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Статті в журналах з теми "Neoliberalism and administrative law"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 22 лютого 2025

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1

Sörensen, Jens, and Erik J. Olsson. "Shadow Management: Neoliberalism and the Erosion of Democratic Legitimacy through Ombudsmen with Case Studies from Swedish Higher Education." Societies 10, no. 2 (March 30, 2020): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc10020030.

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Анотація:

We argue that the neoliberal tradition and new public management reforms of the public sector effectively erode the core (liberal) democratic values of the rule of law and transparency. The tension between public law and managerially-influenced governmental policy is in practice resolved by the emergence of what we call “shadow management” in public administration, whereby managerial decisions that clash with constitutional and administrative law are dealt with in internal memos or consultancy reports and hidden from public view. The consequence is a duality in the public sector, which potentially reduces public trust in institutions and undermines their democratic legitimacy. Finally, we argue that when governmental neoliberal policy clashes with legal requirements, the likely effect is that the popular institution of the (governmental or parliamentary) ombudsman, originally introduced for legal supervision over civil servants, takes on the new deceptive role of providing pseudo-legal justification for neoliberal reform, making neoliberalism and ombudsmen a particularly problematic combination from a democratic and legal perspective. We support our contentions by a case study of Swedish higher education and hypothesize that the mechanisms we highlight are general in nature.

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2

Jobberns, Harry, and Michael Guihot. "Digital Governance and Neoliberalism: The Evolution of Machine Learning in Australian Public Policy." Law, Technology and Humans 6, no. 2 (July 30, 2024): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/lthj.3408.

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Increasingly, government agencies are using computers to automate decisions about citizens. Often, the reason proffered for this is increased efficiency. This article reveals the extent to which computer automated decision-making processes in government are being legislatively adopted, provides an overview of the risks associated with such incorporation and analyses the limited extent to which the parliament has considered these associated risks. We analysed 35 core pieces of Commonwealth legislation that allow computers to make decisions on behalf of the administrative decision-maker. The Commonwealth government has authorised at least 35 of its agencies to use computers to make decisions and in doing so has expanded its power. This has occurred without much debate. We reviewed the associated secondary materials – including second reading speeches and parliamentary debates – to understand the level of discussion on the issue. Surprisingly, our analysis reveals that most amendments have passed with little to no debate. While the drive for governmental efficiency is commendable, failing to adequately debate the risks involved in automating administrative decisions undermines core administrative law principles and exposes governmental agencies and, more importantly, the Australian population to the risk of serious error. This article calls for increased debate before these authorisations are made and the incorporation of audit and review processes to control the use of this power by government agencies ex post.

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3

Craig, David, and Gerry Cotterell. "Periodising neoliberalism?" Policy & Politics 35, no. 3 (July 1, 2007): 497–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557307781571542.

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4

GARRETT, PAUL MICHAEL. "Revisiting ‘The Birth of Biopolitics’: Foucault's Account of Neoliberalism and the Remaking of Social Policy." Journal of Social Policy 48, no. 03 (September 17, 2018): 469–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279418000582.

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AbstractThe article charts the history and trajectory of neoliberalism provided in Foucault's 1979 lectures on ‘The Birth of Biopolitics’. In these fascinating contributions, first published in English translation ten years ago, Foucault identifies German and American forms of neoliberalism, defined in opposition to both the Beveridge reforms and Roosevelt's New Deal. In seeking to comprehend Foucault's articulation of neoliberalism it is important to locate it in the context of contemporary debates on the future of socialism and the reconfiguration of social policy. Despite theoretical problems with his account, the lecture series continues to aid our understanding of the contemporary evolution of social policy.

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5

Locher, Fabien. "Historicizing Elinor Ostrom: Urban Politics, International Development and Expertise in the U.S. Context (1970-1990)." Theoretical Inquiries in Law 19, no. 2 (August 14, 2018): 533–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2018-0027.

