Статті в журналах: "Netanyah"

1

Anderson, J. M. "Elisha Netanyahu." Bulletin of the London Mathematical Society 20, no. 6 (November 1988): 613–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1112/blms/20.6.613.

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2

Drake, Laura. "A Netanyahu Primer." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 1 (1996): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538031.

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Prior to his election as prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu built a store-house of writings and interviews outlining his vision of Israel's place in the Middle East and the world. Valuable clues within them make it possible to establish the general pattern of Netanyahu's political thought, including his level of morale, determination, areas of focus, and philosophy of action. Working from the existing record, the author addresses Netanyahu's historical assumptions and worldview; his political program toward the Palestinians, Syria, and other Arabs; and his attitude toward Israel's future dimensions and Arab-Israeli relations. Netanyahu's personal and political commitment to his long-held objectives and the unlikelihood of his deviation from these principles are discussed.

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3

Inbar, Efraim. "Netanyahu takes over." Israel Affairs 4, no. 1 (September 1997): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537129708719450.

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4

Drake, Laura. "A Netanyahu Primer." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 1 (October 1996): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1996.26.1.00p00795.

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5

Prawira, Yudi. "NARASI ZIONISME DALAM KLAIM ATAS YERUSALEM PADA MASA PEMERINTAHAN BENJAMIN NETANYAHU." Jurnal Dinamika Global 4, no. 01 (August 19, 2019): 123–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v4i01.102.

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Zionist narrative constitutes Netanyahu�s policy in Jerusalem. The use of narrative in conflict is important to build worldview either internally or externally to justify their ideological goal. This paper uses Constructivism framework to understand how Netanyahu�s worldview created by that narrative and replicates his worldview by using speech act. This paper uses qualitative interpretive method which focused on how to understand narrative. The objective of this research is to undertand Netanyahu�s position about Jerusalem according to Zionist ideology. I conclude that this conflict will remain as long as Netanyahu in power. It is hard to imagine about the possibility to reach the final agreement about two state solution especially in the most important issue like Jerusalem because the ideology that Netanyahu holds will not allow compromise.

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6

Buskila, Yaffa, Tamar Chem Levi, and Andrea Kayne. ""If you rake me over the coals…" – The Emotional Intelligence of Benjamin Netanyahu: The Prime Minister of Israel, as Perceived by Israeli Citizens." ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 9, no. 2 (January 2, 2022): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-2-4.

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Benjamin Netanyahu, the Prime Minister of Israel, held the premiership for the longest period in the history of the Jewish nation. He considered as a very strong and influential leader. Leadership has manifestations of Emotional Intelligence (EI). The study aims to construct new knowledge about how Israeli citizens perceive the EI of Netanyahu. Questionnaire was sent to 414 Israeli participants who own first academic degree or above. Results show that the Israeli citizens perceived Bibi’s EI as high, with average of 5.08 out of 7. It was assumed that in order to achieve his goals, Netanyahu uses also dark side of EI. This study demonstrated that EI could be used with positive-oriented and can also use with negative-oriented. Keywords: emotional intelligence, Benjamin Netanyahu, leadership, dark EI

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7

Priego, Alberto. "La doctrina Netanyahu. Un cambio de paradigma en la política exterior de Israel." UNISCI Journal 19, no. 57 (October 15, 2021): 185–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-125.

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En los casi 75 años de existencia del Estado de Israel, su política exterior ha mantenido una cierta continuidad. Algunos primeros ministros como David Ben-Gurión, Menahem Begin, Issac Rabín han dado giros a la política exterior que a largo plazo han condicionado el futuro de Israel. El pasado verano Benjamín Netanyahu salió del gobierno después de más de doce años en el cargo convirtiéndose en el mandatario israelí que más tiempo ha permanecido en el cargo. A lo largo de estos años, Benjamín Netanyahu ha introducido importantes reformas estructurales en país. Uno de estos campos ha sido la política exterior donde se puede considerar que se ha instalado una doctrina propia, la Doctrina Netanyahu. Este artículo tratará de construir los puntos fundamentales que componen esta doctrina de política exterior. Se adoptará una aproximación interpretativa usando los discursos más importantes de Benjamín Netanyahu.

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8

Segev, Tom. "Israel - Hinsides Netanyahu og Obama." Samtiden 119, no. 04 (April 18, 2011): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1890-0690-2010-04-03.

