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1
Matyszkiel, Robert, Bogusław Grochowina, Adam Dobkowski, Marcin Wiśniewski, and Paweł Domaros. "Using of New Narrowband Waveforms to Ensure Proper Operation of Command and Communication Systems." Zeszyty Naukowe Akademii Marynarki Wojennej 215, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sjpna-2018-0026.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Accomplishment of basic services implementation with specific quality is one of the main challenges of the command and communication systems for modern maritime safety and defense. The specificity of the marine environment imposes the use of narrowband HF (High Frequency) and VHF (Very High Frequency) radio communication devices which are capable to implement IP transmission. This paper presents the requirements for the HF and VHF radio systems according to the IP protocol requirements. At the beginning basic properties of narrowband HF and VHF waveforms in context of their operational scenarios has been described. Then results of experimental research (implementation of narrowband services — voice and data) has been presented. Finally further research directions with contribution of the authors, in NATO working groups related to the development of NBWF (Narrowband Waveform) for coalition communication has been presented.
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MARCZYK, Maciej. "COMMUNICATION SYSTEMS OF POLISH MILITARY CONTINGENTS IN PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS AND STABILIZATION MISSIONS." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 164, no. 2 (March 1, 2012): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.2796.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Polish soldiers have long participated in international operations under the auspices of various organizations, primarily the UN. However, since Poland’s accession to NATO and the adoption of our country to European Union, the activities of our military contingents have focused primarily on participation in international operations, organized by the two organizations and under the terms of their procedures. Poland, as part of joint and several actions to ensure common security, has actively been engaged in military operations and non-military missions of various international organizations, as well as local actions in the ad hoc coalition created. The degree of involvement and geographical areas are determined by the current capabilities of the armed forces and the clearly defined objectives coincide with the Polish raison d'etat, as defined in the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Polish and expressed in their efforts to strengthen Poland’s international position. This paper presents the results of research on the functioning of NEC communication network (the Polish military contingent) in military operations abroad. The research was carried out among the soldiers-specialists who were involved in international operations and it focused on the organizational requirements: the technical specifications for the NEC communication networks. Also, the research concerned the organization and operation of communication networks and its services as well as the means of communication and IT used by the staff, users, soldiers and NEC employees.
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Sousse, Linda E., Amanda Staudt, and Christopher VanFosson. "521 Incidence of Bone Fracture Rate Post-Burn and Trauma in Role 2 and 3 Treatment Centers." Journal of Burn Care & Research 42, Supplement_1 (April 1, 2021): S107—S108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jbcr/irab032.172.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Introduction One of the hallmarks of critical illness and trauma is that it triggers resorptive bone loss, as well as an increase in bone fractures and a reduction in bone density. Sustained markers of bone resorption, bone formation, and regulators of bone signaling pathways are linked to prolonged inflammatory activities and the prolonged deterioration of bone microstructure. The objective of this study is to evaluate the bone fracture rate of the U.S Military, non-U.S. Military, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Military, local civilian, and Coalition Forces population in Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Freedom’s Sentinel with burns from 2005 to 2018 using the Department of Defense Trauma Registry (DoDTR; n=28,707). Our hypothesis is that there is a direct relationship between burn injury severity and bone fracture rates. Methods Pearson’s correlation coefficient and scatterplots were used in this retrospective, observational study to demonstrate the correlation between total body surface area (TBSA) burn and number of fractures by anatomical location. Results Approximately 15,195 patients (age: 26 ± 10 years) in Role 2 and Role 3 treatment centers reported fractures. Of those patients, 351 suffered from burns with 632 anatomical fracture locations. Facial fractures were most prominent (16%), followed by foot (12%), skull (12%), tibia/fibula (11%), hand (11%), and ulna/radius (10%). There was no initial correlation between n increasing severity of TBSA burn and count of fracture locations (ρ=-0.03, p=0.8572). Conclusions There was no acute correlation between burn severity and bone fracture rates; however, further analyses are required to assess chronic post-burn fracture rates.
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RUTAR, BORIS. "THE NATO ALLIANCE AS A COALITION (OF THE WILLING)." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, Volume 2019 Issue 21/3 (September 3, 2019): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.21.3.1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The purpose of this article is to describe the difference between two intra-state concepts of cooperation with regard to security and its application in NATO. In the first part of the article the author elaborates the distinction between a military alliance and a military coalition. While an alliance is inherently defensive in nature, a coalition concept is much more suitable for ad hoc deployment outside its own territorial space. With regard to this, in the second part the author analyzes the transformation of the NATO Alliance and the impact that Crisis Response Operations have had on the perception and inner power structure of NATO. The Crisis Management System and the Framework Nation Concept are used as primary examples of NATO acting as a coalition rather than an alliance. Key words Military alliance, military coalition, crisis response operations, Framework Nation Concept.
