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1
Mamaev, Kirill A. "Catalan Nationalism: Past and Present." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2017): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-2-15-22.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article dissects the problem of Catalan Nationalism. The author analyzes the historical development of Catalan nationalist movement. The article examines the relations between Spain and Catalonia up to the present time and makes attempts to propose the resolution of this problem.
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Grinina, Elena. "Language as an instrument of policy." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 86–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-1-86-89.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this article is to show how in modern Spain the language is successfully used not only for defending their nationalist interests (linguistic nationalism), but also in the struggle against the structures of language, that reflect the gender-based discrimination (linguistic sexism)
3
Lobera, Josep. "Migrants and 'Patria'. The imagined community of the radical left in Spain." Teknokultura. Revista de Cultura Digital y Movimientos Sociales 17, no. 1 (January 29, 2020): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/tekn.66912.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The emergence of inclusive populist parties disputes the social construction of the ‘people’ to the exclusive populism, recently generating new academic debates. Do the new radical left parties have a nationalist character? Are populism and nationalism two inseparable dimensions? Drawing on an original dataset in Spain, this article shows that Podemos’ supporters are significantly less nationalist, expressing more open attitudes towards cultural diversity and immigration, and lower levels of Spanishness than voters from other parties. Arguably, Podemos operates as an antagonistic political option to the traditional positions of the populist radical right (PRR), building an inclusive imagined community around a type of constitutional patriotism or republican populism. These findings contribute to the scholar debate on the relationship of nationalism and populism, bringing to discussion the core values of the supporters of a populist party as a complementary element to its categorization.
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VILALLONGA, BORJA. "THE THEORETICAL ORIGINS OF CATHOLIC NATIONALISM IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE." Modern Intellectual History 11, no. 2 (June 26, 2014): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000031.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Catholicism's contribution to the development of nationalist ideology, and more generally to the process of European nation building in the nineteenth century, has been neglected. Most previous work has concentrated instead on varieties of liberal nationalism. In fact, Catholic intellectuals forged a whole nationalist discourse, but from traditional-conservative and orthodox doctrine. This essay charts a transnational path through Latin European countries, whose thinkers pioneered the theoretical development of Catholic nationalism. The Latin countries–France, Italy, and Spain, especially–were the homeland of Catholicism and theological, philosophical, historical, and political theories originating in it had a tremendous impact on the general formation of Western nationalism. This essay examines the formation, evolution, and consolidation of Catholic nationalism through “New Catholicism,” showing how the nation-state project and modernity itself were rethought in a new conservative and Catholic form.
5
Molodiakov, V. E. "Against Anarchy and Hitler: French Nationalism and Spanish Civil War." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 4 (December 12, 2019): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-4-166-182.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Combination of internal political and social crisis with armed conflict in the neighbour country behind the less dangerous frontier without any possibility of obtaining fastly any real aid from allies is one of the worst possible political scenarios in the time of peace. France faced such a situation in 1936 after her Popular Front’s electoral victory and the beginnig of military mutiny in Spain provoqued by further escalation of internal political struggle. Mutiny developed into civil war that, beeing local geographically, became a global political problem because it troubled many great powers and first of all France. This article depicts and analyzes position and views on Spanish civil war and its antecedents of French nationalist royalist movement «Action française» leaded by Charles Maurras (1868–1952) and her allies in next generations of French nationalists – philosopher and political writer Henri Massis (1886–1970) and novelist Robert Brasillach (1909–1945). All of them from the first day hailed Spanish Nationalist cause and were sure in her final victory so took side against any French help, first of all military, to Spanish Republican government, propagated Franco’s political program, denounced Soviet intervention into Spanish affairs and “Communist threat”. Staying for Catholic and Latin unity French nationalists were anxious to prevent Franco’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany that they regarded as France’s “hereditary emeny” notwithstanding of political regime. Trips of Maurras and Massis to Spain in 1938 and theirs meetings with Franco were aimed to demonstrate this kind of unity with silent but clear anti-German overtone. Brasillach’s “History of War in Spain” (1939) became the first French overview of the events from Nationalist point of view.
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Brandt, Per Aage. "La Falange: The Structure of a Fascist Dream." Cognitive Semiotics 4, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cogsem.2012.4.2.57.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The text proposes a structural narrative reading of José Antonio Primo de Rivera’s falangist discourse and shows how its thinking is based on spatial and dynamic imagination and a particularly strong sacrificial nationalist motif. It further suggests that the symbolic dimension in its nationalism constitutes a driving emotional force to be found in all nationalisms. Falangism was a religious version of fascism, famous for becoming the official ideology of Francoist Spain; but it shared with all militant national political forms of thinking the emotionally compelling mystique: the feeling of a spiritual essence and force emanating from a beloved land and conveying existential identity and value to its subjects, thus justifying and calling for committed violent and sacrificial acts that override ordinary systems of lawful behavior.
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Edles, Laura Desfor. "A Culturalist Approach to Ethnic Nationalist Movements: Symbolization and Basque and Catalan Nationalism in Spain." Social Science History 23, no. 3 (1999): 311–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018113.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Spanish transition to democracy after the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975 is heralded as the “very model” of successful transition from authoritarianism to democracy (Gunther 1992), the epitome of “transition through transaction” (Share 1986, 1987). Spain is proclaimed “the country to be studied” (Przeworski 1986: 61) for good cause. Despite a long history of political turmoil, a notoriously brutal civil war, and nearly 40 years of dictatorship, Spain transformed itself into a democracy “from the inside out” using a remarkably quiescent process of reform called, significantly, the “strategy of consensus” (Carr and Fusi 1979; Payne 1985).