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9

Karsh, Efraim. "Introduction: From Rabin to Netanyahu." Israel Affairs 3, no. 3-4 (March 1997): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537129708719427.

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10

Pick, Lucy K. "Toward the Inquisition. B. Netanyahu." History of Religions 40, no. 2 (November 2000): 203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463632.

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11

Eran, Oded. "Obama and Netanyahu: Round I." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 3, no. 2 (January 2009): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2009.11446362.

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12

Armon, Adi. "Benzion Netanyahu’s Formative Years." Israel Studies Review 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360107.

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Decades before he was known as a historian or as an early neoconservative thinker, let alone as the father of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Benzion Netanyahu was a young student and journalist in British Mandatory Palestine. In this tumultuous period, reaching its peak with the 1933 murder of Haim Arlosoroff, Netanyahu dwelt at the margins of Zionist politics, belonging to a group of well-educated, right-wing, young outsiders—students, poets, journalists, intellectuals, and pseudo-intellectuals—all of whom rebelled against their current and former Hebrew University professors. This study examines the crystallization of Netanyahu’s worldview and his Zionist ideology by focusing on three events between 1932 and 1935 that shaped his hostility toward the left and, much later, which became integral components of politics in Israel.

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13

Hodara, Joseph. "Ascenso y declive de Benjamín Netanyahu." Forum. Revista Departamento de Ciencia Política, no. 19 (January 29, 2021): 242–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/frdcp.n19.89880.

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14

Bogdanor, Vernon. "The Resistible Rise of Benjamin Netanyahu." Jewish Quarterly 64, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0449010x.2017.1311590.

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15

Lerner, Rabbi Michael. "No, Mr. Netanyahu! No, Avigdor Lieberman!" Tikkun 24, no. 3 (May 2009): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08879982-2009-3004.

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16

Wallis, William. "The Letters of Jonathan Netanyahu (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 21, no. 4 (2003): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2003.0070.

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17

Niebuhr, Oliver, and Vered Silber-Varod. "How versatility performance influences perception of charismatic speech." Interaction Studies 22, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 303–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/is.00007.nie.

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Abstract The concept of vocal charisma has changed in the past decades from something that people have to something that people do, thereby stimulating research on how vocal charisma can be created and improved. Broadening the perspective on vocal charisma beyond the speaker’s performance itself to the context of the speech, we conducted acoustic-prosodic analyses of public speeches of two prominent Israelian politicians – Benjamin Netanyahu and Benny Gantz. The speech material consisted of 311–516 prosodic phrases per politician from the election campaigns 2019–2020 and, crucially, was balanced so as to include an equal number of pre- and post-election speeches. Results show a superiority of Netanyahu over Gantz in almost all facets of vocal charisma, although Gantz caught up over time. Moreover, unlike Gantz, Netanyahu showed a strong adaptation of his vocal charisma patterns to before- and after-election contexts. Scrutinizing this versatility difference, an additional perception experiment with 42 listeners and excerpts from the two politicians’ speeches was carried out. Results show that Netanyahu’s speech excerpts were, unlike those of Gantz, mainly rated as more charismatic in those contexts in which they were performed. Gantz’ post-election speech excerpts, by contrast, were primarily rated as not fitting into that context, i.e., as unfolding their charisma better in a pre-election context. Moreover, listeners also rated Netanyahu as overall more charismatic than Gantz. The combined production and perception evidence suggests the relevance of context in the evaluation and interpretation of vocal charisma signals.

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18

Rodman, David. "Netanyahu and Likud’s leaders: the Israeli princes." Israel Affairs 26, no. 6 (October 3, 2020): 987–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2020.1832336.

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19

Watzman, Haim. "Netanyahu bolsters opposition to dismemberment of ministry." Nature 389, no. 6650 (October 1997): 431. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/38855.

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20

Waller, Harold M. "Telepopulism: Media and Politics in Israel." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 4 (December 2005): 1086–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905349973.

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Telepopulism: Media and Politics in Israel, Yoram Peri, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004, pp. 376.This is an ambitious work that does not achieve all that it sets out to do but is nevertheless stimulating and provocative. Peri tries to combine a general summary of the literature on media and politics in a rapidly changing technological environment with an application to the Israeli political system and a detailed analysis of how the government of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu (1996–1999) fits into the picture. It appears that Peri's views on his general subject have been greatly affected by his observations during the Netanyahu years. Indeed he sees that prime minister as the quintessential practitioner of media-centred politics on the Israeli scene.