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Dziesma, Maija. "SIGNIFICANCE OF INTERCULTURAL COMPETENCES IN INTERNATIONAL MILITARY OPERATIONS." Culture Crossroads 6 (November 14, 2022): 238–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.55877/cc.vol6.266.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since 1990 the number of international military operations con- sisting of forces of coalitions of various countries has increased in the world. Latvia and its armed forces actively participate in international operations organised and implemented by the NATO and the European Union and in other events aimed at strengthening collective security. In practice, it is possible to enhance the compatibilitywith the armed forces of other countries, to carry out training and gain operations experience that is necessary for professionally trained soldiers with an aim to enhance the execution of tasks and improve combating skills. When carrying out the questioning and interviewing of soldiers who have served in military missions, it has been stated that differences of various cultures, countries and the perception of life can influence cooperation of multinational forces and the overall effectiveness of activities. Intercultural factors have an impact on communication and performance during missions at various levels and in all areas of activities. Understanding of cultural differences ensures the effectiveness of coalition forces both among them- selves and in the country where the mission is carried out.
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Bubnova, N. "Russian Factor in Barack Obama’s Military-Political Strategy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2015): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-6-5-17.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Upon becoming president of the United States, Barack Obama formulated the policy of reset in the U.S.-Russia relations – as part of his grand project of improving international relations on a more equitable basis, with a bigger role for diplomacy and international alliances and less reliance on unilateral actions and the use of force. As part of resetting their relationship in the military-political field, the United States and Russia were able, in the first and part of the second tenure of Obama’s presidency, to claim some major achievements in the military-political field, such as signing the New START Treaty, working on further nuclear disarmament measures, and developing bilateral anti-terrorist activities. U.S.-Russia cooperation also resulted in Russia’s agreement to open up its air space and railways for NATO transports which helped the International Coalition to conduct operation in Afghanistan in its “surge” phase and then to successfully withdraw combat units from that country. U.S.-Russia relations were also instrumental in bridging the positions of the two countries with regard to Iran’s and North Korea’s nuclear problem, with Russia and China voting alongside with the United States on UN Security Council resolutions for sanctions against North Korea and Iran to make them comply with the nuclear safeguards. Yet in various regions of the world, Obama’s policy – initially announced as an innovative breakthrough strategy proved instead to be reactive, aimed not at future perspective, but at dealing with the emerging crises on a case by case basis: in Lybia, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and then finally in Ukraine. The “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific, also announced by Obama’s administration, was formulated without consideration of Russia’s interests in the region, while at the same time causing turbulence in relations with China, and was finally overshadowed by the Ukrainian crisis and then the ISIS offensive in the Middle East. The reset fell prey to the contradictions in U.S.-Russia relations which particularly exacerbated after the events in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine and led to freezing of arms control negotiations and bilateral U.S.-Russia cooperation in the military-political field. The Ukrainian crisis is likely to have long-term negative consequences, and in particular will increase hawkish tendencies in U.S. politics. Yet this does not preclude and to the contrary increases the importance of seeking ways to strengthen stability, searching for possible measures for nuclear weapons limitations which would become applicable after bilateral relations improve. U.S.-Russia cooperation remains essential for resolving key international challenges as well as major regional problems.
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Korol’kova, E. "Evolution of United States’ Private Military and Security Companies: The Case of Afghanistan 2001–2021." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 1 (2022): 122–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The withdrawal of troops on 31 August 2021 which was carried out in accordance with the Agreement signed on 29 February 2020 between the U.S. government and the Taliban (an international terrorist organization banned in the Russian Federation) marked the end of the international military campaign in Afghanistan which lasted twenty years. Assessing the preliminary outcomes of nearly a quarter-century of the US military and their NATO allies’ presence in Afghanistan, U.S. President Joseph Biden announced the end of “an era of major military operations to remake other countries”. Though the consequences of the Western coalition campaign in the area remain to be evaluated and they are unlikely to turn out to be unequivocal, the Atlantic strategy aimed at rebuilding and democratization of Afghanistan proved itself as bankrupt. Our research focuses on the way the twenty-year military campaign in Afghanistan affected the development of the U.S. private military and security companies (PMSC) industry. For these purposes, we, firstly, studied and traced the transformation of the private military and security services market in the U.S., and examined the changes of approaches and mechanisms used to contract PMSCs. Secondly, we analyzed the way the U.S. authorities addressed the challenges new market evoked, focusing on the measures of legal regulation that were applied to PMSCs, and the way the working of the U.S. institutional mechanisms was transforming. The final part of the research contains conclusions on the perspectives for the development of the American PMSC industry after the withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan. We believe that due to its duration and continuity, the Afghan operation ensured a launchpad for the PMSC industry and provided conditions for private military and security companies to acquire and master high-end experience which in turn, contributed to the development of a certain market that goes well beyond the involvement of conventional human capital. It provided solutions for the production, utilization, and maintenance of the equipment and technologies, allowing the minimization of the direct participation of specialists in hostilities. Alongside the development of the American PMSC industry itself, the research studies the investigations conducted by the U.S. authorities into the cases of abuse committed by the contractors during their participation in Afghan war. It discusses the way this practice encouraged the transformations of United States procedures and mechanisms aimed at reducing malpractice when performing contracts and launched changes in U.S. legislation. It also demonstrates the lessons learned by the U.S. from the contractual practice with regard to the regulation of PMSCs. The research reveals the strengths and weaknesses of the American policy regarding PMSCs during the whole period of the military conflict in Afghanistan and helps to evaluate the success of the U.S. efforts in monitoring contractors across Afghanistan. To conclude, we reckon that considerable contractual experience acquired in Afghanistan ensures technological and procedural progress of the U.S. PMSC industry. Given the enduring rivalry between the U.S., Russia, and China, including in the military and technological spheres, the twenty-year experience of direct participation in hostilities by U.S. PMSCs boosted its competitive advantage compared to Russia and China, whose PMSCs still lack such an experience.