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Abstract The goal of this article is to write a social and political history of the now preeminent approach to the ‘commons’ institutions, by focusing on Elinor Ostrom’s contributions to its development. My methodology is that of Science and Technology Studies (STS). I focus here on the materiality of E. Ostrom and her team’s research practices (fieldwork, data collecting, indexing and analysis), on their intellectual and institutional strategies, their networking practices, how their research was funded, and their interactions with administrative and academic institutions and actors (USAID, NSF, National Academy of Sciences). I analyze the history of the Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis, the research center that E. Ostrom and her husband Vincent founded and animated for some 40 years at Indiana University, Bloomington. By doing so, I hope to be able to analyze the close ties between the form and content of the Ostromian theories on the commons and the main lines of tension in the U.S. society of the 1970s and 80s that saw their emergence: urban crisis and “neighborhood revolution”, increasing distrust of modernization and centralization ideals, mutations in U.S. development policies and doctrines, rise of neoliberalism.

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6

Redon Pantoja, Silvia, Natalia Vallejos Silva, and José Félix Angulo Rasco. "Education for Citizenship: The Meanings Chilean Teachers Convey in the Neoliberal Context." Sustainability 13, no. 23 (December 3, 2021): 13390. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132313390.

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This article presents the results from research into education for citizenship in which Chilean teachers participated. Ninety-nine interviews and two focal groups that included questions on knowledge, beliefs, values and practices related to education for citizenship were carried out. NVivo 12 software was used for the analysis of the discourses, following the direction similar to the grounded theory that considers elaborating free nodes, structuring categories and configuring categorical trees, according to the school’s administrative dependency. The results yield six macro-categories: School, Authoritarianism, Neoliberalism, Curriculum, Teacher Role and Citizenship. The present article analyses the Neoliberalism macro-category formed, in turn, by the following subcategories: (1) subject and resistance, (2) competitiveness and individualism in a subject that is instrumental, consumer and reproducer of the establishment, (3) commodified schools, where the economic value regards students and families as clients, (4) a culture of bureaucratization and accountability, and (5) lack of a sense of communality as a collective, supportive body. In all of them, teachers show themselves eloquently critical of the neoliberal system and of the obstacles it poses to rights, justice and democracy in the current capitalist citizenship and school.

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7

Osuna, Steven. "Transnational moral panic: neoliberalism and the spectre of MS-13." Race & Class 61, no. 4 (February 13, 2020): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396820904304.

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Since the election of Donald Trump, MS-13, the Salvadoran street gang, has become a national security and foreign policy concern for his administration. Due to the violence of street gangs like MS-13, El Salvador has become a country with the highest rates of homicides, alongside forced migration. Like much of the mainstream media and personal accounts of asylum seekers, the arguments about violence emerging from street gangs in El Salvador from the Trump administration are based on actual material conditions, but what is often missing are the root causes. This article argues that the production of a moral panic over MS-13 has been transnationalised between the United States and El Salvador to displace the contradictions of global capitalism in El Salvador to a local and deported relative surplus population. It argues that the spectre of MS-13 in El Salvador and throughout US cities must be placed within the limits of a Salvadoran revolution, the insertion of the Salvadoran political economy into the global capitalist system in the 1980s, the development of a neoliberal Salvadoran state, and the US sponsoring of law-and-order polices in the country as a response to regulate a relative surplus population.

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8

Cahill, Damien. "Polanyi, Hayek and embedded neoliberalism." Globalizations 15, no. 7 (July 26, 2018): 977–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2018.1498171.

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9

Humpage, Louise. "Relegitimating neoliberalism? Performance management and indigenous affairs policy." Policy & Politics 36, no. 3 (July 21, 2008): 413–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557308x313688.

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10

Korže, Branko. "The Significance of the Implementation of Human Rights in the Functioning of Economic Operators for the Prevention of the Causes of Economic and Broader Social Crisis." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 11, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 255–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/11.3.255-270(2013).