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21

Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 2 (2018): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.2.s3.

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This is part 136 of a chronology begun in Journal of Palestine Studies (JPS) 13, no. 3 (Spring 1984), and covers events from 16 August to 15 November 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally: U.S. president Donald Trump asked the Palestinians to delay unilateral moves at international fora while his administration assembled a plan for restarting Palestinian-Israeli peace negotiations. In the meantime, Hamas and Fatah reached a major new reconciliation agreement, prompting Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu to threaten to upend Trump's peace initiative. Netanyahu and his right-wing coalition also continued their crackdown on the Israeli opposition, Palestinian citizens of Israel, and supporters of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement; and quarreled internally over the pace of settlement growth.

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22

Baulina, Irina M. "Civil Religion in Israel: from Begin to Netanyahu." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Istoriya, no. 2(40) (April 1, 2016): 83–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988613/40/13.

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23

Seale, Patrick, and Linda Butler. "Asad's Regional Strategy and the Challenge from Netanyahu." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 1 (1996): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538029.

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Over the last thirty years, Hafiz al-Asad has striven to make his country indispensable to any Middle East settlement. Netanyahu's victory, however, and a hardening of U.S. sentiment toward Syria, are threatening to marginalize him. While analyzing Netanyahu's thinking on Syria and Syria's possible responses, the article reviews Asad's years in power and the essential unity of his career. It traces his evolution from the quest for "strategic parity" to the quest for "comprehensive peace," showing how both grew out of the same root: Asad's central aim of "containing" Israel.

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24

Shahbari, Ilham. "Israel Takes Stock: The Legacy of Benjamin Netanyahu." Political Insight 12, no. 3 (September 2021): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20419058211045146.

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25

Curtis, Michael. "The Founding Fathers of Zionism. By Benzion Netanyahu." American Foreign Policy Interests 34, no. 5 (September 2012): 280–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.2012.721329.

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26

Pavel Felgengauer. "NETANYAHU WITH A SWORD AND ST. GEORGE’S RIBBON." Current Digest of the Russian Press, The 70, no. 020 (May 20, 2018): 16–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.51316630.

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27

Seale, Patrick, and Linda Butler. "Asad's Regional Strategy and the Challenge from Netanyahu." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 1 (October 1996): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1996.26.1.00p00773.

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28

Ravenel, Bernard. "Trump-Netanyahou : démocratie ou barbarie." Recherches Internationales 117, no. 1 (2020): 173–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rint.2020.1745.

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29

Harpaz, Guy. "Article: EU-Israel Relations: Netanyahu’s Legacy." European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Issue 4 (October 1, 2022): 541–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022034.

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It is common to criticize the State of Israel for its lack of strategy. This is true with respect to its foreign relations, and with specific reference to her relations with the EU. This criticism was reinforced during the five terms of Benjamin Netanyahu’s premiership (1996–1999 and 2009–2021). Commentators expressed strong criticism of his leadership, blaming him for shaping and implementing Israel’s foreign relations in a non-strategic, incoherent, and inconsistent manner. This article provides an alternative perspective, arguing that during his five terms Netanyahu and his governments adopted and pursued a calculated and coherent policy towards the EU, which was aimed at mitigating EU intervention in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and at dismissing any manifestation of EU political criticism towards Israel. The article analyses his policy towards the EU and the main instruments adopted in order to promote it, through the prism of scholarship pertaining to speech-acts and Euroscepticism. Foreign relations, Speech-acts, Euroscepticism, EU-Israel relations, Benjamin Netanyahu

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30

Slater, Jerome. "Opinion: Netanyahu, A Palestinian State, and Israeli Security Reassessed." Political Science Quarterly 112, no. 4 (1997): 675. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657696.

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31

Lochery, Neill. "The Netanyahu era: From crisis to crisis, 1996–99." Israel Affairs 6, no. 3-4 (March 2000): 221–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120008719580.

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32

Mustafa, Mohanad, and As'ad Ghanem. "The Israeli negotiation strategy under Netanyahu: settlement without reconciliation." International Journal of Conflict Management 24, no. 3 (June 28, 2013): 265–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-08-2012-0061.

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33

Lindqvist, Karin. "Apposition détachée ou liée ?" Revue Romane / Langue et littérature. International Journal of Romance Languages and Literatures 48, no. 2 (December 5, 2013): 254–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rro.48.2.03lin.