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Hodlevska, Valentyna. "Galician Nationalism: History and Modernity." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-61-68.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of the article is to cover the history and determine the relevance of Galician nationalism. The origin and development of the nationalist movement in the region is analyzed. In our study general scientific and special historical and political science methods were applied. The general scientific methods (deductive and inductive, analysis and synthesis) were used as specific cognitive tools necessary to implement the principles of historicism, systematicism and objectivity. The general and special historical methods (historical-typological, statistical, comparative-historical, problem-chronological) allowed us to make a comprehensive analysis of the problem of Galician nationalism. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that the author, for the first time in the national historical science, analyzes the features of Galician nationalism, the history of its development and the current state. Galician nationalism took shape in the 19th century. Among the predecessors of Galician nationalism, three movements can be distinguished: provincialism, federalism, and regionalism. Provincialism (later called Galicianism) was a movement that emerged in 1840 with the aim of protecting the integrity of the territory of Galicia. Regionalism became an intermediate phase in the evolution of the Galician movement between provincialism and nationalism. Galician federalism began to develop in 1865. The federalists argued that Galicia should be formed as a canton within Spain and that it be governed by its own cantonal constitution. Conclusions. As one of the four historic autonomous regions of Spain (along with Catalonia, the Basque Country and Andalusia), Galicia is significantly different in its understanding of its own nationalism. While Catalonia and the Basque Country strive for even greater independence, including threats of secession from the state, the nationalist movement in Galicia is becoming less tangible.
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Young, Clinton D. "The Southern Slope of Monsalvat: How Spanish Wagnerism Became Catalan." 19th-Century Music 41, no. 1 (2017): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2017.41.1.31.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the development of Wagnerism in late-nineteenth-century Spain, focusing on how it became an integral part of Catalan nationalism. The reception of Wagner's music and ideas in Spain was determined by the country's uneven economic development and the weakness of its musical and political institutions—the same weaknesses that were responsible for the rise of Catalan nationalism. Lack of a symphonic culture in Spain meant that audiences were not prepared to comprehend Wagner's complexity, but that same complexity made Wagner's ideas acceptable to Spanish reformers who saw in the composer an exemplar of the European ideas needed to fix Spanish problems. Thus, when Wagner's operas were first staged in Spain, the Teatro Real de Madrid stressed Wagner's continuity with operas of the past; however, critics and audiences engaged with the works as difficult forms of modern music. The rejection of Wagner in the Spanish capital cleared the way for his ideas to be adopted in Catalonia. A similar dynamic occurred as Spanish composers tried to meld Wagner into their attempts to build a nationalist school of opera composition. The failure of Tomás Bréton's Los amantes de Teruel and Garín cleared the way for Felip Pedrell's more successful theoretical fusion of Wagnerism and nationalism. While Pedrell's opera Els Pirineus was a failure, his explanation of how Wagner's ideals and nationalism could be fused in the treatise Por nuestra música cemented the link between Catalan culture and Wagnerism.
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Grad Fuchsel, Hector, and Luisa Martín Rojo. "“Civic” and “ethnic” nationalist discourses in Spanish parliamentary debates." Journal of Language and Politics 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2002): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.2.1.04gra.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status (“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions (“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions (Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.
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Grugel, Jean, and Monica Quijada. "Chile, Spain and Latin America: The Right of Asylum at the Onset of the Second World War." Journal of Latin American Studies 22, no. 1-2 (March 1990): 353–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015492.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In December 1938 an alliance of the Radical, Communist and Socialist parties took office in Chile, the first Popular Front to come to power in Latin America. A few months later, in Spain, the Nationalist forces under Generalísimo Franco occupied Madrid, bringing an end to the civil war. Shortly after, a serious diplomatic conflict developed between Spain and Chile, in which most of Latin America gradually became embroiled. It concerned the fate of 17 Spanish republicans who had sought asylum in the Chilean embassy in the last days of the seige of Madrid, and culminated in July 1940 when the Nationalist government broke off relations with Chile. Initially, the issue at the heart of the episode was the right to political asylum and the established practice of Latin American diplomatic legations of offering protection to individuals seeking asylum (asilados). The causes of the conflict, however, became increasingly obscured as time went on. The principles at stake became confused by mutual Spanish– Chilean distrust, the Nationalists' ideological crusade both within Spain and outside and the Chilean government's deep hostility to the Franco regime, which it saw as a manifestation of fascism. The ideological gulf widened with the onset of the Second World War. This article concentrates primarily, although not exclusively, on the first part of the dispute, April 1939–January 1940. In this period asylum, which is our main interest, was uppermost in Spanish–Chilean diplomatic correspondence.
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Jáuregui, Pablo. "National Pride and the Meaning of ‘Europe’: A Comparative Study of Britain and Spain." Sociological Review 48, no. 1_suppl (May 2000): 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2000.tb03514.x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this chapter, Pablo Jáuregui questions the idea that the development of the European Union means Europe is entering a ‘post-nationalist’ era. He suggests that nationalism and Europeanism are not necessarily opposed to each other or mutually incompatible. Taking the two cases of Spain and Britain, Jáuregui argues that their specific national self-images and feelings of collective pride have influenced the particular discourses on Europe in those two countries. Drawing in part on the ideas of Norbert Elias, this chapter examines the political rhetoric employed to legitimate or contest the idea of ‘going into Europe‘ in Spain and Britain, paying particular attention to the different ways this decision impacted upon perceptions of national status and sentiments of collective self-esteem. In Britain, the idea of going into Europe was associated with a decline in national status and the ‘loss of world power’. In contrast, for Spain entering Europe meant a considerable enhancement of national prestige following the collapse of a ‘backwards dictatorship’.
