizing pattern of ‘professionalization’, this article also highlights the economic precariousness encountered by the activists.
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23

Acién González, Estefanía, and Ángeles Arjona Garrido. "Prostitution and Deservingness in Times of Pandemic: State (Non) Protection of Sex Workers in Spain." Social Sciences 11, no. 5 (May 1, 2022): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11050199.

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During the COVID-19 health crisis, the Spanish Government launched a series of urgent measures to protect the population from its economic effects. At first, it seemed that sex workers would have access to this protection, given that, technically, their access to the star measure, the IMV (anagram in Spanish for Ingreso Mínimo Vital) (minimum living income), was explicitly expressed. However, in the end, this group was excluded as the final text specified that only those deemed to be victims of gender violence, sexual exploitation, or trafficking could access said measure. We propose to study the usefulness of the concept of deservingness of social benefits to explain this lack of protection in a framework that takes into account political power contexts, the empirical observations of sex workers on their level of access to the IMV, and an exploration of its association with the theoretical construct of deservingness. Through a revision of secondary sources, interviews with key informants, and applying discourse analysis, we found these connections and the evident exclusion of sex workers from the social benefit. Likewise, we found that social stigma and moral and ideological judgments are behind this undeservingness and confirm a process of “NGOization” of care for this group that implies the depoliticization and professionalization of civil society entities such as NGOs.
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24

Arguelles, Lucia. "Entangled alternatives: political-economic conditions constructing farmer training programs as solutions to the farming crisis." Journal of Political Ecology 27, no. 1 (December 29, 2020): 1148–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v27i1.23241.

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This article contributes to debates about the potential of alternative food networks and their contradictions using sustainability-oriented farmer training programs as a case study. I provide an empirical account of the political-economic structures at play in the construction of farmer trainings as a solution to the farming crisis, as well as the possibilities and tensions herein. I argue that that the main rationale framing the farming problem in the public-institutional discourse – namely the apolitical production of a scarcity of farmers – and its discursive usage in popular and institutional circles directs the solution towards the urgent production of more farmers who will farm sustainably and independently of the current structural conditions in which farming is embedded. On the ground, this apolitical ecology is sustained by philanthropism and consumption elitism. In addition, the making of FTPs as an intervention to solve the farming crisis is determined by neoliberal governance structures that promote the devolution of power into the NGO sector and responsibilization of individuals. I finally call for a broader and non-binary vision to alternatives, in which political ecology perspectives bring relevant tools and insights. The case of FTPs throws light into the particular governmentalities, forms of governing at-a-distance, and whiteness associated with sustainable farming and agriculture, and the way society thinks of it.Keywords: farmer training programs, emergent farmers, sustainable agriculture, alternatives, alternative food networks, NGOization of farming, power, privilege, California
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25

Wanjiku Mung’ala, Lucy, and Anne de Jong. "Health and Freedom: The Tense Interdependency of HIV/AIDS Interventions and LGBTIQ Activism in Kenya." Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research 6, Summer (June 1, 2020): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.36583/2020060114.

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In recent decades in Kenya, public health interventions to address the HIV vulnerability of sex workers and men who have sex with men have been accompanied by a rise in gender and sexual minority (hereby also interchangeably referred to as LGBTIQ) activist initiatives that frame access to healthcare, legal recognition, and social acceptance as a human right. Complementing long-term engagement and ethnographic research among sexual minorities in Kenya, in addition to fieldwork stints between 2016-2018, the authors analyzed online statements regarding priorities and strategies of LGBTIQ organizations (local and global) and legal case files. We examine one case in which transgender and intersex plaintiffs objected to the name and mission of an NGO working towards equality and full inclusion of sexual and gender minorities because it incorporated the words gay and lesbian while applying for its official registration and it would include trans and intersex in the organization’s mission. As such, the politics of naming, identity, and representation are neither new nor exclusive to Kenyan LGBTIQ activism. This case and related files reflect the everyday interactions of groups with seemingly conflicting goals, showing them to be part of a rich, connected “niche activist” scene. Rather than take this as a rigid split between activist organizations, we argue that these tensions are historically rooted in – and form a microcosm of – the politics of the global NGOization of both healthcare access and human rights advocacy in Kenya.
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26

Chakraborty, Proshant. "Rethinking NGOization as Postfeminist Practice: Interstitial Intimacies and Negotiations of Neoliberal Subjectivity in Violence Prevention." Frontiers in Sociology 6 (May 31, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fsoc.2021.654909.