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The article compares the use of the so called close apposition (e.g. le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahou) with that of the two types of loose apposition (le Premier ministre israélien, Benjamin Netanyahou and Benjamin Netanyahou, le Premier ministre israélien) in a corpus consisting of French and Swedish newspaper articles. It is suggested that, in many cases, rather than being a result of any particular information structure, the choice of apposition depends to a large extent on the form of the expansion in the common noun. There is a clear difference in the use of the close and loose types between French and Swedish texts. In French, the loose appositions are more common. In Swedish, the close apposition is the most frequent construction. This is due to the fact that, prototypically, the expansion of the French noun phrase is positioned after its head, whereas in Swedish, it is normally positioned before its head.

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34

Védrine, Hubert, and Diego Chauvet. "« Netanyahou veut que la guerre dure »." L'Humanité N° Hors-série, no. 3 (December 8, 2023): 42–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/hum.hs6.0042.

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35

Pane, Khairina Juliana Br, Rahmadsyah Rangkuti, and Muhammad Yusuf. "The Impoliteness Strategies of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Twitter." LingPoet: Journal of Linguistics and Literary Research 2, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/lingpoet.v2i2.5757.

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This study discusses the types of impoliteness strategies and their realization found on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Twitter account on Twitter. The idea is used to identify and categorize different sorts of impoliteness methods, as well as how they are implemented. A descriptive qualitative technique was employed for the investigation. According to the findings of this study, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu employs a variety of impoliteness tactics, which are (1) Bald on record impoliteness, (2) Positive impoliteness, (3) Negative impoliteness, and (4) Sarcasm or mock politeness. While withholding politeness was not found in the Prime Minister of the Republic of Indonesia, Benjamin Netanyahu's tweet. Imprudence is the most common category, with 11 tweets accounting for 57.90 percent of the total. Negative impoliteness is ranked second, with 5 tweets (or 26.31 percent) on the list. Next, sarcasm or fake politeness received two tweets, accounting for 10.52 percent of the total. Only one tweet, or 5.26 percent, had a positive impoliteness.

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36

Hinnebusch, Raymond A. "Does Syria Want Peace? Syrian Policy in the Syrian-Israeli Peace Negotiations." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 1 (1996): 42–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538030.

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By examining geopolitical factors, Hafiz al-Asad's overall political goals and strategies, his domestic and international constraints, and the evolution of his policies on peace with Israel, the author argues that Syria has always sought a just peace based on return of the Golan. The author is pessimistic, however, that the new Israeli government under Likud's Benjamin Netanyahu will accept such a settlement.

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37

Pokrzywiński, Paweł. "Between neo-revisionist neoclassical realism and pragmatism. The foreign policy of the Likud party under Benjamin Netanyahu." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 72, no. 2 (September 27, 2019): 281–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2019.72.2.11.

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Neo-revisionism is a term proposed by Ilan Peleg and Paul Shaum for the philosophy originated by Menachem Begin in 1977 and kept by Yitzhak Shamir and Benjamin Netanyahu. It invokes Vladimir Jabotinski’s revisionism with a strong emphasis on state-centrism, bilateral alliances, power and territory. The foreign policy of the Likud leaders showed that a postulated ideological hard-line stand is far from political reality and is closer to a pragmatic interpretation of state’s surrounding. The author will try to examine the relation between ideology and pragmatism in the Likud’s policy. It will also be shown in the light of neoclassical realism – close to neo-revisionism – by the examples of power, the Israeli-Palestinian conﬂict, non-state representatives but also in the light of pragmatism. The overview of the Likud’s policy is divided between ideologised aspects of securing the self-interest of the state, Israeli raison d'état, acting against Arab states’ ambitions and securing the territory as a strategic depth and between pragmatic decisions like Begin’s peace treaty with Egypt and returning the Sinai, Ariel Sharon’s withdrawal of the settlements from the Gaza Strip or the freezing of settlement by Benjamin Netanyahu.

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38

Boukala, Salomi. "False reasoning and argumentation in the Twitter discourse of the Prime Minister of Israel." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 6, no. 1 (July 2, 2018): 58–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.00003.bou.