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Haesebrouck, Tim. "National Behaviour in Multilateral Military Operations." Political Studies Review 16, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 102–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929915616288.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
What accounts for the diverging contributions to multinational military operations? Over two decades ago, Bennett, Lepgold and Unger published a seminal study that aimed to explain the division of the burdens of the Desert Storm Coalition. This article reviews four recent monographs on national behaviour in multinational operations against the backdrop of their conclusions. While the four reviewed titles suggest that the bulk of the conclusions of Bennett, Lepgold and Unger’s study hold beyond the scope of the Desert Storm Coalition, each of them also makes a distinct contribution to the literature. Baltrusaitis offers three excellent case studies on burden sharing in the 2003 Iraq War, Davidson provides essential insights on the impact of alliance value and threat and the studies of Auerswald and Saideman and Mello invoke important domestic variables that were not structurally examined by Bennett, Lepgold and Unger. Altogether, the reviewed titles provide convincing explanations for the behaviour of democratic states in US-led operations. Consequently, the article concludes by arguing that the most promising avenue for future research would be to focus on military operations in which the United States has a more limited role and on the contributions of non-democratic states to multinational operations. Auerswald DP and Saideman SM (2014) NATO in Afghanistan: Fighting Together, Fighting Alone. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Baltrusaitis DF (2010) Coalition Politics and the Iraq War: Determinants of Choice. Boulder, CO: First Forum Press. Davidson J (2011) America’s Allies and War: Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Mello P (2014) Democratic Participation in Armed Conflict Military Involvement in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
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Lee, Byeongheon, Seungbeom Ahn, Myungsuk Choi, and Jang-Wok Hur. "A Study of Test and Evaluation Method for Performance Improvement of Air to Ground Communication Radios." Journal of the Korea Institute of Military Science and Technology 25, no. 3 (June 5, 2022): 267–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.9766/kimst.2022.25.3.267.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Republic of Korea has a close cooperative relationship with NATO, of which the United States is a member. NATO is encouraged to follow UHF coalition waveforms for military air operations(SATURN) as defined in STANAG 4372. SATURN is a high-speed frequency hopping waveform with enhanced anti-jamming and security functions. Plans to improve the performance of existing military aircraft with air to ground radios to which SATURN function is applied. IFF case analysis and MRT evaluation plan were established to present an efficient test and evaluation plan for air to ground radios.
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Shishatskii, M. "Operational Compatibility under Conditions of Multilateral Missions: Myth or Reality?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2012): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-10-21-29.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Neither country in the whole world is in a position today to counter complex regional and global security challenges alone. In this connection, the extent of engagement of UN, NATO, EU and other organizations in the crisis management has unprecedentedly increased over the last decades. More frequently the national military forces conduct operations of different complexity as a part of international coalition, what underlines the necessary for their interoperability improvement in both doctrine and capability. This analysis focuses on the progress achieved as well as current difficulties of interoperability development in the course of modern multilateral operations.
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Kinsey, Christopher, and Mark Erbel. "Contracting out Support Services in Future Expeditionary Operations: Learning from the Afghan Experience." Journal of Contemporary European Research 7, no. 4 (December 4, 2011): 539–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v7i4.348.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
As with the US led Coalition war in Iraq, the war in Afghanistan has seen an unprecedented number of private contractors being utilised in support of military operations in the country. In the case of the United States government for example, over half of its personnel in Afghanistan and Iraq are contract employees, while the same figure in the UK stands at 30 per cent and is set to increase in the coming years. This level of contractor involvement in the ‘War on Terror’ is not inconsequential. Indeed, their contribution to military operations is so large they are now able to influence NATO’s counter-insurgency operations and thus its overall strategy for fighting the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. Importantly, such involvement can be both beneficial and/or detrimental. This article first sets out to explore how NATO came to rely on so many contractors in Afghanistan and the risks this involves for the ‘War on Terror’.
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Tariq, Muhammad, Manzoor Khan Afridi, and Ahmed Saeed Minhas. "An Analysis of Insurgency in Afghanistan (2001- 2016)." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. II (June 30, 2018): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-ii).09.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Afghanistan has been wrapped in insurgency since the Russian withdrawal in 1979, followed by civil war. The emergence of Taliban to power with their self-styled type of imposition of Islamic law compelled the great powers to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. September 2001 was a turning point in the history of Afghanistan as the NATO forces made their entry under the garb of security. The establishment of a democratic government in the country could not help in uprooting terrorism and insurgency from the country. Since the period of Russian Withdrawal, the country witnessed different eras of Taliban and the democratic governments coupled with the NATO mission. It is a fact that during the long stay of the presence of coalition forces in Afghanistan, insurgency could not be completely uprooted since new threats from different groups of insurgents have overpowered the country. Some of the provinces are hit hard by insurgency and terrorism. Efforts to hold peace talks were always dashed to the ground when the ISAF started its military operations against the terrorists.