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In this paper the author substantiates a thesis that the reason for the emergence of the economic and general social crisis lies in the withdrawal of European countries from the legislatively proclaimed model of a social market state and the assumption of neoliberal principles, which are the basis of economic globalization. He finds that globalization gave rise to numerous negative social phenomena resulting from the predominance of the economic interests of capital over other social values. The reestablishment of the functioning of the market–social state in Europe that would be based on human rights could significantly contribute to the elimination of the causes of the crisis. The enforcement of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (Ruggi’s Guiding Principles) would mean the first step towards the change in principles and neoliberalism in the world and its negative effects.

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11

PHILLIPS, RICHARD, JEFFREY HENDERSON, LASZLO ANDOR, and DAVID HULME. "Usurping Social Policy: Neoliberalism and Economic Governance in Hungary*." Journal of Social Policy 35, no. 4 (September 4, 2006): 585–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279406000092.

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This paper takes issue with arguments emanating from the global social policy literature that neoliberal policy agendas have been largely a consequence of the interplay of international agencies with indigenous reform interests. While relevant, such arguments grasp only part of the story of social policy change. By means of a case study of Hungary between 1990 and 2002, this article emphasises the role played by the bureaucratic reconstitution of the state and changing forms of national economic governance in the explanation of social policy change. We show how the bureaucratic redesign of the Hungarian state generated a ‘finance-driven’ form of economic governance with the state bureaucracy reconfigured around the fiscal control of the Finance Ministry. These changes had significant implications, not simply for social expenditure, but for the intellectual nature and bureaucratic space for social policy-making. Whereas critiques of neoliberal social policy reform tend to focus on the ideological nature of the projects, this analysis highlights the need to develop visions of, and arguments for, an alternative to the finance-driven forms of economic governance that have become the de facto bureaucratic archetype for re-designing welfare states.

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12

Darian-Smith, Eve. "Global Studies—The Handmaiden of Neoliberalism?" Globalizations 12, no. 2 (September 9, 2014): 164–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2014.954775.

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13

Geddes, Mike. "Neoliberalism and local governance: global contrasts and research priorities." Policy & Politics 39, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/147084411x581826.

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14

Brown, Wendy. "American Nightmare." Political Theory 34, no. 6 (December 2006): 690–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591706293016.

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Neoliberalism and neoconservatism are two distinct political rationalities in the contemporary United States. They have few overlapping formal characteristics, and even appear contradictory in many respects. Yet they converge not only in the current presidential administration but also in their de-democratizing effects. Their respective devaluation of political liberty, equality, substantive citizenship, and the rule of law in favor of governance according to market criteria on the one side, and valorization of state power for putatively moral ends on the other, undermines both the culture and institutions of constitutional democracy. Above all, the two rationalities work symbiotically to produce a subject relatively indifferent to veracity and accountability in government and to political freedom and equality among the citizenry.

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15

Leggett, Will. "The politics of behaviour change: nudge, neoliberalism and the state." Policy & Politics 42, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557312x655576.

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16

Stephen Davies, Jonathan. "Just do it differently? Everyday making, Marxism and the struggle against neoliberalism." Policy & Politics 41, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 497–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557312x655756.

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17

Le Roux-Kemp, Andra. "Legal Education and the Reproduction of Hierarchy: A Contemporary Asian Reading of a Seminal Text." Denning Law Journal 32, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 87–149. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v32i1.1919.

