Статті в журналах: "New Afrikan Independence Movement"

1

Colenso, Gwilym, and Christopher Saunders. "New light on the Pan-African Association: Part I." African Research & Documentation 107 (2008): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00019282.

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The Pan-African conference held in London in 1900 was a key moment in the early history of Pan-Africanism. Though the Pan-African Association (PAA) that emerged from it was short lived, the conference was the precursor of subsequent Pan-African conferences or congresses in 1919, 1921, 1923, 1927 and 1945, the last of which laid the groundwork for the advent of the African independence movements of the second half of the twentieth century. W. E. B. Du Bois, who dominated organisational Pan-Africanism later in the century, tended to minimise the significance of the 1900 conference, but he conceded that it “put the word ‘Pan-African’ in the dictionaries for the first time”. The 1900 conference established the idea, basic to Pan-Africanism, of African people and people of African descent uniting globally and leading the movement for their own liberation.

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Colenso, Gwilym, and Christopher Saunders. "New light on the Pan-African Association: Part I." African Research & Documentation 107 (2008): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00019282.

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The Pan-African conference held in London in 1900 was a key moment in the early history of Pan-Africanism. Though the Pan-African Association (PAA) that emerged from it was short lived, the conference was the precursor of subsequent Pan-African conferences or congresses in 1919, 1921, 1923, 1927 and 1945, the last of which laid the groundwork for the advent of the African independence movements of the second half of the twentieth century. W. E. B. Du Bois, who dominated organisational Pan-Africanism later in the century, tended to minimise the significance of the 1900 conference, but he conceded that it “put the word ‘Pan-African’ in the dictionaries for the first time”. The 1900 conference established the idea, basic to Pan-Africanism, of African people and people of African descent uniting globally and leading the movement for their own liberation.

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Omolewa, Michael, and Ruphina U. Nwachukwu. "Freedom: An African Perspective." Paragrana 32, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/para-2023-0010.

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Abstract This paper offers a comprehensive discussion on the concept of Africa and freedom, freedoms in indigenous Africa, literacy and freedom from external forces, freedom under colonial rule, the role of World War II, decolonization and the Independence Movement in Africa, independent African and new challenges for freedom and finally a way forward.

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4

Wapmuk, Sharkdam. "Pan-Africanism in the 21st century: African union and the challenges of cooperation and integration in Africa." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 10, no. 2 (November 30, 2021): 283–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2021.v10n2.p283-311.

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The paper examines the extent to which Pan-Africanism and Pan-African vision of promoting African unity, cooperation and integration has been achieved under the African Union (AU) in the 21st century. It also assesses the challenges of cooperation and integration under the AU. The paper adopted a qualitative approach, while data was gathered from secondary sources and analysed thematically. It notes that the quest for African cooperation and integration is not new, but dates back to philosophy and vision of Pan-Africanism and Pan-African movement from the 1950s and 1960s. This movement later took roots in the continent and championed the struggle of Africans and peoples of African descent for emancipation and the restoration of their dignity, against slavery, colonialism and all forms of racism and racial exploitation, and to overcome developmental challenges. After independence, the Pan-African movement found concrete expression in the establishment of the Organization of Africa Unity (OAU) in 1963, and later transformed to the African Union (AU) in 2002. These continental organisations have served at platforms for the pursuit of Africa cooperation and integration and addressing post-independence challenges with varying successes. The paper revealed that AU’s Pan-African agenda in the 21st century including the African Economic Community (AEC), AU Agenda 2063, and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), are not without challenges. Addressing these challenges holds the key to achieving the continental goal of unity and achieving the vision and goals pan-Africanism in the 21st century in Africa.

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Chabot, Sean. "Transnational Diffusion and The African American Reinvention of Gandhian Repertoire." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2000): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.2.c433532545p7864n.

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Why did American civil rights activists fail to fully implement the Gandhian repertoire before the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955 and 1956? How did transnational diffusion of the Gandhian repertoire proceed over time? Classical diffusion theory provides a useful starting point for answering these questions, but it does not fully capture the twists and turns occurring in the transnational diffusion of a collective action repertoire. To account for the non-linear and contingent aspects of transnational diffusion between social movements, this article proposes an alternative theoretical framework and applies it to the case of diffusion between the independence movement in India and the civil rights movement in the United States. The historical case study emphasizes collective reinvention of the Gandhian repertoire by American civil rights networks, instead of critical mass or individual thresholds; and the intergenerational transfer of relevant knowledge and experience from these implementation pioneers to the new generation of civil rights movement activists. Finally, the article examines whether its alternative theoretical framework only applies to this particular instance of transnational diffusion or whether it has more general relevance for social movement theory.

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Karandeev, Ivan, and Valery Achkasov. "A HISTORY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN SEPARATISM IN THE UNITED STATES." Political Expertise: POLITEX 19, no. 3 (2023): 461–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2023.307.

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This article analyzes the history of the development of the phenomenon of radical African-American movements classified as separatist. The roots of the phenomenon go back to the abolitionist movement of the mid-19th century, but most of these movements appeared in the USA in the 1920s - 1960s, after the migration of African Americans from the southern states, referred to the «black belt» to the industrialized states of the North and their concentration in ethnically homogeneous ghettos of large cities with a disadvantaged socio-economic situation. Irredentist movements that appealed to the construction of African-American identity based on ethnic and cultural nationalism, such as «Back to Africa», which aimed at universal immigration of blacks from the United States, and interpreting the religion «Nation of Islam», gained particular popularity. Separatist movements acted as a radical alternative to the Civil Rights Movement, and the figure of activist Malcolm X, who came out of the Nation of Islam, became a counterweight to Martin Luther King. With the development of the anti-colonial movement in third world countries, organizations such as the Black Panthers and the Republic of New Africa turned to the right of nations to self-determination and left-wing anti-imperialist rhetoric. The activities of other organizations, for example, the Black Liberation Army, can be characterized as terrorist. Later organizations, such as the New Black Panther Party, are often characterized by experts as «hate groups». Although with the success of the integration policy, the popularity of separatist demands has fallen, the actions of African-American nationalist organizations in the conditions of polarization of modern American politics indicate that the forms of struggle of the African-American community for political independence in the future are not exhausted.

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Mbaku, John Mukum. "Constitutions and Citizenship: Lessons for African Countries." International and Comparative Law Review 17, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2018-0001.

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Summary Since the colonial period in Africa, ruling elites have manipulated laws regulating citizenship to advance their political and economic interests. The European colonialists used citizenship laws to enhance their ability to maintain control over the colonies and minimize the ability of Africans to fight for independence. Many Africans believed that independence and the establishment of new institutional arrangements would allow them to develop a common national citizenship, one in which all the citizens of each country would have equality before the law and be granted equal opportunity for self-actualization within all parts of the country, regardless of their racial or ethnic affiliation. However, in the post-independence period, incumbent political elites have been acting like their colonial counterparts and have used citizenship laws to get rid of critical and opposing voices by depriving these people of their nationality. In 1996, for example, Zambia’s ruling political party, the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD), adopted a new constitution, which effectively stripped the country’s independence president, Kenneth Kaunda, of his Zambian citizenship and prevented him from challenging the MMD for leadership of the country. Similarly, in 2000, then president of Côte d’Ivoire, Henri Konan Bédié, changed the constitution and introduced a citizenship clause that effectively disqualified the candidacy of his main opposition, Alassane Ouattara. South Africa’s apartheid regime, on the other hand, introduced a racially-based multilayered citizenship system in which individuals of European origin were placed at the top, enjoying full citizenship rights, and Africans were relegated to the bottom with extremely attenuated citizenship rights. Some African groups were actually forced to lose their South African citizenship. Citizenship is a complex issue and one that citizens of a country must deal with. The paper suggests that in doing so, African countries must not allow citizenship to be defined by race, ethnicity, religion, or other ascriptive traits, but by allegiance or fidelity to a set of values or ideals (e.g., democracy, rule of law, equality before the law) that define the nation.

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8

Malekela, Samson Peter. "In pursuit of continuity: Maji Maji war and nationalistic movement in 1940s-1950s in Southern Tanganyika." Journal of African History, Culture and Arts 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2023): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/jahca.v3i2.591.