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Bojor, Laviniu, and Ionuț Alin Cîrdei. "The Afghan “Fog of War”." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 26, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2020-0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe terrorist attacks of 9/11 took the USA and NATO by surprise, as they are still under the euphoric effect of celebrating the fall of the Eastern European ideological walls and the collapse of the communist bloc. The immediate response of the military operations led to the neutralization of the Taliban forces or more precisely to their removed from political power and denial the influence of Al Qaeda. The purely military approach dominated the initial kinetic clashes and conquered the physical terrain but failed to dominate the society marked by perennial conflicts, widespread corruption, poverty and multiple ethnic and tribal fragmentations. The Afghan insurgency that formed seems to have managed to slow down and finally block the reconstruction and development effort made by the strong NATO-centred coalitions. The article examines the causes of the Afghan “fog of war” that led to this great failure and makes recommendations that must be taken into account in future military conflicts.
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Belukhin, N. "The Role of the UN Peacemaking Operations in the Foreign Policy of Denmark in the 1990s: from an Exemplary Peacemaker to an Ardent Atlanticist." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2021): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-3-41-50.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Under the Cold War Denmark successfully employed the UN peacemaking operations to increase its own international status and strengthen relations with the key Western allies. The Nordic model of peacemaking was later considered as an example to be followed by other European states in the 1990s. As the role of the UN gradually declined during the 1990s and the UN peacemaking operations led to major failures, most notably the Srebrenica massacre and the Rwandan genocide, NATO, as well as the EU, started expanding their own activities in the sphere of peacemaking and peace enforcement. As a consequence, Denmark stopped considering the UN peacemaking as the main framework for international activism and started getting increasingly engaged in coalition operations and NATO operations as a means to win the favor of the key ally — the USA. Another factor that significantly contributed to Denmark’s growing atlanticism was the so-called "defense clause" which prevented Denmark from participating in the military dimension of the emerging CFSP within the EU and later CSDP. The Danish international activism acquired therefore a tangible military element which on the one hand enabled Denmark to punch above its weight, but at the same time became contradictory to the very ideas and goals which made international activism attractive for the Danish public in the first place. The initial value- and identity-driven UN peacemaking eventually became reduced to a means of accomplishing limited goals of status-seeking and ensuring the country’s place as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. It is thus becoming increasingly difficult for Denmark to reconcile the adherence to humanitarian diplomacy and Nordic "Peace Brand" with aggressive military activism.
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Shturma, Marta. "Evolution of Denmark’s Policy Towards the NATO in the Second Half of the 20th Century." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.109-120.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article focuses on Denmark’s shifting approaches towards bloc policy through the lens of its security priorities. It emphasizes that the Danish exposure to security vulnerabilities is primarily due to its geographical location, which led to rejection of country’s neutrality and to joining the NATO. The study stresses that internal factors have been continuously influencing the Danish defense policy, causing numerous controversies in domestic politics. Contradictions are identified in Denmark’s efforts to preserve a balance between the status of a nuclear-free state and the need to accept the U.S. military base in Greenland. The reasons and peculiarities of the Danish ambivalent attitude towards the NATO during the Cold War are clarified. It is pointed out that a moderately independent approach to relations with the Eastern Bloc and efforts towards a further rapprochement was a prominent aspect of Denmark’s security policy at that time. The study demonstrates that the Atlantic direction gradually lost its relevance in the Danish security policy after the NATO approved the «double solution» policy in 1979, which was based on nuclear rearmament and excessive demands towards the USSR in arms control negotiations. Denmark’s approach to the NATO in the early 1980s was often described as «footnoting» and had a negative impact on Denmark’s ally image in the North Atlantic Alliance. New geopolitical realities in the late 1980’s pushed Denmark to adopt a more proactive security policy in the context of the Atlanticism. The nature of Denmark’s participation in international security initiatives, intervention operations under the NATO auspices and US-led ad-hoc coalitions during the 1990’s is thoroughly analyzed. The article underlines the importance of Denmark’s transformation from a weak link within NATO into a significant Nordic and European security player.