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Abstract This paper explores the Twitter discourse of the Prime Minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, regarding security issues and the threat of ‘Islamist terrorism’ as manifested in the latest election campaign (March 2015) and his tweets and statements on Operation Protective Edge (July – August 2014). By focusing on national security and the underlying threat of terrorism against Israel and the West on Twitter, I argue that Netanyahu disseminates his political agenda further and attempts to communicate political decisions on the Gaza conflict in a digital environment. By synthesizing Aristotle’s dialectic and rhetoric and the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) to Critical Discourse Studies (CDS), and drawing on the concepts of topos and fallacy, I attempt to understand and explain how the Gaza conflict is communicated on social media by the Israeli Prime Minister. My aim is also to shed light on the validity of social media in political discourse and to examine whether and how social media can play a role in the propagation of political discourse in times of crisis through an argumentative discourse analysis of the tweets posted by the Prime Minister of Israel.

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39

Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 3 (2017): 121–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.3.121.

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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process. It covers the quarter beginning on 16 November 2016 and ending on 15 February 2017. Neither the Palestinians nor the Israelis made any efforts to resume peace negotiations this quarter. The Palestinians opted to coordinate with outgoing U.S. president Barack Obama on UN Security Council resolution 2334 condemning Israeli settlements, while the Israelis pressed incoming U.S. president Donald Trump for a new regional peace approach. U.S. secretary of state John Kerry presented six principles for a Palestinian-Israeli peace deal, and the French government hosted an international peace conference in Paris. Trump took office in January and began backpedaling on his pledge to move the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Meanwhile, Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu continued his efforts to marginalize the Palestinian minority and political opponents in Israel in order to placate the fury of his ruling coalition's ultranationalists over the evacuation of Amona, an illegal settlement outpost. Settler movement leaders used their leverage with Netanyahu to pass a sweeping new bill in the Knesset retroactively legalizing such settlement outposts.

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40

Chefetz, B., T. Ilani, E. Schulz, and J. Chorover. "Wastewater dissolved organic matter: characteristics and sorptive capabilities." Water Science and Technology 53, no. 7 (March 1, 2006): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2006.207.

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An evaluation of the mobility of organic pollutants with wastewater dissolved organic matter (DOM) is essential to better understanding their fate and toxicity to the environment. In this study, DOM from two wastewater treatment plants (in Lachish and Netanya, Israel) were fractionated to hydrophobic-acid (HoA) and hydrophobic-neutral (HoN) fractions. The fractions were characterised and their sorptive capabilities for s-triazine herbicides and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) were studied. For all sorbates, binding to the HoN fractions was much higher than to HoA fractions. The high binding coefficients obtained for the studied triazines by the HoN fractions suggested that their sorption is governed by hydrophobic-like interactions rather than H-bonding. The binding coefficients of PAHs measured for the HoN fractions were within the range reported for humic acids and much higher than for the HoA fraction, suggesting that the HoN fraction plays an important role in the overall sorption of these compounds by DOM. Higher sorption coefficients were measured for the Netanya DOM sample containing a higher level of hydrophobic fractions (HoA + HoN) than the Lachish DOM, suggesting that the sorption of hydrophobic organic compounds by DOM is governed by the relative content of these structural substances.

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41

Hadar, Leon T. "The Mouse that Roared." Journal of Palestine Studies 28, no. 1 (1998): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538057.

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The Clinton administration's short-lived "Let's-Get-Tough-With-Israel" scenario, launched in late 1997 and which seemed headed for open showdown as of May 1998, ended within weeks in a total Netanyahu victory. Against the background of Monicagate, the Friends of Bibi (FOBs) in the United States waged a successful counterattack. Several different "spins" on the administration's gamble are advanced, and the implications of the presidential retreat are examined.

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42

Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 2 (2018): 104–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.2.104.

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This update is a summary of bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and Israel, compiled from a survey of more than 100 print, wire, television, and online sources providing U.S., Israeli, Arab, and international independent and government coverage of unfolding events. Regional events figure heavily in developments from 16 August 2017 to 15 November 2017 as the Saudi Arabian crown prince steps out of the shadows of secret meetings with Israeli and U.S. officials; Lebanese prime minister Saad Hariri announces his resignation under mysterious circumstances in Riyadh; and Prince Mohammad bin Salman summons PA president Mahmoud Abbas to the Saudi capital just two days later. These actions come soon after representatives from Hamas and Fatah sign a new reconciliation agreement in Cairo, prompting Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu to threaten to upend Trump's peace initiative. Netanyahu and his right-wing coalition continue to quarrel internally over settlement growth and annexation. They also continue their crackdown on the Israeli opposition, Palestinian citizens of Israel, and supporters of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Earlier in the quarter, U.S. president Donald Trump asks the Palestinians to delay unilateral moves at international forums while he puts together a plan for restarting Palestinian-Israeli peace negotiations.