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Dar es Salaam School’s Historians in the 1960s and 1970s established that the Majimaji war fought 1905-1907 had an undeviating connection with nationalistic movements which culminated in Tanganyika’s (Today's Tanzania mainland) independence on December 9th, 1961. This implies that Majimaji and the later nationalistic movements are inseparable since the war started the independence struggles initiatives. Nationalist view was challenged but only until early 1990 when new interpretations emerged and the former was regarded as outlived since its main purposes of building the nation and instilling nationalism to the people were outmoded. It is more than five decades, since Nationalist School presented their interpretation. This paper seeks to check if the contemporary generation perceives the Majimaji in similar consonant with the Dar es Salaam School of African History when nation building through the recovery of African traditional values and instilling patriotism were paramount. Since neither society nor history is static, a study aiming at writing the history of the people by the people through verification. The study is qualitative employing both, primary and secondary sources of data. Oral accounts serves as primary source and documentary reviews from books and journal articles constitutes secondary source. The findings shows that the contemporary peoples’ understanding of the Majimaji war in juxtaposition with nationalistic movements in 1940s and 1950s. Furthermore, it has been reveled that the people in Songea, Southern Tanganyika still have the nationalist view on Majimaji war apparently due to different factors but not limited to it’s nature, history memory, role of the elites and pedagogical practices. Its put forward that Majimaji war has a special place in the history of Tanganyika due to its connectedness, continuity and Change in socio-economic and political aspects. It has also been discovered that Majimaji war had a link with nationalistic movements and its continuity and change prevail to post-independence period.

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Iramdhan, Iramdhan. "Paham Nasionalisme dan Pergerakan Kebangsaan di Indonesia dari Tahun 1900-1942." Sosio e-kons 9, no. 1 (June 17, 2017): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30998/sosioekons.v9i1.1687.

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ABSTRACTPenelitian aims to understand or further understand the role of nationalist understanding of the nationalist movement in Indonesia. The method used in this research is a literature study method to conduct research some important documents, read and examine the books and other resources related to the title. Heuristics, with traces of book collecting relics of the past, as well as make comparisons avatar opinion of some writers who have some differences. Historically, many methods used in historical research merekonstraksikan past attempts to systematically and objectively by collecting and evaluating and systematize robust conclusions that are connected with the facts. The results of this study indicate that in general national movement in opposing and fighting the invaders are repleksi resistance as a result of repression committed by the invaders. Growing and growing nationalist movement carried out by the Indonesian figures are also influenced by the ideology of new growth in mainland Europe in its time was the idealism formation of dissatisfaction with layers of European society in the joints of life, growth, and development of Understand-understood new such as nationalism, liberalism, socialism and democracy that spread across the world make basic materials rose and the growth of the Indonesian National movement. In addition to the influence of Understand-understood new Indonesian national movement also influenced by the presence of the nationalist movement that occurred in mainland Asia and Africa, Imperialism western nations lead the nations of the Asia-Africa losing political independence, on the other nations of Asia and Africa are also experiencing suffering in social-economic and cultural. Asian-African nationalism not only wants to pursue national independence but also has other properties that have some aspect of Indonesian National opening. Pergerakan is a reflection of a sense sebuh oppressed because of colonization that happened, the development of the Indonesian National Movement is a process of resistance undertaken by the Indonesian people because of the existence of the factors driving the arrival of domestic and external factors, as well as their understanding of the formation of new ideologies and national movements grew in Asia and Africa. Keywords: Understand Nationalism and National Movement in IndonesiaABSTRAKPenelitian ini betujuan untuk memahami atau memahami lebih jauh peranan paham nasionalime terhadap pergerakan kebangsaan di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode studi kepustakaan dengan mengadakan penelitian beberapa dokumen penting, membaca serta meneliti buku-buku dan sumber lainnya yang berkaitan dengan judul. Heuristik, dengan menghimpun jejak buku peninggalan masa lampau, serta mengadakan perbandingan anatar pendapat beberapa penulis yang memiliki beberapa perbedaan. Historis, metode yang banyak digunakan dalam penelitian sejarah yang mencoba untuk merekonstraksikan masa lampau secara sistematis dan obyektif dengan cara mengumpulkan dan mengevaluasi serta mensistematiskan kesimpulan yang kuat yang dihubungkan dengan fakta. Hasil Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pada umumnya pergerakan nasional dalam menentang dan melawan penjajah adalah repleksi perlawanan sebagai akibat penindasan yang dilakukan oleh penjajah. Tumbuh dan berkembangnya Pergerakan nasional yang dilaksanakan oleh para tokoh Indonesia juga dipengaruhi oleh paham-paham baru yang berkembang didaratan Eropa yang pada zamannya merupakan idealisme pembentukan dari rasa ketidakpuasan lapisan masyarakat Eropa pada sendi-sendi kehidupan, Tumbuh dan berkembangnya Paham-paham baru seperti nasionalisme, liberalisme, sosialisme dan demokrasi yang menyebar ke seluruh dunia menjadikan bahan dasar bangkit dan tumbuhnya Pergerakan Nasional Indonesia. Selain adanya pengaruh Paham-paham baru, pergerakan nasional Indonesia juga dipengaruhi oleh adanya pergerakan kebangsaan yang terjadi di daratan Asia dan Afrika, Imperialisme bangsa barat menyebabkan bangsa-bangsa di Asia-Afrika kehilangan kemerdekaan politik, selain itu bangsa-bangsa Asia-Afrika juga mengalami penderitaan dibidang sosial-ekonomi dan kebudayaan. Nasionalisme bangsa Asia-Afrika bukan hanya mau mengejar kemerdekaan nasional melainkan juga mempunyai sifat-sifat lain sehingga memiliki beberapa aspek penting.Pergerakan Nasional Indonesia merupakan sebuh refleksi dari rasa tertindas karena penjajahan yang dialaminya, perkembangan Pergerakan Nasional Indonesia merupakan proses perlawanan yang dilakukan oleh bangsa Indonesia karena adanya dari faktor-faktor pendorong yang datangnya dari dalam negeri maupun faktor dari luar serta adanya pemahaman dari sekian pembentukan paham-paham baru serta pergerakan nasional yang tumbuh di Asia dan Afrika.Kata kunci: Paham Nasionalisme dan Pergerakan Kebangsaan di Indonesia

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Fonju, Njuafac Kenedy. "The Identification of 134 Typologies of the French and 18 British Exploitative- Looting Pre-Colonial and Colonial Hegemonic Diplomatic Agents (ITFBELPCHDA within 334 Years in Senegal - Goree Island - Cutting Across the Gambian Sphere of Influences 1626-1960." Cross-Currents: An International Peer-Reviewed Journal on Humanities & Social Sciences 10, no. 04 (June 8, 2024): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijhss.2024.v10i04.002.

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The present paper is very important in the history of Senegal and African history in general due to several pre-colonial and colonial challenges which the Senegalese went through spanning from 1626 to 1960 at independence from the French colonial hegemony. It identified some 134 French diplomatic agents within 334 years and 18 British agents from 1758 to 1817 due to the profitable slavery and slave trade booming markets cutting across the Atlantic to the New World including other important centre of commercial activities during the period of their exploration, expropriation and exploitation (3Es) ambitions. The areas of the Goree became important transit spots of bundling Africans in the name of slaves with some dumped in the Atlantic Ocean and those survived straight into the American plantains zones under the ownership of the Western European powers with actors coming especially France, Britain, Spain, Portugal, Italy among others. The scrutiny of both specialized sources, documentary and websites sources enable us to use a historical approach thereby bringing out clearly those major European actors who manifested their pre-colonial and colonial ambitions in the name of the countries whose interests overshadowed African development perspectives in spite of several resistance movement organized in search of total liberation in favour of self-determination which was only granted during the second half of the 20th Century. This paper can enable the young generation of Africans to go more deeper into researching what each of the identified Western agents appointed to resident in Senegal did while in office and could facilitate the continuous request for the reparation of pre-colonial and colonial atrocities including looting of African natural resources of that country for their metropolitan development for more than three centuries in the unbearable history of mankind. However, the post-independence challenges of the country owed its seeds from the French presence ..

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EL AIDI, ABDELLATIF. "The Moroccan Nationalist Movement and its Anticolonial Activism from 1925 to 1944." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 3, no. 9 (September 30, 2021): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.3.9.4.

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During the latter part of the Nineteenth Century, the European colonial rivalry over Morocco intensified. The European powers targeted the North African country because of its strategic location and rich natural resources. Hence, after establishing the French and Spanish Protectorates over Morocco, the colonial powers started to implement their exploitative policies in the Sherifian Kingdom. Those policies provoked the Moroccan people, who refused any foreign presence in their country and pushed them to engage in armed resistance. However, the failure of the armed resistance to liberate Morocco and the emergence of a new generation saturated with the spirit of peaceful resistance contributed to the birth of the Moroccan nationalist movement as a political organization aiming to confront the colonizers’ plans and ambitions by peaceful means. The present paper is intended to highlight the political struggle of the Moroccan nationalist movement from its inception to 1944. More specifically, the paper aims to outline the factors contributing to the emergence of the movement and the means of actions it adopted in its peaceful struggle against colonialism. Finllay, it discusses the historical events that encouraged the nationalist movement to move from calling for reforms to calling for full independence.