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Maruschak, Iryna. "The United Kingdom in the Gulf War and the Position of NATO (1990 – 1991)." European Historical Studies, no. 10 (2018): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.10.103-115.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article touches upon the participation of Great Britain in the Gulf war of 1990-1991. This war was one of the largest armed conflicts after the Second World War, in which Britain took part. The reaction of London to the actions of the regime of Saddam Hussein has been analyzed. The political and military aspects of the crisis development in Iraq have been outlined. The quick decision-making and activity of the UNO Council during the settlement of the Iraqi crisis have been unfolded. The UN has been adopting 12 resolutions per year in order to put an end to the occupation of Kuwait, to restore international peace and security in the region. The position and approach of the North Atlantic Alliance to resolving the Iraqi crisis has been researched. The importance of NATO diplomatic consultations and the rapid response to the crisis situation on the periphery of the Alliance territory, as well as the cooperation between Britain and its allies, first of all, the United States, have been revealed. The activities of the international coalition, mainly the NATO member states, where the leading place was represented by the British military, have been highlighted. Major military operations, such as Desert Shield, Desert Storm and Grunbi which liberated the Kuwaiti territory from the Iraqi forces have been analyzed.
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Bove, Vincenzo, and Leandro Elia. "Supplying peace: Participation in and troop contribution to peacekeeping missions." Journal of Peace Research 48, no. 6 (November 2011): 699–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311418265.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We explore the supply side of peacekeeping – the determinants of a country’s voluntary contributions to peacekeeping operations. We focus on troop contribution and examine a large set of operations, from UN-led missions to operations led by NATO, the African Union, the European Union, and ad hoc coalitions. We rely on a theoretical model of the private provision of public goods and a dataset on troop contribution across 102 states and 45 operations from 1999 to 2009 to explain both the conditions under which third-party actors are more or less likely to intervene in peacekeeping operations and the factors determining the size of their personnel contribution. We use the characteristics of the conflict to identify which types of conflicts attract outside intervention and the characteristics of the intervener to identify the countries more willing to provide troops. We show that at the domestic level, contributions are driven by the comparative advantage in manpower – or the relative value of labor – and constrained by the tolerance of casualties and the sustainability of multiple and concurrent missions. At the international level, the most robust explanations of when states choose to intervene are the level of threat to global and regional stability, the proximity to the conflict area, and the number of displaced people. In particular, security and humanitarian concerns trigger nation-specific responses. Our empirical findings provide further evidence of the centrality of country-specific gains in explaining the participation in peacekeeping. However, contributor-specific benefits play the same role in UN and non-UN peacekeeping missions, in contrast with previous empirical studies on the financial burden-sharing.
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Jayawardena, Rohan. "At What Price? Managing the Costs of Tolerating Corrupt or Criminal Partners in Stability Interventions." Abuse: An International Impact Journal 2, no. 2 (October 14, 2021): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37576/abuse.2021.026.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
States or coalitions may conduct intervention operations to stabilise weak or failing states. Intervening powers often use military or police forces to impose security while development agencies rebuild the affected state’s institutions, including the Rule of Law. However, recent experience suggests that interventions may perpetuate criminal conduct. This paper examines the NATO missions in Afghanistan and other interventions to suggest links between partnering with corrupt or criminal actors and subsequent setbacks in stabilisation. It then proposes strategies by which future intervention forces may mitigate the risks of perpetuating criminal conduct. The paper asserts that intervention forces may empower criminal actors inadvertently or deliberately. It suggests that criminal allies may offer apparent security gains, and command popular support; and may be the only allies available. However, it concludes that perpetuating crime and corruption undermines the legitimacy of the affected state’s government and the intervention force, and potentially enables state capture. These outcomes may perpetuate violence. The paper suggests that intervention forces may mitigate these risks by setting clear priorities, planning against all potential threats including organised criminals, linking aid to the achievement of governance objectives, delaying transition until the affected state’s institutions are ready, and conducting deep selection of future leaders.
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Rudkovsky, O., A. Chernenko, P. Vankevych, and V. Smychok. "AREAS OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE SYSTEM OF COMBAT IDENTIFICATION OF UNITS IN COMBAT." Collection of scientific works of Odesa Military Academy, no. 11 (December 27, 2019): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.37129/2313-7509.2019.11.113-123.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article considers the main causes of the emergence, due to objective and subjective reasons, the negative situation, when the troops bear losses from the blows of their own or allied forces, as well as measures that senior commanders (chiefs) are required to take to minimize them. Existing methods and methods of designating their units in the conditions of mass cluster of personnel and combat equipment, with actions in a limited combat space, are investigated. The urgent need to designate not only the strike forces of assault aircraft, but also the units of the ground forces, including each unit of military equipment and personnel (to a separate soldier), was substantiated. The military doctrine of combat recognition in the armed forces of NATO member states is considered as the uniform standard of combat identification of military forces of coalition forces operating on the battlefield, which establishes a common algorithm of action for all Allied troops. The efficiency of using separate means and methods by day, at night and in conditions of insufficient visibility is investigated; existing limitations in the use of recognition and identification signals that are related to the human factor and the technical capabilities of the means of recognizing soldiers, as in the case of pedestrian operations on the technique in the context of a quick battle. The main methods and methods of application of the system that reduce the ability to dismount troops while conducting observation by the enemy are determined, but in their turn, they do not limit the reliability of identification of goals. The analysis of the prospects of combining the means of combat identification on the battlefield into a single integrated system, ways of its further development with the subsequent integration of individual elements into the set of combat equipment and armament of the soldier was carried out. The focus is on the main directions of creating a unified guide on the use of forms and methods for identifying objectives for the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the development of elements of such a unified system by the domestic military-industrial complex for the provision of units of the ground forces.