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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Nacjonalizm włoski — pomiędzy nacjonalitaryzmem a nacjonalfaszyzmem." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.11.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ITALIAN NATIONALISM: BETWEEN NATIONALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL-FASCISMThe subject of this article is the doctrine of Italian nationalism considered using the approach of the Polish italianist Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas. This doctrine found its most complete expression in the activity and journalism of Italian Nationalist Association Associazione Nazionalista Italiana; ANI, of which the main theorists and leaders were Enrico Corradini, Luigi Federzoni, Alfredo Rocco and Francesco Coppola. Although the organization was active relatively briefly, that is, for 13 years from 1910 to 1923, it played a key role in the transitional period between the parliamentary system and the fascist dictatorship. The historical role of ANI consisted in breaking with the nationalitarian ideology dominating in nineteenth-century Italy and related to the Risorgimento Rising Again movement, which was liberal, democratic and anti-clerical. Instead, ANI adopted integral nationalism, connected with right-wing, conservative, monarchist, anti-liberal and authoritarian ideology and favourable to the Catholic religion. However, in contrast to countries like France, Spain, Portugal or Poland, nationalism of this kind failed to retain its autonomous political position and organisational separation, because after World War I it encountered a strong competitor in the anti-liberal camp — fascism, which as a plebeian and revolutionary movement found a broader support base in the pauperised and anarchy-affected society. Nationalists, forced to cooperate with the National Fascist Party after the March on Rome and the coming to power of Benito Mussolini, modified their doctrine in the spirit of the national-fascist ideology. In spite of that, the nationalists active within the fascist system were preventing that system from evolving towards totalitarianism and defended the monarchy, as well as the independence of the Roman-Catholic Church.
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Moreno-Luzón, Javier. "‘Seeds of Spain’: Scouting, Monarchy and National Construction, 1912–1931." European History Quarterly 50, no. 2 (April 2020): 226–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420910944.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The official Spanish branch of the international Boy Scout movement, the Exploradores de España, offers an instructive example of a nationalist association in Spain in the first third of the twentieth century. This article adopts a comparative perspective and studies the Exploradores discourses and practices, the association’s founders and leaders, the scouts’ publications and activities, as well as the organization’s internal conflicts and evolution between 1912 and 1931. As in Britain and many other countries, the movement was endorsed by the royal family and led by military officers and middle-class men – representatives of monarchist civil society. It shared nationalist and regeneracionista (from regenerationism) values, as an agent of nationalization throughout Spanish territory. Like other Boy Scout movements in Europe and the Americas, it pursued the goal of making good patriots, with a knowledge of and ready to defend their fatherland: young hidalgos, the Spanish equivalent of the British gentlemen. Hence this study also explores the gender aspects of Boy Scout ideals. Initially, the Spanish scouts were troubled by an intense religious conflict, which was won by Catholic sectors, so their nationalism became deeply conservative. During the 1920s, the movement was instrumental in the nation-building projects of different governments, especially under the dictatorship of General Primo de Rivera (1923–1930). In short, it can be considered one of the main nationalizing agents during this key period in modern Spanish history, and belies the image of supposed passivity and a lack of interest in national construction among Spain’s ruling elites.
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Epshteyn, V. A., P. V. Menshikov, A. S. Vilchinskii, and V. S. Novikova. "On the issue of the administrative and legal methodology used by the Kingdom of Spain to counter the nationalist and separatist aspirations of the Basque country." Journal of Law and Administration 15, no. 4 (January 30, 2020): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-4-53-100-109.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Introduction. The article is devoted to the instruments used by the Spanish Kingdom in administrative and legal spheres to counter nationalist and separatist aspirations of the Basque Country throughout different historic periods. Special attention is paid to the confrontation with the Basque terrorist organization ETA. In addition, the research analyzes what caused ETA to emerge, underscores the major stages of its evolution, and discusses cross-border aspects of bilateral cooperation between Spain and France under the aegis of the supra-national specialized organization of Europol. The administrative and legal instruments used by Spain are distinguished in context of the analysis of the prospects for the applying of modern political and legal toolkit in the regional policy that is often contrary to the interests of the modern centralized state. The research pays attention to the administrative measures that led to ETA crisis and its further collapse.Material and methods. The paper uses the methodology of a retrospective analysis and content-analysis to characterize the shifts in the principles of Spanish administrative and territorial tools and their influence on the nature of the Basque nationalism. The Constitution of 1977 and the Statute of autonomy of the Basque Country are considered.Results. The paper sums up all the major shifts in the Spanish practice in the usage of administrative and political measures to combat the Basque separatist aspirations, evaluates their efficiency and outlines current obstacles towards the way of the establishment of a new bilateral dialogue with Madrid.Conclusion. The first part of this article points out the growth of nationalist and separatist aspirations in the Basque Country and shows how political systems (absolute monarchy, republic, authoritarian governance, constitutional monarchy) lead to the application of new administrative and legal instruments that affect the Basque nationalist aspirations. The second part focuses on the current state of relations between the region and the central government.
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Tobin Stanley, Maureen. "La guerre est fini y/o ¿La guerra ha terminado?: El film de Alain Resnais y Jorge Semprún y su papel en la exposición permanente del Centro de Arte Reina Sofía." Image and Storytelling: New Approaches to Hispanic Cinema and Literature 1, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/peripherica.1.2.7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article analyzes the ambiguity in the film La guerre est finie ([The War Is Over] 1966, director Alain Resnais, screenwriter Jorge Semprún) whose declarative title becomes a question in the title of the permanent exhibit at the Reina Sofía National Museum in Madrid: Is the War Over? Art in a Divided World (1945-1968). The works invite the viewer to question the nationalism that catapulted the Spanish Civil War, whose victory marked the first triumph for European fascisms and concomitant genocides. While the film entirely lacks symbols of irrefutable national identity, the paintings incorporate and subvert certain icons of (regional, Francoist, Nazi or Fascist) nationalism, as well as emblems of the Spanish Republic and Spain. The artworks respond in theme and form to nationalist ideology and esthetics. Although the film—whose screenwriter Jorge Semprún had been imprisoned in the Nazi camp at Buchenwald—limits itself to implicit allusions to the eradication of the domestic enemy on Iberian soil and the so-called stateless undesirables exiled in foreign lands, the exhibit explicitly references Nazism and other 20th-century genocides. The collection of works exemplifies Aharon Appelfeld’s assertion: that only art has the ability to redeem suffering from the abyss. The film and the plastic works respond not only to nationalist ideologies and concomitant lived and witnessed experiences, but also to nationalist art. Through the visual counternarratives that give voice to myriad victimizations, these works make manifest and denounce, in theme and form, the anti-intellectualization and the fervent sentiment of political zeal.