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12

Chuma, Wallace. "Zimbabwe: The conflictual relations between journalism and politics in the first decade of independence." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 7 (January 9, 2020): 594–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519897489.

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African countries where democracy and majority rule came about through negotiated transitions are often conflicted polities in which elements of the new order exist uneasily with strong currents of the ancien regime. The media in these ‘transitioning’ societies naturally find themselves at the forefront of interpreting and representing these contradictions through deploying both ‘old’ journalistic frames and creating new narratives. In doing so, African journalists mediating this initial phase of the postcolonial transition negotiate a complex terrain: fielding pressures from an array of power centres including the new political elite transforming itself from a liberation movement into a democratic government, corporate hierarchies with strong links to the past, advertisers and media owners. They are also confronted with a plethora of expectations of how they should represent the new order, in part based on who they are, in terms of race, gender and class. This article focuses on the journalism-politics nexus within the first decade of democracy in Zimbabwe, identifying key moments and sites where the matrix of influences (and contradictions) played itself out. It does so through archival research, including selected biographies published by journalists who lived through the contested transition. The results suggest that in Zimbabwe, the structural factors shaping journalism practice rested to a large extent on a set of expectations of a ‘collaborative’ media by the new political elite, which adopted an aggressive stick and carrot approach to enforcing journalistic collaboration. At the same time, it is also clear that journalists were able, from time to time, to subvert or manoeuvre within the ‘system’ to assert their agency, although this was in cases few and far between.

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Chukwujekwu, Ejike Sam-Festus. "African Philosophy in the Contemporary World." Logos et Praxis, no. 2 (September 2019): 143–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lp.jvolsu.2019.2.13.

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This author focuses on African philosophy issues, ideas and the major trends of its development in the contemporary world. The researcher emphasizes that one of the main trends in the development of African philosophy in the contemporary world is the search for African identity, ideas of African renaissance. The development of African philosophy in the early and mid 20th century had the immense influence of the anticolonial movement, which resulted in rapid development of socio-political movements. The article discusses the most influential of them, such as negritude, Pan-Africanism, African socialism, and others. The paper is of particular interest due to the fact that the countries of this continent have undergone a different path of development. From the very moment of the discovery of the continent, the states located in it were viewed and existed as colonies of European countries, i.e. they were ruled by the metropolis, which established its political and economic power. In addition to the negative impact of the metropolis it had a positive one. With the arrival of the Europeans European culture and values came, that ultimately led to the fight for independence. The article also discusses the major stages of European colonization of the 15th-19th centuries, also the difficulties and challenges in obtaining freedom from the metropolis, which became a new impetus for the development of philosophical views. Taking into account African identity and European culture and values, the significant role of the African Renaissance and socio-political teachings are considered as a way of developing African philosophy in the modern world. The author pays special attention to the African historiographic survey, to four periodization stages of African philosophy: (early period, second period, late period, and a new era). The researcher also presents traditional thought and suggestions of a typology of tendencies by African philosophers in modern African philosophy.

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Stapleton, Timothy. "TThe Creation and Early Development of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) 1980-93." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 32 (April 30, 2021): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313322021e0104.

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Given the 2017 coup in Zimbabwe, a rare event in Southern Africa but sadly common in the rest of the continent, this paper discusses the beginnings of the politicization of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) during the 1980s. At the end of the country’s war for independence in 1980, the ZDF formed as an amalgamation of former Rhodesian state military personnel and insurgents from the liberation movements of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Personnel from ZANU came to dominate Zimbabwe’s new military given the lack of a specific agreement over the integration process, their numerical superiority, and ZANU’s electoral success that gave it political power. During the ZDF integration exercise of the early 1980s, British advisors attempted to create a Western-style force but acted pragmatically while North Korean instructors helped create an overtly ZANU affiliated brigade and party militia. In addition, South African destabilization and the rapid departure of former Rhodesian officers gave way to the accelerated promotion of former insurgents mostly affiliated with the ZANU government. Lastly, the further ZANU-ization of the ZDF occurred within the context of operations in southwestern Zimbabwe where it eliminated ZAPU as an opposition political movement and committed atrocities, and in Mozambique where Zimbabwean troops cooperated with allies from overtly politicized armies of neighboring states

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Gavristova, Tatiana, and Natalia Krylova. "Africans in London: Chronicle of the Union of West African Students." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 65, no. 4 (December 10, 2023): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-65-4-93-106.

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Research interest in the problems of the young generation of the countries of the African continent, including students, has noticeably increased over the last decades. The student youth, called the “conscience of the nation” in African countries, for a long time has been one of the most organized streams of the democratic movement and continues to play a prominent role in national processes. However, the student movement is a very complex and contradictory phenomenon, feeding numerous hotbeds and centers of intense search for national identity and struggle for their rights and freedoms. The authors of this article saw their task in an objective examination of the experience of one of the most famous and authoritative student organizations, mainly in the historical and cultural context. The article is dedicated to the history of the Union of West African Students’ Union (WASU) – one of the largest organizations of African students who lived and studied in Great Britain in the first half of the 20th century. The historical and cultural perspective of representation was not chosen by the authors of the article by chance. The activities of the WASU are closely connected with the problems of the national liberation movement in West Africa, though it also performed various tasks to protect the interests and rights of students in London and in the UK and therefore holds a key place in the history of the African Diaspora. The authors examine in detail the stages of the ideological and political formation and development of the WASU – from the Union of Students of African Descent, which existed in London at the turn of the second and the third decades of the 20th century, to the extinction of the WASU in the early 1960s. The authors show that for all its weaknesses, mistakes, theoretical immaturity and eclecticism of ideological attitudes, it was the WASU that had formed the anti-colonial agenda in Africa implemented during the national liberation struggle at the turn of 1950–60s in most countries on the continent. In a number of countries in West Africa, after the declaration of independence, former members and leaders of the Union came to power. Among them are Kwame Nkrumah (1909–1972), Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904–1996), etc. The authors offer a new look at the phenomenon of African students, who were equally capable to fight for their interests and the interests of the nation and at the same time expressed conformist sentiments to the colonial authorities and post-colonial reality.

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Charitas, Pascal, and David-Claude Kemo-Keimbou. "The United States of America and the Francophone African Countries at the International Olympic Committee: Sports Aid, a Barometer of American Imperialism? (1952-1963)." Journal of Sport History 40, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.40.1.69.

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Abstract In 1952, the new American president of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), Avery Brundage, was confronted by the emergence of the Third World. This new development challenged the influence of the American and Soviet blocs. On June 6, 1962, the Committee for International Olympic Aid (CIOA) was created. The objective of this new institution was to lead the newly-independent African countries into the Olympic movement and to assist in the development of their sports institutions. The aim of this article is to analyze American policies towards the CIOA, in light of the independence process in the francophone countries of sub-Saharan Africa between 1952 and 1963. From the concept of power, we attempt to show the extent to which American sports aid within and outside the IOC constitutes a barometer of American cultural imperialism. For this purpose, we make use of a large corpus of archives, derived mainly from the Olympic Studies Centre in Lausanne, and the records of French cooperation over the period in question.

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17

De Hasque, Jean-Frédéric. "Le Lions Clubs au Bénin : un club caritatif qui pratique une liturgie à dessein politique." Social Compass 64, no. 2 (April 24, 2017): 206–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768617697393.

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The comparison of meetings and protocol of the Lions Clubs in a ritual, offers an opportunity to measure the political impact of this community and the effect the meetings have outside the circle. The study also allows us to understand the importance of the Lions Clubs in Africa, where it cannot be reduced to a meeting of wealthy people seduced by the opulence and the opportunity to find new sources of profit. Lions are compared by population to diplomats because of their appearance, wearing uniforms and medals and are received by the highest political authorities from other nations. In the West this behaviour is seen as a caricature of governance but for members the meetings offer occasions for work and friendship. This appears like political religion because of the hidden goal: to conquer the independence of Africa in the Lions Clubs. This objective is facilitated by the explosion in the number of African members showing the social movement that rages at the top levels of society. The African elite, by its transformation of charity into political rally, proposes a new form of pan-Africanism.

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Grishina, Nina. "Mauritania: the Evolution of Political Structures." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-56-3-56-65.