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Mishin, Igor O. "U.S.’ South China Sea policy: The first steps under presidency of Joe Biden." Asia and Africa Today, no. 12 (2021): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750017800-2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The South China Sea conflict is still the «hot - spot» of the Asia-Pacific. In this article special attention is paid to the position of the United States in the South China Sea conflict under the presidency of Joe Biden. US national interests in the South China Sea are shaped by the American desire to maintain its geopolitical dominance in the Asia-Pacific region and prevent the growth of any hostile power. Today, the South China Sea is the world's most important water area, control over which gives an economic and military advantage. In 2020 the United States officially declared the PRC a "country whose actions are aimed at revising the international order" and a "strategic rival". The United States believes that Beijing's policy of creating and militarizing outposts in the SCS allegedly jeopardizes free trade, threatens the sovereignty of other countries, and undermines regional stability. Moreover, the United States blames China for trying to use the pandemic as a way to achieve its goals in the South China Sea. The first steps taken by Joe Biden administration clearly indicate Washington’s continuation of previous American hard line in South China Sea. Despite the change in presidential administrations, the United States continues to actively engage US Navy warships as part of operations to protect freedom of navigation, using them as a tool to contain China. In addition, the new administration is actively building an informal anti-Chinese coalition in the region, using both bilateral ties with allies and multilateral platforms, primarily NATO, Quad and AUKUS.
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Andreeva, T. "Anglo-American “Special Relationship” Under the Government of David Cameron." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 5 (2016): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-5-61-72.
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The article is devoted to the Anglo-American "special relationship" maintaining under two U.S. governments of Barak Obama and two Britain's governments – the coalition government of David Cameron-Nicholas Clegg and the conservative government of D. Cameron. The paper covers the evolution of the bilateral relationship from worsening to improving, which came into being amid the American economic and military resources overheating due to the shift of the U.S. political interest from Europe to the Pacific region and overstretch of American military communications as a result. The author scrutinizes only two main fields of this "special relationship": political and military cooperation. International events and political steps of both countries have rescued their relations from the collapse and have boosted them. The article deals with the role of such international crises as wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, combating the Islamic State (Islamic jihadists) and the Ukrainian crisis in preserving the speciality of Anglo-American relations. The author comes to a conclusion that Britain's participation in military operations around the world as the main partner of the U.S. is the main reason for improving the bilateral relationship. The attention is paid to the trends in cooperation making the relationship special, such as nuclear, sea and intelligence cooperation. The partnership between two countries in NATO is also highlighted. The author regards the movement for Scottish secession from the United Kingdom as one of political tendencies in the British society which bring uncertainties to Britain–U.S. relations. Special attention is paid to another political trend in the British society – the movement for Britain's exit from the European Union, which is a real threat for Anglo-American "special relationship", because it can ruin its traditional pillar – the bridge between the U.S. and Europe. The author tries to answer the question about perspectives of Anglo-American "special relationship" under the Cameron's government.
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Kostenko, Irina, and Anastasiya Kisil. "Legal analysis of the reform of the national police of Ukraine." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 1 (May 5, 2021): 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2021.21.
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The article considers the reasons, purpose and results of the reform of the National Police. The current state of the legislation thatestablishes the legal status of the National Police is considered, the main advantages and disadvantages that exist at this stage are high lighted,the previous ones are analyzed. The study was based on the Law of Ukraine “On the National Police”, which enshrined the concept of“National Police”, clarified the main tasks of this institution and the structural units operating in its structure. An important part of the reformwas, in accordance with the signed coalition agreement, which ensured the implementation of the provisions on law and order and compliancewith EU requirements. The desire to reform Ukraine’s security and defense sector has been supported by international organizationssuch as the EU, NATO, OSCE, as well as Partner countries: the United States, the Netherlands, Canada and the United Kingdom, which hascertainly had a positive impact on international reform and technology. In addition, we examined the main processes that hinder the developmentof the National Police, namely: low financial security, overwork, lack of career growth, disrespect from citizens, lack of clear regulations,with defined instructions, neglect of managers in the interests of their subordinates. We considered possible ways to overcome suchproblems, in particular: increasing the material security of employees, which will not only encourage them to work in law enforcement agencies,but also reduce the level of corruption within it; revision and change of the internal organization of the work process will help to reducethe overload of police officers, as well as reduce the negative impact on their health; However, the most important task to be addressed inthe short term is to bridge gaps in the legislation to avoid disputes and hamper law enforcement and the real desire to continue reformingthe national police. and change for the better. The study showed that, despite the sharp and positive start of the reform, at the moment it needsto be reformed again. Of course, this has a negative effect on society, as the body called to monitor law and order is in chaos.
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Ivanov, Stanislav Mikhailovich. "Will Biden could withdraw the US forces from Afghanistan?" Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 3 (March 1, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2103-02.