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Frolova, Yulia N. "Transnationalism as a Key Trend of Regional Self-government in the Basque Country." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 9, no. 3 (October 14, 2022): 296–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2022-9-3-296-302.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper is dedicated to the issues of transnationalism and development of nationalism in Basque self-government. In 2021, the Basque Country resumed the debate on updating the Statute of Guernica (the Statute of Autonomy of the Basque Country, 1979). These debates are backed by the Parliament of the Basque Country. Some key points of this discussion and current Basque regional initiatives in the European Union attract attention and may indicate the development of nationalism in the context of transnational trends and the forming of new regional identity. Methodology of the article is based on the transnationalism theory and the concept of coexistence of postnational and national as simultaneous or competing forms. Transnationalism is not a brand-new idea to Basques: some traces of transnational identity may be found in previous history. In most cases one talks about Basque nationalism (not transnationalism) referring to the period of ETA terrorist group activity which lasted till the beginning of 2010th. Since the end of the terrorist era the need for new terms and definitions for Basques nationalist movement is recognized. Despite the current high level of opponents of independence, the society is still not satisfied with the level of self-government. As a result, the problem of nationalism is greatly modified in Basque society: this is no longer a demand for the creation of an independent state, but a request for a new level of relations between the Basque Country and Spain, the Basque Country and European Union, the Basque Country and other regions; this is the demand for forming and recognition of new European regional identity. The study provides the evidence for defining this new stage in Basque self-determination movement as a nationalist and transnationalist one at the same time. In terms of this definition the concept of “Europe of the regions” is becoming relevant again and the whole situation may provide the basis for nationalist development in other European regions with similar issues.
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Frolova, Yulia N. "Transnationalism as a Key Trend of Regional Self-government in the Basque Country." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 9, no. 3 (October 14, 2022): 295–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2022-9-3-295-301.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper is dedicated to the issues of transnationalism and development of nationalism in Basque self-government. In 2021, the Basque Country resumed the debate on updating the Statute of Guernica (the Statute of Autonomy of the Basque Country, 1979). These debates are backed by the Parliament of the Basque Country. Some key points of this discussion and current Basque regional initiatives in the European Union attract attention and may indicate the development of nationalism in the context of transnational trends and the forming of new regional identity. Methodology of the article is based on the transnationalism theory and the concept of coexistence of postnational and national as simultaneous or competing forms. Transnationalism is not a brand-new idea to Basques: some traces of transnational identity may be found in previous history. In most cases one talks about Basque nationalism (not transnationalism) referring to the period of ETA terrorist group activity which lasted till the beginning of 2010th. Since the end of the terrorist era the need for new terms and definitions for Basques nationalist movement is recognized. Despite the current high level of opponents of independence, the society is still not satisfied with the level of self-government. As a result, the problem of nationalism is greatly modified in Basque society: this is no longer a demand for the creation of an independent state, but a request for a new level of relations between the Basque Country and Spain, the Basque Country and European Union, the Basque Country and other regions; this is the demand for forming and recognition of new European regional identity. The study provides the evidence for defining this new stage in Basque self-determination movement as a nationalist and transnationalist one at the same time. In terms of this definition the concept of “Europe of the regions” is becoming relevant again and the whole situation may provide the basis for nationalist development in other European regions with similar issues.
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Antczak, Anna. "Separatyzm baskijski." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 37 (February 18, 2022): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2010.027.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Basque SeparatismThis article examines the origins of Basque nationalism, major reasons why the terrorist organization ETA was founded, and the evolution of ETA’s activities. Alongside this discussion, a parallel history of moderate nationalism pursued by the Basque Nationalist Party is also examined. The article adopts a historical approach, since Basque nationalism has evolved in a specific way, and the historical, political and systemic changes influenced the Basque Country in a different way than other regions of Spain.In the literature, researchers show that Basque citizens are characterized by a strong sense of national identity. This is due firstly to the fact that many Basques identify themselves with the Basque Country rather than with Spain, which indicates a clear declaration of their national identity. This means that the Basques consider themselves a separate nation. The consequence of this is their desire to have a greater autonomy, preferably under the Spanish federal state, or to gain independence.
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Moreno, Carmelo. "The Spanish Plurinational Labyrinth. Practical Reasons for Criticising the Nationalist Bias of Others While Ignoring One’s Own Nationalist Position." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
To analyse the Spanish national question requires considering the relationship between the idea of the nation and the phenomenon of nationalism on one side, and the question of political plurality on the other. The approval of the Constitutional text 40 years ago was achieved thanks to a delicate semantic balancing act concerning the concept of nation, whose interpretation remains open. Academic studies of public opinion, such as the famous Linz-Moreno Question—also known as Moreno Question—that measures the possible mixture of Spanish subjective national identity, are equally the object of wide controversy. The extent to which political plurinationality is a suitable concept for defining the country is not clear because, amongst other reasons, the political consequences that might derive from adopting the concept are unknown. This article sets out the thesis that Spain is a plurinational labyrinth since there is neither consensus nor are there discursive strategies that might help in forming an image of the country in national terms. The paradox of this labyrinth is that, since the approval of the Constitution in 1978, the political actors have accepted that nationality in Spain is insoluble without taking the plurinational idea into account. But, at the same time, it is not easy to assume such plurinationality in practical terms because the political cost to those actors that openly defend national plurality is very high. For this reason, political discourses in Spain on the national question offer a highly ambiguous scenario, where the actors seek windows of opportunity and are reluctant to take risks in order to solve this puzzle situation. The aim of this paper is to analyse which indicators are most efficient for testing how the different actors position themselves facing the phenomenon of the Spanish plurinational labyrinth. The clearest examples are what we refer to here as the concepts of (i) intersubjective national identity and (ii) plurinational governments.