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The Islamic Republic of Mauritania as an independent State emerged as a result of the collapse of colonial French West Africa, which included Mauritania. Its independence was declared on November 28, 1960. At the turning point of historical epochs, under the influence of national liberation movements on the continent and the general democratization of world government institutions, wide opportunities opened up for political activity, both for individual parties and movements, and for a particular individual. The pressure of foreign monopolies, the archaic social structure, internal political instability and the complexity of relations with neighboring countries have become serious obstacles to the development of Mauritania. During the years of independence, Mauritania has repeatedly experienced coups d’etat, which could not but have a negative impact on the entire socio-political spectrum of this West African country. Decades of French colonial influence has been reflected in the formation of political institutions in Mauritania, such as the Constitutional Council and the judiciary. Mauritania’s domestic policy has been based on racial and ethnic lines for many years. The protracted confrontation resulted in a conflict between the black population mainly in the south of the country and the traditionally Berber Arabs living in the northern regions, whose representatives held leading state posts. Each new head of state who came to power in post-colonial Mauritania, among the main tasks of domestic development, set the task of uniting various ethnic groups. Despite the obvious difficulties in solving this issue, the main tasks of the country’s leadership in the field of domestic policy are strict compliance with the current legislation in order to restore public confidence in state institutions and psychological restructuring of the consciousness of the vast majority of the population, aimed at developing a new attitude to domestic political life. In the 1980s, the country began a movement for the right of women to participate in the socio-economic sphere. But only in the 21st century did they gain the right to hold political office, although they are still required to live under Sharia law. At the level of public consciousness, the participation of women in politics and in other spheres of public activity is not approved. Traditional slavery is a special problem of socio-political development.

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Ramchandani, R. R. "Rationalising India-Africa Economic Relations: The Role of Production Cooperation." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 3 (July 1986): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200303.

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A group of Indian parliamentarians, cutting across party lines, organised on 24–25 July 1986 a two-day national seminar on “Parliamentarians Action for Removal of Apartheid.” The seminar constituted yet another milestone in underscoring India's unflinching commitment to stand firmly united with the African countries in their fight against the pernicious system of apartheid and the removal of the remaining remnants of colonialism that still persist in parts of Southern Africa. It is because of India's principled stand and considerable sacrifice in this respect, and the unwavering appreciation of that standby the African leadership, that ever since their independence India and African countries have forged the most cordial and constructive political ties. Apart from sharing common ideals of the Non-aligned Movement, they have often expressed common concern on crucial world issues such as peace moves and nuclear disarmament, security and development issues, “South-South” cooperation and the establishment of the New International Economic Order. But, despite close political understanding, their economic relations have yet to develop sufficient depth to register a sustained forward thrust to record a lasting impact on the global production structure. India's trade with African states, for instance, has shown an uneven pattern for the last two decades and a half, and depicted a falling trend in recent years.

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Ali Abbas, Hussein, Manimangai Mani, Wan Roselezam Wan Yahya, and Hardev Kaur Jujar Singh. "The Different Types of Ethnic Affiliation in M. G. Vassanji's No New Land." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 8, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.8n.1p.60.

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Establishing a sense of affiliation to ethnicity is one of the most controversial issues for people who are displaced in countries that are far away from their motherland. The colonisation of the British over Asia and Africa in the nineteenth century resulted in the mass movement of Indian workers from India to Africa. These workers were brought in to build railways that connected the British colonies in East Africa namely Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda. While the arrival of the Indian workers is considered as a kind of colonial practice, but their deportation in the post-independence years is seen as a part of decolonization. These Indians were forced to leave Africa as they were blamed for being non supportive of the Africans who were then engaged in armed struggles against the British colonialists. This study is based on the lives of these deported Indians as depicted in the novel titled No New Land by M.G. Vassanji. M.G. Vassanji is a Canadian novelist whose family was also deported from Dar Esslaam, Tanzania. He also describes how the Indian Shamses were strict in affiliating with the different social and cultural background they found in their new home, Canada. This research examines the theme of affiliation and the experiences of these migrants. This study will show that South Asians in Canada are strict in their affiliation to their ethnic values. Secondly, it will expose the three types of affiliation and finally show how the author deals with affiliation as a part of the community’s ethnic record that must be documented.

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Ejobowah, John Boye. "Islam and Democracy." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2003): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.1838.

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In all of the Middle East and North Africa, Algeria was the first country to be infected by the wind of democratization that swept the developing world in the 1980s and 1990s. The country became a political laboratory for the rest of the Arab world, as liberalization opened spaces for moderate and radical Islamic groups to contest elections. Unfortunately, these elections quickly descended into a long drawn-out and brutal war with the secularist rulers. This bitter battle, fought most fiercely between 1992-99, turned Algeria into a hot spot, thereby raising the question of whether democracy is feasible in the Muslim world. Frederic Volpi's new book seeks to answer this question by analyzing the process of political liberalization and the severe problems it generated in Algeria. Volpi presents early and mid-twentieth-century North African scholars' reinterpretations of the Islamic creed that activated the emergence of anti-secularist movements in the Maghreb as a point of departure for his historical narrative of the Algerian conflict. Although Algeria's militant movement was coopted by the state party (the National Liberation Front [FLN]) and lost its dynamism during the post-independence years, it still sought to change the political system by operating from the community level, where it had built a network of associations. The author shows how this network's provision of services designed to meet the people's welfare needs helped thrust Islamic leaders into the political limelight as they utilized their organizational capacities and authority to transform the 1988 October food riots into a political protest ...

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Fituni, L. L. "Towards a Neo-bipolar Model of the World Order: Scouting Game in Africa." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 3 (November 24, 2019): 6–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-3-6-29.

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The article lays out a hypothesis that the global order slides into a new bipolarity in the context of the escalating geo-economic and geopolitical confrontation between the two poles that currently dominate the world - the United States and China. The neo-bipolar construction cannot yet be regarded as an established new world order, but the general movement of the world economy and international relations in this direction is obvious. The neo-bipolar bipolar confrontation manifest itself with varying intensity in different regions of the world. The author argues that at present the peripheral regions which are strategically important for the prospects of competition are becoming an important testing ground for relatively “safe” elaboration of methods and tactics of geo-economic rivalry and h mutual exchange of systemic attacks. Today, Africa has become practically the leading theater of the new bipolar confrontation. The article analyzes the economic, military and strategic aspects of the rivalry between the United States and China on the African continent. It provides a comparative analysis of the new African strategies of the two superpowers adopted at the end of 2018. The author asserts that in the context of the emerging global bipolarity, the strategies of the USA and China represent antagonistic programs based on fundamentally different initial messages. In the case of the US strategy, this is to deter by denial the spread of the competitor’s influence using tough policies, including forceful (while not necessarily military) confrontational actions. While China seeks to neutralize the opposition of the United States and its allies to Beijing’s expansion on the continent and to win the freedom of interaction with any partners in Africa causing minimal direct confrontation possible. Therefore, despite the seemingly “peripheral” importance of the confrontation on the continent, for the establishment of a neo-bipolar world order, the proclamation of the new US regional geopolitical strategy, which focuses on the containment of China in the name of protecting democracy and independence, can serve not only for Africa, but for the whole planet the same milestone signal as Churchill’s Fulton speech for the final advent of bipolarity in the postwar world.

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Amedegnato, Ozouf Sénamin. "L’Afrique à rebours: la décadence dans un corpus de littérature Togolaise." Nordlit 15, no. 2 (March 26, 2012): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/13.2046.

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During the past fifteen years, the West African country of Togo has witnessed the emergence of a new generation of writers - a third generation since independence from colonisation - working in the French language. Born around 1960, these writers have been making their way onto the literary scene since approximately 1990. A certain number of distinctive traits, which have attracted the attention of critics, unequivocally delineate this generation from the two that preceded it. Among these is a new literary aesthetic that resonates with the fin de siècle - with the end of the twentieth century, but also with the end of the second millennium. Moreover, such ends of time cycles, because they exacerbate apprehension about the future and provoke a desire to re-evaluate the past, are propitious to the development of Decadent literatures.The goal of this contribution is to examine parallels between the nineteenth century Decadence movement and the new literary aesthetic being employed by Togolese writers of the third generation - and to thereby demonstrate that their aesthetic is without question a neo-Decadent one. Not only does it emerge at the end of the century/millennium, a time when humanity is inevitably reflecting on its fate, but it also coincides with the accelerating globalisation of information (the Internet) and of commercial markets, a context worth taking into account in that it represents a symbolic loss of landmarks, and a doing away with traditional frontiers - both themes that have preoccupied Decadents of all times and all places. Using the work of two Togolese writers (Kossi Efoui and Sami Tchak), this article will explore in exactly what ways these writers can be categorized as Decadents, and the different methods of transgression they use to depict their discontent with their society of origin, which, at the end of the twentieth century, is in a situation of political, economic and social decay.