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The article analyzes the military operation of the United States and its NATO allies in Afghanistan, which lasted for 20 years, and the prospects for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from this country. The author states that the new US President D. Biden does not abandon the foreign policy course pursued by his predecessors earlier to reduce the US military presence in Afghanistan. Moreover, the new president reaffirmed his commitment to the peace agreement between the United States and the opposition Taliban, reached in the Qatari capital of Doha in February 2020, which provides for the withdrawal of US troops and their NATO allies from the country. However, the author comes to the conclusion that due to a number of objective and subjective factors, the timing of the final withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan may be postponed indefinitely, and even the deadline recently declared by the White House on September 11, 2021, may be far from final and may be repeatedly subjected to revisions. The main obstacle to the implementation of this important clause of the bilateral agreement is the lack of progress in negotiations between the Taliban representatives and the central government, as well as the lack of security guarantees for the withdrawn contingent of the US Armed Forces, NATO and the remaining staff of Western foreign missions in Afghanistan. Not only the radical Taliban wing, but also a number of current ministers in Kabul are trying to sabotage the conclusion of a second peace agreement and the subsequent integration of the Taliban into power. Without a lasting agreement between the Taliban and the central authorities in Kabul and the formation of a new coalition government, the likelihood of a resumption of civil war in the country will remain. New terrorist attacks and outbursts of violence on the part of the radical wing of the Taliban movement against the central government and foreign troops are not excluded. The penetration of Islamic State gangs into Afghanistan, which can undermine the stability of the military-political situation from within and provoke new armed conflicts, also carries certain risks. Much will also depend on the position of one of the main external players in Afghan affairs — Islamabad. Time will show whether Pakistan will be ready to take on part of the functions of a peaceful settlement within the Afghan conflict. The US administration would like more participation in stabilizing the further situation in Afghanistan from other regional forces (China, Russia, India, Iran, Turkey, Uzbekistan).
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Paulus, Andreas L. "Quo vadis Democratic Control? The Afghanistan Decision of the Bundestag and the Decision of the Federal Constitutional Court in the NATO Strategic Concept Case." German Law Journal 3, no. 1 (January 2002). http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014711.
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The parliamentary control of executive power in foreign affairs in Germany suffered two severe blows last November; one may wonder whether it will ever recover. First, on 16 November 2001, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder transformed one of the most important foreign policy debates in the Bundestag (Parliament) into a more general policy debate by combining the decision regarding the provision of German troops to the American-led, so-called “War on Terrorism” in Afghanistan with a vote of confidence with respect to his government, pursuant to Article 68 of the Grundgesetz (GG – Basic Law). With the fate of the Red/Green coalition government hinging on the vote, and the very existence of the Green Party at stake, it was not surprising that Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer (Greens), in his speech on the issue, took a tone more suited for a party convention than for a foreign and security policy debate. And although deploring that posture, most of the opposition speakers followed suit. It was a sad day for German parliamentary democracy. The failure of the Bundestag to live up to its responsibilities is even more apparent in the declarations that accompanied the vote, which show that a considerable number of members of the Bundestag voted for the government in spite of their continuing opposition to the provision of Bundeswehr (German Army) forces, the very conjunction rendered impossible by the use of Article 68. The use of this Article both quashed the existing strong parliamentary backing for the provision of German troops to the anti-terrorism effort in Afghanistan and elsewhere, and denied the Bundestag, and the German public, a serious debate about the first German military operation outside Europe since World War II, excepting the humanitarian contributions to UN missions in Cambodia, East Timor and Somalia.
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Porensky, Paul N., Patrick R. Maloney, Jeeho D. Kim, Justin A. Dye, and Peter C. Liacouras. "Cranioplasty in the deployed environment: experience for host-country nationals." Journal of Neurosurgery, September 1, 2022, 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2022.7.jns22524.
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OBJECTIVE Decompressive craniectomy (DC) is the definitive neurosurgical treatment for managing refractory malignant cerebral edema and intracranial hypertension due to combat-related severe traumatic brain injury (TBI). To date, the long-term outcomes and sequelae of this procedure on host-country national (HCN) populations during Operation Iraqi Freedom (Iraq, 2003–2011), Operation Enduring Freedom (Afghanistan, 2001–2014), and Operation Freedom’s Sentinel (Afghanistan, 2015–2021) have not been described, specifically the process and results of delayed custom synthetic cranioplasty. The Joint Trauma System’s Clinical Practice Guidelines (JTS-CPG) for severe head injury counsels surgeons to discard the cranial osseous explant when treating coalition service members. Ongoing political and healthcare system instabilities often preclude opportunities for delayed cranioplasty by host-country assets. Various surgical options (such as hinge craniectomy) are inadequate in the setting of complicated cranial comminution from blast or missile injuries, severe cerebral edema, grossly contaminated wounds, complex polytrauma, and tissue devitalization. Delayed cranioplasty with a custom synthetic implant is a viable but logistically challenging alternative. In this retrospective review, the authors present the first patient series describing delayed custom synthetic cranioplasty in an HCN population performed during active military conflict. METHODS Patients were identified through the Joint Trauma System/Theater Medical Data Store, and subgroup analyses were performed to include mechanisms of injury, surgical complications, and clinical outcomes. RESULTS Twenty-five patients underwent DC between 2012 and 2020 to treat penetrating, blast, and high-energy closed head injuries per JTS-CPG criteria. The average time from injury to surgery was 1.4 days, although 6 patients received delayed care (3–6 days) due to protracted evacuation from local hospitals. Delayed care correlated with an increased rate of intracranial abscess and empyema. The average time to cranioplasty was 134 days due to a lack of robust mechanisms for patient follow-up, tracking, and access to NATO hospitals. HCN patients who recovered from DC demonstrated overall benefit from custom synthetic cranioplasty, although formal statistical analysis was impeded by a lack of long-term follow-up. CONCLUSIONS This review demonstrates that cranioplasty with a custom synthetic implant is a safe and feasible treatment for vulnerable HCN patients who survive their index DC surgery. This unique paradigm of care highlights the capabilities of deployed neurosurgical healthcare teams working in partnership with the prosthetics laboratory at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center.