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Khenkin, Sergey. "ETA: Rise and Crisis of Nationalist Terrorism in Spain." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 63, no. 4 (2011): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2011-63-4-155-171.
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Jensen, R. Geoffrey. "José Millán-Astray and the Nationalist 'Crusade' in Spain." Journal of Contemporary History 27, no. 3 (July 1992): 425–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949202700303.
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Orlov, A. A. "Disarmament of ETA: the era of the Basque terrorism comes to an end." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2017): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-2-7-14.
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Basque radical nationalist organization, which used methods of terror and violence for achievement of the political goals consisting in creation of the independent Basque state, has declared its disarmament. Though ETA didn’t declare self-dissolution and intends to continue the activity in new conditions, its disarmament gives the grounds to hope that the era of the Basque nationalist terrorism in Spain proceeding half a century, has come to an end. Process of disarmament of ETA has been organized in the style,inherent for this group, combining elements of political public relations and a theatrical performance. Coordinates of the last eight caches which were in the French territory, where ETA stored weapons and explosives, have been transferred to the French authorities through intermediary volunteers. All political parties of the Basque Country, except for the People’s party ruling in Spain, have signed the manifesto in support of disarmament of ETA. The government of Spain has declared that the disarmament of ETA is a victory of the Spanish democracy and has urged this radical organization to dissolve itself. The future of ETA, however, remains not clear. It is declared «the internal discussion» about further prospects of the group. The vast majority of political forces of Spain of di erent orientation supports self-dissolution of ETA, considering it as an important condition of restoration of the peace and stability in the Basque Country.
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Orlov, A. A. "FEATURES OF PRE-ROMAN HISTORY OF SPAIN AND MODERN TIME: WHERE ARE SOURCES OF SEPARATISM?" MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-177-186.
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Presently in collective consciousness there was a steady perception of Spain as the safe state entering into group of the countries, being a support of the European integration. The impression was made that Spain, despite difficulties of its historical development, at last found the national identity, having created from regions and national lands making it the new multicultural community fastened in a whole by a tolerant, educated and authoritative monarchy. However the world economic crisis which has begun in 2008 destroyed the Spanish idyll, having aggravated old and having generated new contradictions. Traditionally painful problem for Spain was existence of centrifugal tendencies at the heart of which two main reasons lay: manifestations of the nationalism peculiar to those areas where Catalan, Basque and Galician nationalities historically lived, and a regionalism caused by aspiration of local elite to bigger distance from Madrid. Considering features of pre-Roman history of Spain, the author seeks to understand, whether sources of modern separatism can originate in an extreme antiquity. Following the results of research the conclusion is drawn that most boldly "link of times" is traced on the example of Basques, the part of which intellectual elite seeks to use features of origin and historical development of these people for a reinforcement of current nationalist and separatist trends. The author considers that the history has to serve as the bridge between the people, instead of put up between them a new wall.
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Alfatawi, Ahmad Talkhis, and Fathin Masyhud. "Al-KHITAB AL-WATHANI FI QASAIDI AHMAD SYAUQI." Journal of Arabic Literature (JaLi) 3, no. 2 (July 19, 2022): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jali.v3i2.17083.
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Ahmad Syauqi is a well-known Egyptian poet. He also earned the nickname amīr al-syu'arā' (poet prince) from Middle Eastern poets. When World War 1 and 2 broke out, Syauqi loudly voiced nationalism in his poems, even he was exiled to Andalus (Spain) by the British who then colonized Egypt. Therefore, this research will discuss the various expressions of nationalism ala Ahmad Syauqi in his poetry. This research is a descriptive qualitative research using content analysis. The data obtained in this study were taken from several collections of Ahmad Syauqi's poetry and poetry, especially nationalism, which were then analyzed descriptively. The results of the research can be concluded that the various expressions of nationalism ala Ahmad Syauqi in his poetry are divided into poetry of love for the country, resistance and praise to other nations. Thus, it is clear that Ahmad Syauqi is a nationalist poet, many of his poems talk about his homeland, namely Egypt and everything in it, the unity of the Arabs, against all forms of colonialism, and praising other nations he once visited, especially in the Middle East region.
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Guillet, David. "Customary Law and the Nationalist Project in Spain and Peru." Hispanic American Historical Review 85, no. 1 (February 1, 2005): 81–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-85-1-81.
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Eastwood, Jonathan. "Nationalist Movements Explained: Comparisons from Canada, Belgium, Spain, and Switzerland." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 53, no. 1 (December 22, 2023): 77–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00943061231214609ff.
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Zirakzadeh, Cyrus Ernesto. "Economic Changes and Surges in Micro-Nationalist Voting in Scotland and the Basque Region of Spain." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (April 1989): 318–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001584x.
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I During the 1970s, residents in Scotland and the Basque region of Spain began to vote in large numbers for nationalist candidates. Almost overnight the Scottish National Party and a collection of three Basque parties became important electoral forces, expanding their shares in general elections by more than 15 percent of all ballots cast (see Tables 1 and 2).
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Perfecto García, Miguel Ángel. "EL NACIONALISMO FRANQUISTA. Catolicismo, antiliberalismo, fascismo." Cliocanarias, no. 3 (2021): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.53335/cliocanarias.2021.3.09.