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Law schools are peculiar places occupied by, dependent on, associated with, and exerting influence on a myriad of institutions and stakeholders. From law students’ efforts at mastering the allusive skill of legal reasoning to the challenges both tenured and untenured academic staff face in the neoliberalist higher education model where the legal profession and the consumers of the law school product exert increasing – and sometimes even impossible – demands, law schools and its populace have always been contested, hierarchical and image-conscious spaces. Indeed, as Ralph Shain noted in the Journal of Ideology in 2012, “[a]nyone who has suffered through law school would be grateful to have a good polemic against the institution”. This article offers such a polemic against legal education in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Over a period of four years, a selection of postgraduate law students from one of the (three) higher education institutions responsible for legal education and training in Hong Kong were asked to reflect upon their legal studies and future roles as legal professionals with reference to the 1983 self-published pamphlet by Duncan Kennedy, entitled “Legal Education and the Reproduction of Hierarchy: A Polemic Against the System”. Kennedy’s essay offered a critical analysis of the role of legal education in American social life at that time, and the manner in which it reproduced hierarchy in law, legal education, the legal profession, as well as in society generally. The narratives informing this article show that almost 40 years subsequent the publication of Kennedy’s text, and in a jurisdiction with an altogether different social context and facing its own political turmoil and civil rights’ aspirations, many parallels can be drawn with what Kennedy had observed in 1983. Part I of this article sets the scene with a detailed overview of the legal education and training landscape of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region from a legal-historical perspective to date. The discussion and analysis then turn to the narratives of Hong Kong law students, offering a window into their experiences as (unintended) participants in the hierarchies of law and legal education in Hong Kong. Much more, however, can be gleaned from these narratives than just how these students perceive their present legal studies and future roles as legal professionals in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. These narratives also offer a critical reflection on Hong Kong’s colonial past and present status as a Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China under the principle of “one country two systems” (Part II). Culture-specific values impacting on these students’ legal studies and career decisions are revealed (Part III), and troublesome shortcomings in the current legal education and training landscape vis-à-vis the legal professional fraternity and political and socio-economic reality of Hong Kong are laid bare (Part IV). Much like Kennedy’s 1983 essay failed to bring about any real change in how law schools go about their business as cogs in the apparatus of social hierarchy, the narratives informing this article also conclude on a rather sombre and futile note. Be that as it may. At least their voices have been heard and the seemingly inescapable power struggles noted. This too is an important function of the law and legal discourse.

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18

Harrison, Graham. "Authoritarian neoliberalism and capitalist transformation in Africa: all pain, no gain." Globalizations 16, no. 3 (August 6, 2018): 274–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2018.1502491.

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19

Gainsborough, Martin. "Present but not Powerful: Neoliberalism, the State, and Development in Vietnam." Globalizations 7, no. 4 (December 2010): 475–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731003798435.

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20

Kantola, Johanna. "Shifting institutional and ideational terrains: the impact of Europeanisation and neoliberalism on women's policy agencies." Policy & Politics 38, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 353–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557310x521053.

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21

White, Cameron. "The conditions of practical action: Neoliberalism and sustainability in the Australian road construction industry." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 34, no. 8 (July 26, 2016): 1501–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263774x15625642.

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In the last decade, in the context of debates about climate change, the Australian road construction industry has focused on increasing efficiencies within road construction processes. This approach to environmental impact management is congruent with existing (road-centric) trajectories of infrastructure development. At the same time, however, it also institutionalises the systemic environmental impacts of the road network. This article examines the historical conditions within which this focus on construction efficiencies emerged as the basis of practical action. Firstly, it examines the neoliberal strategies that led to the privatisation of the Australian road construction industry in the 1990s. Secondly, these Australian road industry strategies are compared with other industry-centred harm-management initiatives and traced back to the tobacco industry tactics of the 1950s and 1960s. Finally, this article argues for a broader, interdisciplinary approach to the analysis and management of environmental impact.

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22

Smith, Miriam. "Resisting and reinforcing neoliberalism: lesbian and gay organising at the federal and local levels in Canada." Policy & Politics 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/0305573052708483.

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23

Lieberherr, Eva, and Lea Fuenfschilling. "Neoliberalism and sustainable urban water sectors: A critical reflection of sector characteristics and empirical evidence." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 34, no. 8 (July 26, 2016): 1540–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263774x15625994.