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Kumsa, A. "The Oromo national memories." RUDN Journal of Sociology 19, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 503–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2019-19-3-503-516.

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The author defines nation as a territorial community of nativity and attributes significance to the biological fact of birth into the historically evolving territorial structure of the cultural community of nation, which allows to consider nation as a form of kinship. Nation differs from other territorial communities such as tribe, city-state or various ‘ethnic groups’ not just by the greater extent of its territory, but also by a relatively uniform culture that provides stability over time [22. P. 7]. According to the historical-linguistic comparative studies, “in terms of the history of mankind it is incontrovertible that some of the earliest and greatest human achievements have been accomplished in civilizations founded and headed by Afro-Asiatic peoples” [28. P. 74]. The Oromo people is one of the oldest nations in the world with its own territory (Oromia) and language ( Afaan Oromoo ). The Oromo possess a common political culture ( Gadaa democracy) and pursue one national-political goal of independence to get rid of the Abyssinian colonialism. Oromo national memories consist of memories of independence and national heroism, memories of the long war against expansionist Abyssinian warlords and the Abyssinian invasion of the Oromo land in the 19th century with the new firearms received from the African co-colonizing Western European powers, and these weapons were used not only to conquer the Oromo land but to cut the Oromo population in half. The Oromo nation consider the colonization of their country, loss of their independence, and existence under the brutal colonial rule of Abyssinia to be the worst humiliation period in their national history. The article consists of two parts. In the first part, the author considers the theoretical background of such concepts as nation, national memory, conquest humiliation, and some colonial pejorative terms still used by colonial-minded writers (like tribe and ethnic groups). In the second part, the author describes the Oromo national political and social memories during their long history as an independent nation from the Middle-Ages to the last quarter of the 19th century; presents ‘the Oromo question’ through the prism of the global history of colonization, occupation of their territory, slavery, and the colonial humiliation of the Oromo nation by the most cruel and oppressive Abyssinian colonial system; presents the two last regimes of the Abyssinian system and the final phase of the Oromo National Movement for sovereignty, dignity, and peace, which contributed greatly to the stability in the Horn of Africa.

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Beke, Dirk. "Jef van Bilsen, de Onafhankelijkheid van Congo en de Visie op Lumumba." Afrika Focus 16, no. 1-2 (February 11, 2000): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0160102003.

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Jef van Bilsen, The Independence of the Congo and his view of Lumumba This article gives an overview of the involvement of Professor Jef Van Bilsen in Belgian politics before and during the Second World War and during the decolonisation of the Belgian Congo. It is based mainly on the statements and writings of Van Bilsen himself and on interviews with him. These personal testimonies are complemented with brief comments from others on Van Bilsen. Van Bilsen’s political career reveals a unique and interesting evolution. Before the Second World War, he became active in the Flemish emancipation struggle. As a student and young lawyer, he was a leading member of the elitist right wing movement, Verdinaso, which strove for the unification of Belgium and the Netherlands. During the war, he joined, together with a group of Verdinaso members, the royalist armed resistance against the German occupation. Immediately after the war, his commitment and his personal contacts allowed him to become a journalist in Central Africa, where he was brought face to face with the narrow-minded Belgian colonial policy and where he forged contacts with the first Congolese nationalists. In the early fifties, Van Bilsen returned to Belgium, where he became a professor in colonial and development matters and started advocating the planning of an independence process for the Belgian colonies in a political and academic environment that was very hostile to any idea of decolonisation. When the Belgian government in I960, under internal and international pressure, was obliged to grant independence, we see Van Bilsen offering his services as an adviser to the Congolese nationalists. During the independence talks and immediately after independence, the first President, Kasavubu, recruited him as a personal adviser. Van Bilsen declared in later interviews that he tried to act as a neutral adviser. During the conflict between President Kasavubu, Prime Minister Lumumba and the Katangese leader Tshombe, he strove for reconciliation between the three opponents and for a UN-sponsored political compromise He strongly condemned Belgian support for the secession of Katanga. Although Van Bilsen declared himself to be personally sympathetic to Lumumba, he was accused openly by Lumumba of defending Belgian and western interests. Finally, Van Bilsen was forced to leave the Congo but he continued to advocate an agreement between Kasavubu, Lumumba and Tshombe. In New York at the UN-sessions on the Congo-crisis, he argued forcefully for a resolute commitment to this policy on the part of the UN and that Belgium take a back seat in Congolese politics. In his later career as professor and as founder of the Belgian Overseas Co-operation Service, Van Bilsen became a determined defender of unconditional co-operation, a co-operation which was not tied to the economic and financial interests of western donors. He also continued to stress fervently the importance of the UN for the development of the Third World. The overview of Van Bilsen’s political career reveals the role that personal networks can play in contacts, even in circles whose members find themselves in opposing camps. It also shows how Van Bilsen’s confrontation with the colonial and post-colonial situation in Central Africa led him to insist on the formation of an African elite which was committed to political and social emancipation.

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Beswick, Spencer. "From the Ashes of the Old: Anarchism Reborn in a Counterrevolutionary Age (1970s-1990s)." Anarchist Studies 30, no. 2 (September 16, 2022): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.30.2.02.

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After almost a century of Marxist predominance, how did anarchism develop from a marginal phenomenon into a force at the centre of the anti-globalisation movement? This article explores how anarchism was reborn in a counterrevolutionary age. Part one investigates how the New Right's post-1960s counterrevolution defeated the New Left and remade US society, including by recuperating potentially liberatory elements of social movements. Part two examines how a new generation of radicals critiqued the failures of MarxismLeninism and popularised the anarchist analysis and principles that provided the foundation for the anti-globalisation movement. The article discusses five examples of the development of anarchist theory and practice: Black/New Afrikan Anarchism, anarcha-feminism, eco-anarchism, punk anarchism, and revolutionary social anarchism. Ultimately, the article argues that anarchism was revitalised in the late twentieth century because it provided compelling answers to the new problems posed by the neoliberal counterrevolution and the crisis of state socialism.

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Mpangala, Gaudens P. "The African Renaissance and Struggles for the Third Phase of Nation-Building in Africa: The Experience of Tanzania." Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research and Writing 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 176–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tza20210924.

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Since independence most countries in Africa have experienced two phases of nation-building. These include the nationalist phase and the neo-liberal phase. The third phase entails struggling for neo-nationalism and democratic developmental societies. The movement of struggles for a neo-nationalist approach, entailing independent democratic socio-economic development, has been viewed by some African historians and other scholars as an African Renaissance. Historically, renaissance is conceptualized as a movement and struggle for changing political, socio-economic and cultural system of a society. The struggle for change in Tanzania, which started during the first two phases and continues through the current third phase, provides a typical example of African renaissance in the context of nation building.

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BA, Ousseynou. "Dénonciation de l’arme traditionnelle contre progressisme dans Le pleurer-rire d’Henri Lopès." ALTRALANG Journal 5, no. 2 (November 15, 2023): 76–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/altralang.v5i2.319.

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ABSTRACT: Without any complacency, Henri Lopès exposes the attitude of the dictators of Africa in the aftermath of independence. Incapable of leading their respective countries towards the paths of development, these new elites in power make fun of their populations, sometimes aided in this by recourse to retrograde cultural realities. It is therefore a question in this article of emphasizing the way in which the author concretizes the vision of a Frantz Fanon, Stanislas Adotévi or a Marcin Towa in relation to Negritude. Indeed, if this movement was mainly limited to sing of an Africa which would have been an ideal world before colonization thanks to its traditions and cultures, the writings of the latter have called into question the idea maintained by the cantors of this movement . In the wake of these authors, Henri Lopès shows in his novel Le pleurer-rire the way in which these traditions and cultures served the enterprise of subjugating populations by dictators. Thus, through an excerpt from said novel featuring a meeting of the Council of Ministers, this article shows how African traditions are often manipulated by dictators to stifle in the bud any inclination of populations to claim democracy and freedom. of expression as evidenced by the speech of the character Bwakamabé Na Sakkade dit Tonton RÉSUMÉ : Sans complaisance aucune, Henri Lopès met à nu l’attitude des dictateurs de l’Afrique au lendemain des indépendances. Incapables de conduire leur pays respectifs vers les chemins du développement, ces nouvelles élites au pouvoir se jouent de leurs populations, aidées en cela parfois par un recours à des réalités culturelles rétrogrades. Il est donc question dans cet article de mettre l’accent sur la manière dont l’auteur concrétise la vision d’un Frantz Fanon, Stanislas Adotévi ou d’un Marcin Towa par rapport à la Négritude. En effet, si ce mouvement s’est borné principalement à chanter une Afrique qui aurait été, avant la colonisation, un monde idéal grâce à ses traditions et cultures, les écrits de ces derniers ont remis cette idée entretenue par les chantres de ce mouvement. S’inscrivant dans le sillage de ces auteurs, Henri Lopès montre dans son roman Le pleurer-rire la manière dont ces traditions et cultures ont servi l’entreprise de subjugation des populations par les dictateurs. Ainsi, à travers un extrait dudit roman mettant en scène une séance du conseil des ministres, cet article montre comment les traditions africaines sont souvent manipulées par les dictateurs pour étouffer dans l’œuf toute velléité des populations à prétendre à la démocratie et à la liberté d’expression dont le discours du personnage Bwakamabé Na Sakkadé dit Tonton en témoigne.