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The regime of general Francisco Franco imposed a nationalist model from two ideological sources: the nationalcatholicism, an antiliberal proposal of the Catholic Church that identified Spain with catholicism; and the anti-liberal and fascist alternatives born in the heat of the European political-social crisis and Spanish of the First World War. The political model was strongly centralist, authoritarian and interventionist around Castile and the Castilian language, rejecting the other nationalist models. At the social level, the corporate proposal stood out by means of the compulsory framing of workers and businessmen in the Spanish Organización Sindical, the unique trade union of Francoism led by the unique party Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS
30
Sáinz, Bernardo. "Constitutional Patriotism and the Spanish Constitutional Debate." Ciencia Política 15, no. 29 (January 1, 2020): 225–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/cp.v15n29.80172.
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The constitutionalist parties in Spain have adopted the concept of constitutional patriotism into their political discourse. This assimilation has important consequences in the way they approach nationalist tensions and ethnic conflict. I present a general overview of the oncept of constitutional patriotism and its use in Spanish politics. The first section reviews the origin and formation of constitutional patriotism as a concept. The second section is an analysis of its fundamental characteristics. The third section is an attempt to show the reception and interpretation of constitutional patriotism by the Spanish constitutionalist parties, the debate and criticism that its use has evoked, and some of its implications in dealing with nationalist tensions in the country.
31
Graham, Helen. "When Was the War in Spain? Liberal State, Illiberal Justice in the Twentieth Century." European History Quarterly 54, no. 1 (December 28, 2023): 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231216272.
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The article analyzes increasingly militarized state power and public order in twentieth-century Spain, discussing these in the context of other European states’ disciplinary regimes, with their ubiquitous social-Darwinist dimension in an era of accelerating urbanization, industrial change and emergent mass societies. The article offers a dissection of the often problematically opaque term ‘liberal’, arguing that wherever Spain or other twentieth-century European states were positioned on the dictatorial-through-parliamentary-constitutional spectrum, they all came to be ‘gardening states’ (Bauman). Each state's goal was to sculpt its population as part of a nationalist project – nationalism being the norm, whether named as such or not. Francoism is analysed in this framework, as a hybrid war-born political order blending old-style, top-down military control with new forms of populist mass mobilization from below, the latter enabled and accelerated by the war of 1936–1939. The article defines the Franco dictatorship as fascist in the 1940s and totalitarian for far longer, until macro-economic changes – which its cupola believed for a long time need not affect the deep form of Spanish society – hollowed out Francoism's own ideological categories (and its ‘disciplinary’ efficacy), but not its obsession with social control, which it called ‘social peace’.
32
Vilchinskii, A. S. "Autonomous Community of Galicia in the Contemporary Political System of Spain." Post-Soviet Issues 10, no. 1 (July 6, 2023): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2023-10-1-67-79.
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The article characterizes the place of Galicia in the political process of Spain and compares its regionalism with that of Catalonia and the Basque Country. Increased role of regional parties in the Spanish parliament and a high degree of inter-party competition make the issue topical. These conditions were created after the establishment of the left-wing PSOE — Unidas Podemos coalition government in 2020 between. The research was aimed at determining the characteristics refl ecting the position of Galicia and its parties in the renewed Spanish political landscape. In Galicia, which together with Catalonia and the Basque Country is one of the three “historical regions” of Spain, the popularity of nationalist forces has grown, as demonstrated by the autonomous elections of 2020. Meanwhile, nationalism in Galicia is not as widespread as in Catalonia or the Basque Country. It is explained by a mixture of historical and economic features that shaped Galicia’s development in the 20th century. The party system of the region is stable. The dominant player is the People’s Party (PP), which overwhelmingly won the local elections in 2012, 2016 and 2020. Galician parties, unlike the Catalan and the Basque forces, have extremely limited tools to infl uence the Spanish political process. However, after former Galician leader Alberto Feijoo became the head of the PP, regional agenda may receive additional support in Madrid.
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Carvalho, Catarina L., Isabel R. Pinto, and José M. Marques. "The nationalist movements in Spain, today: a Catalonian and Basque comparison." Revista de Psicología 39, no. 2 (July 21, 2021): 687–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/psico.202102.007.
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Pro-independence movements in the Basque Country and in Catalonia have old historical roots. Whereas in Catalonia the pro-independence social mobilization has recently gained energy, in the Basque Country it seems less prominent nowadays. We explore the psychosocial predictors associated with individuals’ involvement in collective efforts towards independence in both these contexts. We distributed an online questionnaire among Basque (n=132) and Catalonian (n=152) independence supporters. Among the Basque independence supporters, pro-independence collective action tendencies were negatively predicted by perceived social status and identification with Spain, and positively predicted by patriotism and collective efficacy. Among the pro-independence Catalonians, only identification with Catalonia and collective efficacy beliefs predicted pro-independence collective action tendencies. These results are discussed considering historical, political, and socioeconomic factors.
34
Nash, Mary. "Social eugenics and nationalist race hygiene in early twentieth century Spain." History of European Ideas 15, no. 4-6 (December 1992): 741–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(92)90086-r.
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Gavrilova, S. M. "The Problem of Separatism in Modern Spain: the Catalan Question." Post-Soviet Issues 9, no. 2 (September 5, 2022): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2022-9-2-213-229.