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The decade of the 1990s marked the rise of postfeminism, a series of discursive, mediatized and intellectual interventions that furthered, but also broke away from, past forms of feminist theory and practice. This period also witnessed the global proliferation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the “NGOization” of feminism, referring to the cooption and erasure of critical social movements. Beyond their temporal instantiation in the 1990s, postfeminism and NGOization converge and entangle in everyday practices of women’s NGOs and organizations. In this article, I examine such convergences and entanglements as they unfold in an NGO’s community-based program to prevent violence against women and girls in Mumbai’s urban poor neighborhoods. Such programs create new forms of femininity and womanhood among women who participate in interventions as frontline workers. These women navigate complex pressures of communitarian gender norms, disciplinary regimes of professionalization and quantification, and the vicarious harm of supporting survivors. Their affective caring labor, thus, is facilitated by and produces what I describe as interstitial intimacies, which problematize and embody key postfeminist claims, while engendering political actions and contestations under neoliberalism.
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27

Sayan, Pınar, and Şirin Duygulu. "NGOization, politicization and polarization of Roma civil society in Turkey." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, March 2, 2022, 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2046384.

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28

Arda, Lama, and Subhabrata Bobby Banerjee. "Governance in Areas of Limited Statehood: The NGOization of Palestine." Business & Society, August 20, 2019, 000765031987082. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650319870825.

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Анотація:
In this article, we examine the shifting roles played by non-state actors in governing areas of limited statehood. In particular, we focus on the emergence of voluntary grassroots organizations in Palestine and describe how regimes of international development aid transformed these organizations into professional nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that created new forms of colonial control. Based on in-depth interviews with 145 NGO members and key stakeholders and a historical analysis of limited statehood in Palestine, we found that social relations became disembedded from the local context and re-embedded in new relations with international donor organizations resulting in a depoliticized public sphere. NGOization of the economy also resulted in new forms of exclusion and inclusion as well as contestations between a new class of urban middle-class professionals working in NGOs and the older generation of activists who were involved in grassroots organizations. Our findings have implications for business and human rights and governance in areas of limited statehood, in particular how private actors such as NGOs are able to exercise power in the economy.
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29

Katju, Vasudha. "The autonomous women’s movement in India: Beyond the NGOization framework." Asian Journal of Women's Studies, November 11, 2022, 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2022.2142361.

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30

Foth, Thomas. "Humanitarian reason and the movement for overdose prevention sites: The NGOization of the Opioid “Crisis”." Nursing Philosophy, August 11, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nup.12324.

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31

Biruk, Cal (Crystal). "Soap." Medicine Anthropology Theory 6, no. 2 (May 14, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.17157/mat.6.2.636.

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Anthropology has long grappled with the politics of critique. In critical global health studies, an emerging subfield of medical anthropology with roots in histories and geographies of colonial and international health, ethnographers negotiate relations and transactions in the field that pivot around boundaries at the core of our disciplinary practice: inside/outside, critique/complicity, theoretical/applied. Yet, while critique is a primary endeavor of the anthropologist, few have explicitly analyzed or reflected on its meanings, valences, affects, and entailments, particularly amid the rise of global health and the NGOization of the global South that inflects much of our work. In this essay, I reflect on the state of critique in critical global health studies, sketching its gestures, rhetoric, and intentions. Then, I trace some of the journeys of the bar of soap pictured below, an object that touched me in many senses of the term by intersecting, facilitating, and holding my anthropological interest for over a decade. Finally, drawing on recent feminist science studies scholarship, I suggest that critique, as entangled and entangling practice, is a form of care that might productively reframe anthropologists’ normative aspirations to ‘usefulness’ or ‘relevance’.
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