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Urban water sectors in industrialised countries are increasingly facing a diverse range of challenges. Aging assets, environmental concerns and economic issues put pressure on the current governance and organisation of these sectors. In recent years, a plethora of neoliberal reforms have been initiated in various countries as efforts to counteract these developments. While rather successful in infrastructure sectors, such as energy or telecommunication, neoliberal reforms have proven difficult in many industrialised, urban water sectors. The article argues that this is related to distinct characteristics of the water sectors. Specificities include large-scale technologies, high externalities and the nature of the good. This article analyses these key characteristics of urban water sectors and shows their implications and challenges for neoliberal reforms by drawing on the privatisation of the English water sectors. The results show key trade-offs between economic and environmental issues, and less with social goals.

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24

Hampton, Paul. "Trade unions and climate politics: prisoners of neoliberalism or swords of climate justice?" Globalizations 15, no. 4 (March 29, 2018): 470–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2018.1454673.

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25

Gellert, Paul K. "Neoliberalism and altered state developmentalism in the twenty-first century extractive regime of Indonesia." Globalizations 16, no. 6 (January 24, 2019): 894–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2018.1560189.

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26

CLARKE, JOHN. "Sanford F. Schram and Marianna Pavlovskaya (eds) (2017), Rethinking Neoliberalism: Resisting the Disciplinary Regime, London: Routledge, £33.99, pp. 296, pbk." Journal of Social Policy 49, no. 2 (February 7, 2020): 459–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279419001090.

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27

Wetzstein, Steffen. "Relaunching Regional Economic-Development Policy and Planning for Auckland: Remaking the State and Contingent Governance under Neoliberalism." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 26, no. 6 (January 2008): 1093–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0748r.

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28

PICKARD, SUSAN. "Age War as the New Class War? Contemporary Representations of Intergenerational Inequity." Journal of Social Policy 48, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279418000521.

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AbstractThis paper examines intergenerational justice discourses that feature prominently in both the contemporary UK media and beyond, arguing that these constitute both a continuation of previous debates about the economic and social burden of the dependent ‘fourth age’ and a newer and more prominent denigration of the ‘third age’, both of which possess deep cultural and psychological roots. Both themes are subsumed in the trope of the old as in some ways stealing the future of the nation, represented by youth. Analysing media depictions of intergenerational injustice across several themes, the paper suggests that, whilst justifying welfare retrenchment and other aspects of neoliberalism, the portrayal of social problems in terms of generational war emerges from age ideology and an age system that, among other things, intersects with and naturalises other forms of stratification. This partly accounts for the fact that the attack on the ‘third age’ is particularly prevalent in left of centre, or progressive, media on both sides of the Atlantic. That the age system has been overlooked and underplayed in sociological terms is an important oversight since the former materially and ideologically facilitates the ever-growing socio-economic inequality that is a feature of our times.

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29

JENSEN, PER H. "Brian J. Brown and Sally Baker (2012) Responsible Citizens: Individuals, Health and Policy under Neoliberalism. London: Anthem Press. 214pp., £60, hbk." Journal of Social Policy 43, no. 1 (October 29, 2013): 210–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279413000676.

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30

Rodrigues, João. "Neoliberalism as a real utopia? Karl Polanyi and the theoretical practice of F. A. Hayek." Globalizations 15, no. 7 (July 26, 2018): 1020–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2018.1498176.

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31

Beck, Mareike, and Julian Germann. "Managerial power in the German model: the case of Bertelsmann and the antecedents of neoliberalism." Globalizations 16, no. 3 (August 9, 2018): 260–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2018.1502490.

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32

Carroll, Toby, Judith Clifton, and Darryl S. L. Jarvis. "Power, leverage and marketization: the diffusion of neoliberalism from North to South and back again." Globalizations 16, no. 6 (January 28, 2019): 771–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2018.1560180.