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Catalan nationalism, rooted in the 19th century, transformed into separatism in the 1980s, threatening the existence of the Spanish state. The unstable political situation in the country caused by the crisis of the party system and serious economic problems is noticeably aggravated by the Catalan issue. The separatists representing the autonomy are not distinguished by unity, which provokes additional tension in the region, but they have a serious impact on the central government. The instability of the current Spanish government, formed by socialists, is compounded by the need to seek support from representatives of Catalan nationalist pariahs in the country’s parliament. This fact also makes it necessary for the ruling party not only to enter into a dialogue with the Catalan separatists, but also to agree to certain concessions.The situation is complicated by the fact that in the autonomy itself, the separatists are not supported by the majority of the population, and some residents of the region openly speak from unionist positions. The whole complex complex of contradictions of the Catalan question is critically connected with the problem of reforming the constitutional system of the Kingdom of Spain. The current Constitution of the country – which has become very obvious at the current stage of the development of the political and social crisis in Spain – requires a partial revision, primarily from the point of view of resolving the issue of the powers of a number of autonomies in the state and their interaction with the center.
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McCreanor, Kyle. "Ireland, the Basques and the Spanish Civil War." Irish Historical Studies 46, no. 169 (May 2022): 136–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2022.7.
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AbstractIn late 1936, two Irishmen arrived in the Spanish Basque Country. One was General Eoin O'Duffy, signing the terms of agreement for an Irish Brigade to support the military uprising against the Second Spanish Republic. Meanwhile, socialist republican George Gilmore journeyed across the Pyrenees in search of a Basque nationalist priest he had met four years earlier. While O'Duffy was drawn into the conflict by traditionalist monarchists from Navarre, his leftist opponents in Ireland mounted a pro-republic propaganda campaign focused on the war effort of the rival Basque nationalists. In effect, a civil war between Basques became entangled with the legacy of the Irish Civil War, as old rivals such as O'Duffy and Gilmore constructed alliances on opposite sides of the conflict as it played out in this small corner of Spain. This article places a new emphasis on the Basque dimension of Ireland's engagement with the Spanish Civil War and illustrates how it was shaped by earlier Basque-Irish relations.
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Callahan, William J. "The Evangelization of Franco's ‘New Spain’." Church History 56, no. 4 (December 1987): 491–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166430.
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On 20 May 1939 General Francisco Franco attended the solemn Te Deum service held at the royal church of Santa Barbara to celebrate the triumph of nationalist over republican Spain. Surrounded by the symbols of Spain's Catholic past, including the standard used by Don Juan of Austria at Lepanto, the general presented his “sword of victory” to Cardinal Gomá, archbishop of Toledo and primate of the Spanish church.1 The ceremony symbolized the close ties between church and state formed by three years of civil war. The new regime had given proof of its commitment to the church even before the conflict had ended, and the clergy now looked forward to the implementation of a full range of measures in education, culture, and the regulation of public morality, measures that had last been seen in Spain over a century before.2
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Sancho, J. R. Lasuén. "The Autonomous Communities: Politics and Economics." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, no. 3 (September 1987): 251–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050251.
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In this paper it is argued that there is a built-in dilemma in the 1978 Spanish Constitution which can be understood and solved only by comparing the ‘formal’ and the ‘real’ Constitutions of the country. The present shared quasi-federalism will prove inadequate in the long term because it fails to recognize that, for most of the time, political centralization and economic growth cannot occur together in Spain. This fact arises because Spain is a country with an ‘inverted centre-periphery’; the political and economic centres are at different locations. As a result future policy should be orientated towards greater decentralized powers, but with more effective integration of the nationalist parties of the Autonomous Communities into national policies.
39
Zákravský, Jiří. "Basque National Football Team as a Political Tool. One Hundred Years Old Project and Its Changes (1915–2014)." Sport Science Review 25, no. 1-2 (May 1, 2016): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ssr-2016-0001.
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Abstract The goal of my article is to analyze football in Basque Country, or better to say Basque national football representation, as a political tool since its inception. I decided to focus on this specific region because football, and Basque national team as well, has a long history and plays an important role in the whole Spanish society. Football in Spain is a political issue because of the multi-national composition of the state where we observe strong separatist or secessionist demands. In my opinion, Basque national team has never been “only” a football selection. Euskal Selekzioa is a well-known Basque nationalist speaker because of the way how it represents Basque nation. It uses one of the most popular things all round the world, kicking the ball. This article is divided into four main parts. In the first chapter, I deal with the birth of Basque national movement and with the discovery of the game of football in Spain. The second chapter is dedicated to the Spanish Civil War when the world-famous Basque national football team existed. Another part observes the Basque nationalism in the context of football, not only in Franco’s time but during the years of the transition to democracy. I finish my article with a contemplation of the officialization of Basque national football team.
40
Bressler, Jonas. "Crusade against Bolshevism." Fascism 13, no. 1 (April 8, 2024): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10070.
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Abstract During the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), many conservatives and fascists in Western Europe supported the Francoist rebels. This paper will outline how conservatives and fascists in Great Britain, France, and Belgium worked together to support the rebellion in Spain. Regarding Great Britain, the pressure group Friends of Nationalist Spain (FNS) will be studied, while for France and Belgium several different groups and individuals will be examined. In all countries, these networks were managed by the Francoist Ambassadors. This paper sheds light on an extensive pro-Francoist network that operated across Western Europe in which conservatives and fascists worked side-by-side. Their cooperation was facilitated by a shared anti-communism and the use of common structures, such as conservative parties. It draws from sources located in archives in Spain, Great Britain, France, and Belgium and includes publications written by the individuals who were involved in this network.
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Kozhanovsky, Alexandr. "Spanish specificity in the context of cultural and ideological transformations in Europe in the beginning of the XXI century". Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, № 4 (28 грудня 2017): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-36-42.
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The author of the article draws his attention to the particular commitment of contemporary Spanish society, represented by its most influential and active groups, to the course for integration of Spain into common European space as well as for comprehensive internal reorganization of their social life in accordance with so-called «liberal paradigm». This course is maintained despite the fact that in Spain there are just all those problems that led in other European countries to sharp increase of antiglobalization and nationalist trend in recent years. The author believes that the reason for this phenomenon is the dominance of specific cultural-ideological climate which is historically determined and essentially adjusts the mindset of citizens of the country in favor of «liberal» values and philosophical concepts.