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Berg, Herbert. "Early African American Muslim Movements and the Qur'an." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 8, no. 1 (April 2006): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2006.8.1.22.

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Although the majority of African American Muslims are now orthodox Sunnī Muslims, they (or perhaps their parents) were first introduced to the Qur'an (or some conception of it) by the Moorish Science Temple or the Nation of Islam. It is ironic that the leaders of these movements, Noble Drew Ali and Elijah Muhammad, knew very little of the Qur'an. This article examines what exactly the word ‘Qur'an’ and the text of the Qur'an meant for these two early African American ‘Muslims’ by examining their use of both the word and the text. Drew Ali, having produced his own Qur'an, used just the name, for it validated his prophethood. Elijah Muhammad had a somewhat less heretical approach. On the one hand, he accepted the Qur'an as scripture and often cited its verses. On the other hand, he was not bound by its traditional interpretation and he believed that a new Qur'an was soon to be revealed. For both Drew Ali and Elijah Muhammad, however, the Qur'an's key importance lay in (a) its ability to confer ‘Islamic’ legitimacy on their movements and authority on themselves, and (b) its independence from Christianity, which was seen as the religion of the white race.

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Malipula, Mrisho Mbegu. "Ethnicity, voting and the promises of the independence movement in Mwanza, Tanzania." Afrika Focus 30, no. 1 (February 26, 2017): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-03001011.

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This report explores influences of ethnicity on determining voters’ choices in Tanzania. It questions the dominant neo-patrimonial and hybrid approaches to African politics, which argue that primordial (traditional) ways of organising politics inform ethnic voting. This study deviates from ethnic structure theorists arguing that outcomes of elections are determined by the ability of ethnic groups to form minimum winning coalitions (MWCs). Instead, it looks at the ideational structure of nationalisation, driven mainly by the promises of the independence movement (PslM). The movement created an experiential and discursive framework that emphasises depoliticisation of ethnicity, peacefulness and national unity as ‘Tanzanian’ national values. The frame is intact despite Tanzania’s ethnic diversity and liberal socio-economic as well as political reforms it has undergone overtime. The report critically divulges this capacity to build a political organisation encompassing the political leaders, ideals of the independence movement and the people in informing voters’ choices.

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Agostinho, Issau. "The Need for Ideological-Based Political Parties in Sub-Saharan Africa. Case Study the MPLA and UNITA of Angola." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 63, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-63-2-68-81.

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The political movements in Africa have gone through a significant transformation throughout decades. When the first movements started in the Sub-Saharan region in earlier decades of the 20th century, they would just act as cultural or social associations, since the colonial order would not allow national political movements to exist in African societies under their rule. But during the 1950-1960s those associations transformed into political movements and parties that ultimately fought for independence and transitional governments, respectively. However, 60 years after the national liberations, most African ruling parties, especially the historic ones, are very much keen to explore identity differences from one another to hold onto power, despite the multiparty democratic regimes in which they operate. The claim to belonging to a certain identity (which may be even religious or linguistic) has degenerated into violence and civil wars in many post-independence African societies (Central African Republic, Cameroon, Angola, Mozambique, Kenya, just to mention a few). The assumption that identity-based political parties have not worked well for stronger, peaceful, and integrated African societies (except for a few countries) should bring about a new format of political parties that are ideological-based and which, despite all cultural differences, can indeed offer a better social-political confrontation among different political parties based on a whole set of ideological values. So, although a post-or-quasi-ideology permeates most historical political parties across Sub-Saharan Africa, this paper focuses primarily on the MPLA and UNITA post-war political ideologies as it looks at ideological patterns and verifies through their Statutes the existence of a quasi or full-scale political ideology, and how both parties relate and operate within the framework of political discourse in today’s Angola.

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Berger, Iris. "Cold War Sisterhood: The Women's Africa Committee, 1958–1968." Journal of Women's History 36, no. 1 (March 2024): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2024.a920128.

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Abstract: During the late 1950s, prompted by the US State Department, an interracial group of national leaders of women's organizations in the United States formed the African Women's Committee to reach out to their African counterparts in the wake of successful independence movements throughout the continent. After consulting with numerous African women and leading experts on Africa, the committee initiated a program that brought groups of African women to the United States for short training programs designed to strengthen their leadership skills through both coursework and immersion in women's organizations. This article examines the assumptions both groups of women brought to their interactions and the ways the program changed during this period as a response to racist encounters in the US, new teachers in the classes and African women's evaluations of their experiences.

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Alemu, Amsale. "Demystifying the Image." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 42, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 442–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9987931.

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Abstract While opposition to the Ethiopian monarchy was an immediate imperative of the Ethiopian revolutionary movement, self-professed “anti-feudalism” was but one part of the political-economic object of revolutionary critique. Originating from a country famous for its legacy of African independence, and against a monarch who was a global pan-African icon, Ethiopian revolutionary opposition to Haile Selassie would require not only a politics of dissent, but also an anti-colonial framing. This article centers anti-imperialism—specifically challenges to US neo-imperialism in Ethiopia—among Ethiopian student revolutionaries in the United States during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Examining organizational writing and direct action, as well as editorials in Muhammad Speaks and The Black Panther, this article argues that US-based Ethiopian students employed demystification as a signature revolutionary tactic. They attempted to reframe Ethiopian exceptionalist narratives as currency of US neo-imperialism, drawing on arguments strengthened by engaging Black Power concepts and thinkers. Demystification, while rooted in narrative modes and historical tropes specific to Ethiopian students' location in the United States, offers a concept to think through other oppositional movements as generative of global theoretical critique. Ethiopian students not only demanded the overthrow of the monarchy, but also joined anti-colonial appeals for the structural transformation of the world.

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Seetah, Krish. "Contextualizing Complex Social Contact: Mauritius, a Microcosm of Global Diaspora." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 26, no. 2 (February 15, 2016): 265–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774315000414.

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This article supplements current dialogue on the archaeology of slavery, offering an Indian Ocean counterpoint to a topic that has largely focused on the Atlantic world. It also delves into the essentially uncharted domain of the archaeology of indentured labour. New plural societies, characterized by cultural hybridity, were created around the world as a consequence of labour diasporas in the late historic period. What do these societies look like during the process of nation building and after independence? Can we study this development through archaeology? Focusing on Mauritius, this paper discusses the complexities of the island, and how it can be representative of similar newly formed plural societies in the Indian Ocean. During French and British imperial rule, the island served as an important trading post for a range of European imperial powers. These varied groups initiated the movement and settlement of African, Indian and Chinese transplanted communities. By exploring the dynamic nature of inter-group interaction on Mauritius, this paper emphasizes the nuanced nature of how different peoples arrived and made the island their home. Mauritius played a vital role in the transportation of forced and free labour, both within and beyond this oceanic world, and offers an important viewpoint from which to survey the ways in which historical archaeology can improve our understanding of the broader archaeo-historical processes of which these diasporas were an integral feature. The paper focuses on the outcomes of settlement, as viewed through the complex practices that underpin local food culture, the use and development of language and the way materials are employed for the expression of identity. The article also traces the roots of contemporary cultural retention for indentured labourers to administrative decisions made by the British, and ultimately explores how heritage and language can provide a powerful lens on mechanisms of cultural expression. In addition to illustrating the nuanced and multifaceted nature of group interaction on Mauritius itself, this article raises an issue of broader relevance—the need for historical archaeologists to give greater consideration to the Indian Ocean, rather than focusing on the Atlantic world. This would allow us to achieve a more informed understanding of European slave trading and associated systems of labour migration within a more global framework.

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Auer, Matthew R. "Environmentalism and Estonia's Independence Movement." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (December 1998): 659–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408593.