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Johnsen, Frank T., and Mariann Hauge. "Interoperable, adaptable, information exchange in NATO coalition operations." Journal of Military Studies, October 1, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jms-2022-0005.
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Abstract This paper summarises our work on policy-enabled inter-network routing for mobile networks and adapting information services to available networking resources in tactical networks. The work shows promise; both the policy routing and adaptive service infrastructure were part of successful interoperability trials in the Coalition Warrior Interoperability eXercise (CWIX) in 2021. This paper highlights our findings, how our work can support interoperability in NATO, and represents an enabler for future coalition operations. Although promising, the work involves research and concept development, and so, we anticipate its timeframe for seeing actual operational use as likely 3–5 years from now, typically targeting future developments within Federated Mission Networking (FMN). In our work, we have shown that we can build a federated mobile network by using a reactive routing protocol that supports policy routing in a network overlay for use in a coalition. Further, we have shown that we can leverage network-level information at the application level, through a so-called cross-layer optimization (CLO) approach. The CLO approach leverages a well-defined format, and we found that this format promotes interoperability and can be used in a multi-national setting. Since our work is experimental, we have also identified some shortcomings for future work.
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Blanch, Richard J., M. T. Kerber, and W. G. Gensheimer. "Deployed ophthalmic workload in support of US and NATO operations in Afghanistan." BMJ Military Health, March 5, 2020, bmjmilitary—2019–001379. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjmilitary-2019-001379.
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PurposeThe extent and types of ophthalmic disease and non-battle injury (DNBI) seen by expeditionary ophthalmologists at deployed military medical treatment facilities have not previously been reported. We aim to characterise the extent and type of ophthalmic pathology including DNBI at a US military medical treatment facility in Afghanistan.MethodsWe conducted a retrospective non-interventional cohort study of all patients seen by ophthalmologists at Craig Joint Theater Hospital at Bagram Airfield (BAF), Afghanistan, between 1 October 2018 and 31 August 2019.ResultsThere were 281 patients seen in 540 separate encounters, of which 146 patients seen were active duty military stationed at BAF with DNBI, of a population at risk of 6000 personnel. Diagnoses managed included open and closed globe injury, bacterial and herpetic keratitis and retinal detachment, with the most common being dry eye, corneal abrasion/foreign body, blepharitis, chalazion and uveitis. Thirteen patients (5%) required aeromedical evacuation out of theatre and 39 patients were aeromedically transferred within theatre for assessment. Expert consensus estimated that 89 patients (36%) would be likely to require aeromedical evacuation out of theatre without ophthalmic input.ConclusionsThe rate of ophthalmic DNBI among deployed US, UK and coalition forces at BAF was 2.65% per year, of whom 97% were returned to duty (95% of all patients). We estimate that evacuation and loss to unit would increase from 5% to 36% without an ophthalmologist present. The low number of within-theatre aeromedical transfers suggests that the local presence of an ophthalmologist at a patient’s deployed medical treatment facility affects access to deployed ophthalmic care.
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Kozerawski, Dariusz S. "The Withdrawal of International Forces from Afghanistan – Security Threats for the States and the Region." Politeja 19, no. 4 (79) (December 21, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.79.06.
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The paper discusses the problem of the withdrawal of multinational forces from the territory of Afghanistan in 2021. An attempt is made to answer the question: What has caused the failure of the international intervention and what could the further consequences of the withdrawal of the NATO coalition forces be? The paper also presents the problem of the decay of Afghanistan and threats to Polish military contingents during the ‘Enduring Freedom’, ISAF and ‘Resolute Support’ operations. The study takes advantage of the results of unique research conducted by the author in the zones of war and stabilization in Afghanistan and previously unpublished source documents. The field research was carried out in the area of responsibility of the Polish Task Force stationed in the Ghazni province in March and April 2009. Moreover, the non-confidential part of the documentation from the activities of individual organizational units of the Polish military contingent was used. The chapter may be of interest to researchers of international and national security, academics (teachers and students) of military and civilian universities as well as activists of governmental and non-governmental organizations providing aid in areas of armed conflicts and after their end.