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33

Carroll, Toby, Ruben Gonzalez-Vicente, and Darryl S. L. Jarvis. "Capital, conflict and convergence: a political understanding of neoliberalism and its relationship to capitalist transformation." Globalizations 16, no. 6 (January 23, 2019): 778–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2018.1560183.

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34

Amthor, Ramona Fruja, and Scott Alan Metzger. "Neoliberalism, Globalization, and the American Universities in Eastern Europe: Tensions and Possibilities in ‘Exported’ Higher Education." Globalizations 8, no. 1 (February 2011): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2011.544207.

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35

Tansel, Cemal Burak. "Reproducing authoritarian neoliberalism in Turkey: urban governance and state restructuring in the shadow of executive centralization." Globalizations 16, no. 3 (August 21, 2018): 320–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2018.1502494.

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36

Jepson, Wendy E., Christian Brannstrom, and Renato Stancato de Souza. "A Case of Contested Ecological Modernisation: The Governance of Genetically Modified Crops in Brazil." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 23, no. 2 (April 2005): 295–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0406j.

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Ecological modernisation is a normative theory that explains why society's institutions and practices change in response to environmental consequences of industrial economies. It is also a term used to describe broader processes of change in environmental governance. In this paper, we use the second concept to explore the development of Brazil's governance of genetically modified (GM) or transgenic crops. We discuss three major shifts in GM-crop governance and regulatory institutions during the past decade. We focus on how nongovernmental organisations, local governments, and farmers challenged the federal government's biotechnology regulatory institution. The analysis of Brazil's GM debate offers important insights into the process of ecological modernisation in the global South. The case represents a key example of how ecological modernisation may proceed in countries facing neoliberalism and export-oriented economic policies paralleled by increasing democratisation. In Brazil, these seemingly contradictory forces have led to innovative, market-based paths of institutional change in environmental governance. Our study also offers an instructive example of how ecological modernisation processes in the global South intersect with broader dynamics of globalisation to shape potentially diverse environmental policy outcomes.

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37

Chenou, Jean-Marie. "From Cyber-Libertarianism to Neoliberalism: Internet Exceptionalism, Multi-stakeholderism, and the Institutionalisation of Internet Governance in the 1990s." Globalizations 11, no. 2 (February 19, 2014): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2014.887387.

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38

Danewid, Ida. "The fire this time: Grenfell, racial capitalism and the urbanisation of empire." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 1 (June 25, 2019): 289–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119858388.

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Over the last few years, an emergent body of International Relations scholarship has taken an interest in the rise of global cities and the challenges they bring to existing geographies of power. In this article, I argue that a focus on race and empire should be central to this literature. Using the Grenfell Tower fire in London as a starting point, the article shows that global cities are part of a historical and ongoing imperial terrain. From London to New York, São Paulo to Cape Town, Singapore to Cairo, the ‘making’ of global cities has typically gone hand in hand with racialized forms of displacement, dispossession and police violence. Drawing on the literature on racial capitalism, as well as Aimé Césaire’s image of the ‘boomerang’, I show that these strategies build on practices of urban planning, slum administration and law-and-order policing long experimented with in the (post)colonies. By examining the colonial dimensions of what many assume to be a strictly national problem for the welfare state, the article thus reveals global cities as part of a much wider cartography of imperial and racial violence. This not only calls into question the presentism of scholarship that highlights the ‘newness’ of neoliberal urbanism. In demonstrating how global cities and colonial borderlands are bound together through racial capitalism, it also exposes the positionality of scholars and policymakers that seek to counter the violence of neoliberalism with a nostalgic return to the post-1945 welfare state. As the Grenfell fire revealed, the global city is less a new type of international actor or governance structure than an extension and reconfiguration of the domestic space of empire.

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39

DuRand, Cliff. "Contradictions of Global Neoliberalism." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 13, no. 1-2 (2014): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341287.