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The spirit of environmentalism generated some of the most memorable images of the eastern and central European independence movements of the late 1980s and early 1990s. In 1988, protesters formed a human chain around the Ignalina nuclear reactor in Lithuania. That same year, thousands of Hungarians marched through downtown Budapest to rally against their government's prospective participation in the construction of a dam on the Danube River. The environmental movements in the former eastern bloc marked the beginning of the end of Soviet era communism in Europe. However, many commentators have implied that environmental protest was a proxy for other, more politically explosive grievances. Environmentalism was decisive, it is argued, because it provided a release valve for pent-up frustrations and repressed nationalistic ardor. Re-examining the independence movement in Estonia, this article contends that environmentalism was not incidental to citizens’ larger aims. The specific, environmentally destructive activities people condemned embodied many of the features of the Soviet system that people despised generally. Resource-intensive and pollution-prone projects proposed by Moscow provoked a broadly conceived environmental revolt rather than environmental protest “in name only.” The environmentally related constituents of Estonia's independence movement included citizens’ opposition to pollution of the environment and waste of natural resources; perceived “mindlessness” of industrial policy in Estonia; the promise of new Russian-speaking immigrants to work in environmentally unfriendly industries; and economic exploitation of natural resources in Estonia for the benefit of other Soviet republics, especially the Russian RSFSR.

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Lepuru, Masilo. "Afrika’s Cause Must Triumph: Towards the Hegemony of Lembede’s “Afrika for the Afrikans” as a Political Philosophy of National Liberation in “South Africa”." Thinker 99, no. 2 (May 30, 2024): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/j50md866.

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Anton Lembede, who is regarded as a member of the “new Afrikans”, propagated the political philosophy of Afrikanism thatis premised on an exclusive idea of “Afrika for the Afrikans.” On the other hand, A.P. Mda’s idea of “broad nationalism” pursued an inclusive idea of Afrika. This paper seeks to foreground Lembede’s exclusive idea of Afrika in contrast to Mda’s idea of “broad nationalism” and inclusive idea of Afrika. We will rely on the historical and comparative method and the Afrikan-centred theoretical paradigm. There are several findings which this paper has deduced. The first one is that the political and intellectual relationship between Lembede and Mda has eventuated in the epochal emergence of the antagonism between two Afrikan political philosophies of national liberation in conquered Azania. These philosophies are Afrikanism and broad nationalism. The second one is that the intellectual legacy of Lembede is a marginalised study in South African scholarship especially on the figures of the Black Radical Tradition. The third one is that the broad nationalism of Mda was transformed into the Azanian political tradition by Robert Sobukwe and Steve Biko. The last one is that the triumph of Mda’s idea of Afrika must triumph has contributed to the disastrous dominance of nonracialism in South Africa at the expense of the racial nationalism of Lembede. This nonracialism has taken the form of the Congress/Charterist nonracialism of the African National Congress and its Tripartite Alliance and the Azanian nonracialism of the Pan-Africanist Congress and the Black Consciousness Movement. The fundamental objective of this paper is a call for the replacement of these naïve and dangerous forms of nonracialism with the uncompromising racial nationalism of Lembede, so that Africa’s causecan triumph as he envisioned it.

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Rivero, Ángel. "The new Catalan nationalism." Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0009.

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Abstract In this article, I have shown how Catalan nationalism mutated in the last years. Since 1979 Catalonia enjoyed unprecedented political self-government, however, its polítical autonomy was not enough for the independence movement, With the economic crisis of 2008, they declared that the time of independence has finally arrived, and in 2017 a bizarre independence that lasted a few seconds was proclaimed. Catalan nationalism was traditionally pragmatic, but since then, this is no longer the case. It converted to a new nationalism that in the name of a democracy of the people divided Catalonia by antagonism. As I have shown, the new Catalan nationalism is today a populism of secession.

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Reayat, Nauman, Anwar-ul-Mujahid Shah, and Usman Ali. "Interplay of Two Socio-Political Movements: Khudai Khidmatgar Movement and Independence Movement." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 3 (October 2016): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2016.19.3.19.

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Khudai Khidmatgar Movement was an important historical movement which mobilized the polity in a bottom-up direction to awaken the people living in the then North Western Province and today's province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a transformational and charismatic leader. He educated common people about non-violence as a tool for organization and accomplishment of designed objectives. The essence of whole movement was rooted in the religion Islam which is interesting against the background of inspiration drawn by Pushtuns nationalists for the legitimacy of their narratives. This work throws new light on historical legacy of Khudai Khidmatgar Movement led by Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan from a leadership perspective through historical comparative method. A new insight will be made to dig out various methods adopted by the leadership of the movement to gain the legitimacy of the movement and which had roots in religious text.

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Denisova, Tatyana, and Sergey Kostelyanets. "From Warlords to Politicians: Transforming Rebel Movements Into Political Parties." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 63, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-63-2-57-67.

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Over the past few decades, African countries have faced a new phenomenon in political life – the ascent to power of former warlords – leaders of insurgent anti-government movements or tribal militias, who become presidents, vice presidents, prime ministers and members of parliament. Warlords seek to translate their wartime gains into material wealth and social status and gain political office to consolidate their military exploits. To achieve this, they employ many different strategies: transforming their armed groups into political parties, joining existing political organizations, establishing totally new parties, or conducting individual political activity. In societies where power is accumulated through the expansion of social networks – political, economic, military, ethnic, religious, regional, etc. – it becomes extremely useful for a politician to play several leadership roles. Access to various networks allows leaders to expand their base of support: this partly explains why African political elites are represented not only by politicians, but also by businessmen, priests, football players and former warlords. Since most African countries since independence have been in a constant transition from authoritarian to “democratic” governance, from public sector dominance to liberal economies, from limited violence to large-scale warfare, elites have constantly had to invent new roles for themselves in order to maintain political power. If they were unable to achieve the transformation that the situation required, they risked becoming marginalized figures. In this sense, recent warlords intuitively felt it inadvisable to distance themselves from their past wartime activities. Depending on the audience and circumstances, they either emphasized their former merits as field commanders, or, on the contrary, diligently portrayed themselves as vigorous peacemakers. The literature on peacebuilding and post-war reconstruction, with rare exceptions, ignores such an important aspect as the influence of former warlords on post-conflict electoral processes, focusing almost exclusively on organizational issues, the level of effectiveness of state institutions, intra- and inter-party struggles, methods of ensuring security, and the degree of readiness of polling stations. The present paper aims at filling this gap.

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Cahill, David. "New Viceroyalty, New Nation, New Empire: A Transnational Imaginary for Peruvian Independence." Hispanic American Historical Review 91, no. 2 (May 1, 2011): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1165199.

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Abstract The independence process in Spanish America was accompanied by new imaginaries concerning the new political entities that would emerge from the breakdown of the old colonial jurisdictions. This essay explores an imaginary for Peruvian independence, Bolivarian in scope, which lay at the center of the Revolution of 1814–15 in the southern Andes. This “revolution of the patria” started in Cuzco in 1814 but soon captured Arequipa, Huamanga, and much of Charcas, until its military defeat by royalist forces in 1815. It not only proposed full independence from viceregal control but also aimed at completely severing American ties to the Spanish monarchy. Francisco Carrascón, a peninsular prebendary resident in Cuzco who became the movement’s leading ideologue, had in 1801 unsuccessfully proposed the creation of a new viceroyalty to the Council of the Indies. In 1814, however, he advocated the creation of a new and independent Peruvian empire stretching from Lima to the River Plate, from “Sun to Sun.” The cities of Buenos Aires, Lima, Montevideo, and Cuzco were equally to be the principal imperial cities, but Cuzco, because of its antiquity and central location, would be the seat of government or “national peak.” While there is a significant historiography on the Revolution of 1814–15, it has been largely overlooked in several key Latin American independence syntheses. This essay therefore also seeks to restore the movement to the center of wider historiographic debates on Latin American independence.

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Utomo, Ilham Nur, Agustinus Supriyono, and Indriyanto Indriyanto. "Bahaja Menghantjam: Ups And Downs of the New PNI Movement 1931-1942." Indonesian Historical Studies 5, no. 2 (March 21, 2022): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v5i2.10716.

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The non-cooperative nationalist organization movement in the 1930s came under pressure from the colonial government through the enactment of vergader verbod so that most of the non-cooperative nationalist organizations dissolved and their former cadres joined the cooperative organization movement. The New PNI as a non-cooperative nationalist organization was still able to survive in the midst of a repressive government and economic depression that hit the Dutch East Indies economy. The discussion in this article focuses on the ups and downs of the New PNI movement in 1931-1942. The method used in this research was the historical method consisting of heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The findings indicated that the New PNI was still able to survive in the dynamics of the Indonesian independence movement even though it had to experience downturn from August 1933 to 1942 as an implication of vergader verbod. The factors that allowed the New PNI to survive were changing the movement pattern to an underground movement and rearranging the organizational structure when the New PNI leaders were arrested by PID. The survival of the New PNI in the dynamics of the independence movement proved the success of cadre education carried out by the New PNI.