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43

Hirsch, Galia, and Pnina Shukrun-Nagar. "Flirting with the Israeli Prime Minister, humorously." European Journal of Humour Research 11, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr.2023.11.2.789.

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This article examines a specific type of supportive, make-believe, playful humour called here flirting humour, which serves to create a positioning of symmetry and intimacy, while posing a mitigated threat to the face of the addresser and addressee. We focus on two sub-categories of this humour prevalent in online readers’ comments to Facebook posts published by the Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu during the March 2020 electoral campaign: (1) humorous confessions of lust and love by women, even marriage proposals; (2) humorous gestures of camaraderie, mostly by men, including informal social invitations and friendly requests for favours – all directed to Netanyahu. We suggest that this humour reflects characteristics identified with the Israeli Sabra individuals (e.g., directness, openness, easy-goingness, mischievousness) and the Israeli society (camaraderie, informality). Furthermore, we argue that flirting humour, which is particularly dominant among Netanyahu’s supporters, is associated with his dual self-positioning: while the symmetrical and intimate scenarios his supporters humorously create reflect Netanyahu’s positioning as “one of the guys”, the humorous framing reflects awareness of his hierarchical superiority, and acceptance of his self-positioning as a great leader. Thus, flirting humour contributes both to the solidification of Netanyahu’s supporters, and the reinforcing of his position among them.

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44

Scham, Paul. "Israel’s Rightward Pull Versus Regional Rapprochement." Transatlantic Policy Quarterly 21, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.58867/hwtx7365.

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The Abraham Accords of 2020 were Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s proudest foreign policy achievement. They were applauded in Israel and the United States but were met with more skepticism by the Arab public because they lacked any satisfaction of Palestinian demands for statehood. Netanyahu, who won Israel’s recent election and is slated to become prime minister once again as soon as his government is in place, would like to enlarge the Accords signatories to more Arab states, especially Saudi Arabia, but may be stymied by his far-right coalition partners, whose agenda is based on expanding settlements, annexing the West Bank with no regard for its Palestinian population, and making Israel more religiously Jewish. This will almost certainly lead to violence, perhaps even a new intifada, as the West Bank is already seething. Western and Arab leaders have expressed their concern about the leaders of Israel’s far right parties, some with histories of violence, becoming government ministers. There is good reason to believe that not only are the Accords unlikely to expand but, rather, may contract if Arab leaders see headlines of violence, with Palestinians being killed by Israeli forces. The government must be formed by mid-December and while Netanyahu will lead it, its policies may destroy the Accords, his pride and joy.

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Cohen, Regev, Svetlana Paikin, and Peleg Astrahan. "1619. Carbapenemase Producing Enterobacteriaceae in River Estuaries and Coastal Water of Netanya, Israel." Open Forum Infectious Diseases 6, Supplement_2 (October 2019): S590—S591. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ofid/ofz360.1483.

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Abstract Background The role of the environment in the human epidemiology of carbapenem-resistant Enterobacteriaceae (CREs) is poorly understood. Several reports described carbapenemase-producing Enterobacteriaceae (CPE), cultivated from freshwaters of rivers and seawater, but there are no data from Israel. We encountered a young patient diagnosed as a rectal-carrier of 2 CPEs, both harboring the blaKPC sequence, after near-drowning in seawater near Netanya. In this study, we aimed to study river estuaries and the nearby Netanya beaches for the presence of CPEs. Methods On 2 occasions (June, July 2018) we filtered coastal water (Beit-Yanai and Sironit beaches) and freshwater (Alexander and Poleg estuaries) through 0.2µm sterile cellulose acetate membranes. Filtered bacteria were cultured in thioglycolyte broth media and transferred to different solid media. Enterobacteriaceae growing on Chromagar MSupercarba (Hylabs®) plates were isolated, identified, and subjected to modified Hodge test or CARBA-NP hydrolysis. Carbapenemase genes (blaKPC, blaVIM, blaNDM, blaIMP, blaOXA-48) were identified using Cepheid® GeneXpert Carba-R and blaIMI using homemade-PCR in the reference laboratory. Results Four CREs were identified from the environment: 2 CP E. cloacae blaIMI, found in both Alexander estuary and seawater of Beit-Yanai; 1 CP E. coli blaOXA-48 found in Poleg estuary, and 1 E. cloacae non-CP CRE found in Alexander estuary (Table 1, Figure 1). The 3 Enterobacter spp had similar antibiogram phenotype. Conclusion On two occasions CREs were easily cultivated from seawater of a popular recreational beach as well as from 2 river estuaries in Netanya. The bacterial species as well as the carbapenemase types found in the environment are quite rare compared with the clinical human epidemiology in the hospital serving the population of this district. More research is required in order to reproduce these findings, to investigate sources and persistence of rivers and coastal water pollution and to define the role “environmental” strains have in human epidemiology and disease. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures.