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Abstract Neoliberalism is the default position of capitalism in the absence of countervailing pressure on capital from popular forces pressing for greater social justice. The contradictions of unbridled neoliberalism are the contradictions of unrestrained capitalism. It is a system that tends toward self-destruction. To survive, it needs the restraining hand of the state, frequently brought into play by demands of the popular classes. With the globalization of capital in its corporate form, it is escaping the regulatory reach of nation-states. With the assistance of globalized states, transnational capital is building its own governance structure through the World Trade Organization and multilateral trade agreements like the TransPacific Partnership. What is emerging is an unbridled neoliberal regime in which states are only the administrative agents that protect capital against the popular classes. Being constructed secretly, bit by bit, is a global regime in which corporations are the citizens and globalized states are the local administrative units that enforce corporate dictates and maintain order. This is a world without popular sovereignty and without democracy. It is a world ruled by an insulated technocratic elite serving the interests of global capital. Without countervailing force from the popular classes, will it be able to arrest its self-destructive tendencies?

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40

Atiles-Osoria, José M. "Neoliberalism, Law, and Strikes." Latin American Perspectives 40, no. 5 (June 12, 2013): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x13492123.

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41

Schwartz, Justin. "Neoliberalism and the Law." New Labor Forum 22, no. 2 (May 2013): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1095796013483712.

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42

Bugarič, Bojan. "Neoliberalism, Post-Communism, and the Law." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 12, no. 1 (October 27, 2016): 313–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-110615-084545.

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43

Aka, Assiye. "Reading woman subject from the point view of neoliberalism in Turkey: #sendeanlat (tell your story) case study." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 1 (March 22, 2017): 857. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i1.4511.

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Neoliberalism is a concept is used to explain the changes in capitalism such as saving crisis and profitability in the early 1970s. While referring to the difference between government and governance, it also fortifies a state's influence on administrative processes by minimizing it. Namely, neoliberalism problematizes the state concept and delimits it by calling individual choices. On the other hand, it includes administrative forms which support normalizations of both institutions and individuals according to market. In this study, 600 K tweets sent under #sendeanlat (tellyourstory) hashtag in which women tell their personal violence experiences will be analyzed to inspect security, violence and woman subject from the point view of neoliberalism, and their positioning to each other. As a result, the question what kind of solutions could be producible against violence mechanisms which are both reason and result of neoliberal political economy. The method of this study includes both quantitative and qualitative techniques. For qualitative analysis 1200 ranked tweet and for quantitative analysis, 600K tweets are inspected. Tweets are archived by using R Statistical Software via Twitter Rest API and quantitative techniques are applied by using the same software environment. Ranked tweets are coded with MAXQDA qualitative analysis software by using open coding approach.

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44

Murcott, Melanie, Gabrielle Burns, and Stewart Payne. "Administrative Law." Yearbook of South African Law 1 (2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/ysal/v1/i1a1.

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45

Sterett, Susan, and H. W. R. Wade. "Administrative Law." American Journal of Comparative Law 34, no. 1 (1986): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/840299.

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46

Sapna, Chadah. "Administrative Law." Indian Journal of Public Administration 51, no. 2 (April 2005): 301–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120050213.

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47

Murcott, Melanie, Gabrielle Burns, and Stewart Payne. "Administrative Law." Yearbook of South African Law 1 (2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/ysal/v1/i1a1.

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48

Bae, Sangjoon. "German ‘New Administrative Law’ and Korean Administrative Law." Jeonbuk Law Review 66 (September 30, 2021): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.56544/jblr.2021.09.66.83.

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49

Terekhova, Lydia A. "Judicial administrative procedural law v. administrative judicial law." Law Enforcement Review 3, no. 3 (November 6, 2019): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2019.3(3).125-134.

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50

Shah, Jeena. "Community Lawyering in Resistance to Neoliberalism." Michigan Law Review, no. 120.6 (2022): 1061. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.120.6.community.

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