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Weir, Patricia L. "The Reach-to-Grasp Movement: A New Look at an Old Problem?" Motor Control 3, no. 3 (July 1999): 312–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/mcj.3.3.312.

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This commentary raises some issues still unresolved in the study of the reach-to-grasp movement, namely the operational definition of the components of the reach-to-grasp movement, the independence of these components, and the equivocal interpretation of the existing literature. Lastly, this commentary addresses issues pertaining to object properties that require both visual and haptic determination.

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Panganayi, More, and Tendayi Marovah. "Soft-balancing: SADC Former Liberation Movements’ Responses to the Imposition of Sanctions on Zimbabwe 2002 -2015." Quest Journal of Management and Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (May 19, 2020): 116–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/qjmss.v2i1.29027.

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Background: This paper addresses a popular dichotomous African nationalist and independentist approaches to foreign policy mainly characterised by soft balancing and quiet diplomacy. This dichotomous approach has been dominated by the need to maintain independence from resurgent neo-colonial claws by promoting African agenda. The African nationalist and independentist prism are used to interrogate the misconceptions created by the resurgence of meetings of former liberation movements in Southern Africa. Objective: This paper aims to proffer alternative political survival tools that can be adopted by the weak global south states against resurgent neo-colonialism. Methods: Using the work of Machiavelli on international anarchy complemented by the soft balancing as a real-power politics theory, the paper offers alternative lenses to interpretation of impact of sanctions and subsequent strategic alliances formed after 2002 in Southern Africa. Findings: Depending on the dominant realist paradigm to analyse sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe, the paper confirms the anarchic nature of international society and that the formation of alliances was not an ad hoc reaction. Conclusions: Arguing that the world is anarchic and there is no international arbiter, the paper recommends soft balancing as a political survival strategy. Implications: This paper can be useful to concerned authorities of Zimbabwe in planning appropriate policies post sanction. For that purpose this study can serve as reference.

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Pareigienė, Lina. "RURAL COMMUNITY MOVEMENT IN LITHUANIA FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT." Management Theory and Studies for Rural Business and Infrastructure Development 40, no. 3 (September 25, 2018): 369–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/mts.2018.35.

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After Lithuania regained the independence, the state confronted with many political, social, economic, and cultural challenges, which led to changes of norms, values, forms of activities and consciousness of citizens. Changing situation lead to the marginalization of rural areas, the rural community movement raised. The main reason for the rising movement was dissatisfaction about current situation and willingness to change it using communities’ resources. This movement is allied to new social movements, which arose in 1960 in Western world. For the creation of postindustrial rural areas the paradigm of innovative, sustainable, inclusive rural development determines that new theories, explaining transformations, are necessary. The aim of this research is to identify correspondence of Lithuanian rural community movement to new social movement theory. Scientific literature, related documents, and secondary statistical data were analysed, the theoretical framework of six dimensions was created and applied. The research results confirmed that rural community in Lithuania is to be viewed as a new social movement with some features of traditional movements. These findings may be useful for increasing the awareness about social transformations in rural areas.

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Toure, Ibrahima. "African youth movements put to the test of citizenship, democracy and development." E3S Web of Conferences 418 (2023): 04003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202341804003.

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Y’en a marre (Senegal), Filimbi and Lucha (Democratic Republic of Congo), Balai citoyen (Burkina Faso), Tournons la page (Burundi), SOFAS (Mali), Stop à la mauvaise gouvernance (Guinea) and Ça suffit comme ça (Gabon) are Africa’s new dissident and citizenship movements. Led by young people from diverse social backgrounds, these movements have become major political and social players in public life in Africa, breaking away from traditional ideologies and the classical political class. They are at the heart of the social and historical dynamics running through the continent’s countries. For a long time socially excluded, then confronted with the exhaustion of the post-colonial state model and the extreme precariousness of their living conditions, young people are today increasingly multiplying the forms of civic engagement, dialogue and reconciliation in the political arena and in the development processes of their respective countries. The importance of this increased role for youth movements can be illustrated by the numerous mobilizations around the issues of democratic changeover, climate change, the high cost of living, improved purchasing power, the plundering of national resources, the contestation of the European presence on the continent and the denunciation of its negative effects through the CFA franc currency and extroverted development. Young people no longer hesitate to act retroactively to deconstruct their culture and identity, using linguistic figures close to the cultures of their respective working-class backgrounds and based on values centered on pan-Africanism, the African renaissance, the continent’s growing independence and references to historical leaders such as Thomas Sankara, Kwame Nkrumah, AmilcarCabral, Nelson Mandela, Patrice Lumumba and Cheikh Anta Diop. They take advantage of the opportunities offered by the new information and communication technologies (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, WhatsApp, YouTube), not only to interact with each other, but also to make themselves known to the outside world, bypassing the various obstacles placed in their path by those in power. The data analysed here come from a literature review and a qualitative survey of youth citizen movements.

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Singh, Rajdeep. "Iranian Civil Rights Movement and Independence Movement in Kosovo? European Union’s Role in the Freedom Movements and State-Building." English Linguistics Research 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v8n1p8.

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Kosovo celebrated its independence in 2008, and many in the Balkans were eager to see finally peace replacing war into the war-torn region. Iranian civil rights movement also shares some interesting features with the Kosovo case. In this paper, we will show how these similarities are being used in Iranian political system. We will investigate the direct correlates between these two cases as well, especially in the case of Diaspora. In the Kosovo case, however, the path to independence has not been as easy and clear as was hoped for in the beginning. Many countries still refuse to recognize Kosovo as an independent state. Among them are even some European Union members. In this study, we explain the reasons behind the lengthy and difficult process of independence. We also investigate role of identity crisis and its direct link to the independence path. In fact, ethnic Albanians were expecting a reunion with their historical homeland in Albania and this mismatch between expectations and reality made it even harder for them to live inside the not yet well-defined new country, Kosovo. On the other hand, language and religious barriers between ethnic Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo keep alive tensions and hostilities in the region. Furthermore, we investigate the way European Union and Kosovo Diaspora play an important role for the future independent country.

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Zinichenko, Vladyslav, and Anna Udovenko. "«Democratic Tsunami» as an online stage of the Catalan independence movement." Obraz 43, no. 3 (2023): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/obraz.2023.3(43)-6-17.

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Introduction. Catalan independence is an issue that has shaken Spanish politics not even for years, but for centuries. In 2012, an overwhelming majority in parliament was received by MPs who announced the Declaration of Sovereignty. In 2017, the Catalan Parliament declared independence from Spain. In turn, the Spanish authorities arrested the initiators of this decision. Protesters took to the streets against the jailing of Catalan separatist leaders. Thus, it led to the emergence of a new protest group “Democratic Tsunami” that left a significant imprint in the struggle for the independence of the region. Research aims. To describe the “Democratic Tsunami” from the points of origins, its members, organizational structure, strategies and tactics, published content, symbols, ideology, impact and state response. Methodology. The main methods are secondary data analysis (two stages) and qualitative content analysis (649 tweets). The research period is from August 2019 to February 2020. The necessary data were collected from mass media websites and social media platforms. Results. The available data allow us to single out the communication strategies of the “Democratic Tsunami” and present their examples. The scientific article describes the operation of various online communication tools (social media, mobile application) that were used by the movement to achieve its goals. It is important to note that the Spanish authorities were not ready to confront new technologies. The studied practices can be borrowed and used in any country of the world for similar purposes and processes. Conclusions. Although the “Democratic Tsunami” lasted only six months, it was able to take the pro-independence movement to a new level of development. The main feature was the work with social media platforms and the mobile application. These movement’s tools simplified the process of mobilization and coordination between leaders and protesters. They created the mechanism to transform the Catalan independence movement into a more private and highly protected protest community.

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Hiroshi Miyajima. "Nationalism and Civilizationism : For a new understanding of the 1919 independence movement." DAEDONG MUNHWA YEON'GU ll, no. 66 (June 2009): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18219/ddmh..66.200906.205.

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Kim, Young-mi. "Saemaul Undong(New Village Movement) in a home village of independence activists." Journal of Studies on Korean National Movement 86 (March 30, 2016): 241–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.19162/knm.86.2016.3.07.

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Kim Ju-Hyeon. "Shin Chae-Ho’s Publication of “Sindaehan - New Korea” and His Independence Movement." JOURNAL OF KOREAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT STUDIES ll, no. 36 (August 2010): 71–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15799/kimos.2010..36.003.

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