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Souza, Bruno Mendelski de. "A Deslegitimação do Programa Nuclear Iraniano no Discurso de Benjamin Netanyahu." Contexto Internacional 37, no. 2 (August 2015): 727–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-85292015000200013.

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Resumo O Programa Nuclear Iraniano, durante os últimos anos, vem gerando grande controvérsia na comunidade internacional, sendo o Estado de Israel um dos grandes opositores do referido programa. Dito isso, o artigo procura analisar como ocorre o processo de deslegitimação desta política nacional iraniana dentro dos discursos do primeiro-ministro israelense, Benjamin Netanyahu. Como arcabouço teórico, empregaremos os conceitos pós-modernistas de identidade, política externa e segurança, conforme preconizados por Campbell (1992) e Hansen (2006). Paralelamente, utilizaremos as metodologias oriundas da análise crítica do discurso de Thompson (2007) e Reyes (2006; 2008; 2011). Concluímos pontuando que a representação da identidade pacífica israelense em oposição a uma identidade iraniana ameaçadora constitui o eixo principal para a deslegitimação do Programa Nuclear Iraniano.

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Strovsky, Dmitry, and Ron Schleifer. "Leaders, politics, and media policy: Benjamin Netanyahu in the Russian press." Israel Affairs 27, no. 6 (October 25, 2021): 1033–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2021.1992221.

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48

Bar‐Joseph, Uri. "A bull in a china shop: Netanyahu and Israel's intelligence community." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 11, no. 2 (June 1998): 154–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850609808435370.

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Charbit, Denis. "La démocratie israélienne à l’épreuve de Netanyahou." Politique étrangère Automn, no. 3 (2020): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pe.203.0183.

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Ermakov, Andrei A., Alexander A. Kornilov, and Igor V. Ryzhov. "Transformation of the Security Policy of the State of Israel: new trends against the background of traditional priorities." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 4 (2023): 1024–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2023-28-4-1024-1036.

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Importance. The article discusses the development of the national security course of the State of Israel in the period 2021–2023. This issue is of particular interest due to the existence of two trends in the security sector: its transformation on the one hand and continuity on the other. Research methods. The study is based on the defense of historicism, objectivity and systemic ownership. Along with general scientific methods, such as analysis and comparison, historical-comparative, retrospective, synchronous methods, as well as the method of critical geopolitics, are used. Result and Discussion. It is noted that during the tenures of Prime Ministers N. Bennett and J. Lapid, there is a further development of “the Iron Dome” missile defense system and the laser weapons’ development to strengthen this system. Several operations are carried out, the purpose of which is to prevent the technical and offensive development of the opponents of the State of Israel in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. In military operations, the emphasis is on the remote destruction of military installations in the depths of Palestinian territory and the prevention of militant access to Israel territory through underground tunnels, which in fact is a new trend. With the return of B. Netanyahu to the post of Prime Minister of the country in the end of 2022, there is a commitment to this military strategy, as evidenced by the continuation of Operation Breakwater. At the same time, B. Netanyahu is pursuing a policy of strengthening the strategic advantage of the State of Israel in the direction of the Gaza Strip, where Israel’s advantages are gradually leveled. Conclusion. It is noted that in the period 2021–2022 the military strategy of the state developed largely in line with and on the basis of the groundwork that is created by B. Netanyahu during his previous term as prime minister. At the same time, the old security doctrine is changed in order to prevent the technological development of the enemy and maintain the strategic advantage of the State of Israel. A general conclusion is made about the effectiveness of the adopted strategy and its long-term nature.

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