42
Volkova, G. I. "About One Memorable Date in the History of Spain." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-92-100.
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In 1714 the Catalans, being in the camp of the losers in the War of the Spanish Succession, finally lost any hope to gain independence. 300 years later, nationalists, who are in power now in Catalonia, want to take advantage of that memorable date by organizing a regional referendum in order to choose their own path of development. In the aggravating conflict of interests between Madrid and Barcelona both parties use not only political and propaganda measures, but also financial leverages of influence. The ethnonational issue in the multiethnic Spain is far from being solved, because for centuries the process of forming a unified Spanish state was characterized by political union of several genetically related (except Basque) ethnic communities, although with significant socio-cultural and linguistic differences among them. It is not coincidental that regional identity in Spain is still extremely strong, while the interethnic consolidation of the Spanish nation can be characterized as incomplete, which can be seen, particularly, in the intensification in recent decades of radical nationalist and separatist sentiments in Catalonia, the Basque Country and some other autonomies. Among reasons which escalated confrontation between supporters and opponents of Catalonian independence, we should mention the global financial crisis that hit the regions of Spain as well as the overall national economy. The separatists have many barriers on their way, starting from the constitutional provisions proclaiming Spain a united and indivisible state which impede to carry out regional plebiscites, and ending by an ambiguous attitude towards the hypothetical independence of Catalonia by both the residents of the region and in other parts of the country. It is important to keep in mind that in today's world the possibility of breaking large multiethnic state into ethnically constituting elements is more possible than 40-50 years ago. Disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and the emergence on the world political map of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and most recently of the Republic of Crimea - confirm this. The Catalonian nationalists in their arguments in favor of the sovereignty of Catalonia refer to the arbitrariness of the borders formed in the past between separate European countries and the regions. Modern state boundaries indeed are not the result of rational planning, democratic arrangements or consideration of the local population's opinion. In many ways, the current borders are the result of historical processes, often - of bloody wars and territorial annexations. In other words, they are the result of actions which are contrary to current international law and moral norms of behavior. Independent Catalonia is still a hypothesis, but under certain conditions and, more importantly, as a result of concerted efforts of regional nationalists it could become a reality.
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Leitz, C. "Hermann Goring and Nazi Germany's Economic Exploitation of Nationalist Spain, 1936-1939." German History 14, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/14.1.21.
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White, Jerry. "The Spectres Haunting Europe: Reading Contemporary Catalan Nationalism through The Break-Up of Britain." European Review 26, no. 4 (July 16, 2018): 600–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000388.
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This article reads contemporary Catalan nationalist discourse through the lens of Tom Nairn’s polemical classic The Break-Up of Britain. First published in 1977, that text presents key issues for understanding contemporary Catalonia. The first is the emergence of a national sentiment that is separate from that of anti-colonialism because it is characterized by a higher level of economic development than the place it is seeking to break from, but is the repository of a legitimate claim to self-determination. That is how Nairn sees the Northern Ireland–Éire relationship, and that is a good analogy for Spain–Catalonia. The second is the tension between what he sees as ‘indifferent’, that is to say strictly civic-political nationalism and a more linguistically or culturally-driven nationalism. This is also a key tension in Catalonia, where immigration has transformed the national movement towards an interculturalist ideology and a de facto bilingualism (with Catalan and Spanish) remains a key but strategically unacknowledged element of that movement. The third aspect of Break-Up, and the synthesis of the comparison, is the importance of federalism, which is key for Nairn in seeing a way forward for the constituent countries of the UK and long a crucial, if not the crucial, political element of catalanisme.
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Belous, Yulia. "EU regional policy as a factor for decentralization in Spain. Basque Country case." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 8 (2021): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0015378-4.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the factors of decentralization in Spain on the example of the Basque Country. Particular attention is paid to the factor of European integration and the EU regional policy in the political development of Spain. The purpose of this article is to consider the resources for decentralization in Spain with a focus on European integration (in particular, the EU regional policy). The first part of the article proposes a research methodology. The second examines some of the factors of decentralization offered by the scientific literature. The third part of the article reveals the features of the «three-tier» model of regional policy in Spain and the indicators of the EU regional policy effectiveness. The fourth part examines the experience of the Basque Country in the European integration, in particular, the EU's regional policy. Referring to the database of the «Manifesto» project, the author comes to the conclusion that connection between the processes of decentralization in the Basque Country and European integration can be manifested in the texts of the electoral programs of the Basque Nationalist Party. The scientific significance of the article is to analyze the impact of European integration on the processes of decentralization in Spain via the data of the «Manifesto» project.
46
Molodiakov, Vasili E. "Charles Maurras, “Action française” and the Problem of War and Peace in Europe: from the ‘Anschluss’ of Austria up to Nazi Invasion into Poland." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 60 (December 12, 2019): 374–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-4-374-388.
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This article analyzes the views on the “peace and war in Europe” problem upheld by the French right-conservative, nationalist and royalist movement “Action française” and its leader Charles Maurras (1868-1952) in the 1930s. Ever the advocates of the severe policy towards Germany, France’s rearmament and “Latin solidarity” with Italy, Spain and Portugal, Maurras and his followers strongly protested against anti-Italian sanctions during Italo-Ethiopian war, against military help to the Republicans during Spanish civil war and supported peaceful solution of Sudetan and Dantzig crises. Contrary to the allegations of bellicist propaganda, their activities were motivated not by any sympathy to “Fascist” states or “defeatism’ but by the efforts to avoid war on three fronts (against Germany, Italy and Spain) and to gain time for France’s rearmament and strengthening of its military power.
47
Weld, Kirsten. "The Other Door: Spain and the Guatemalan Counter-Revolution, 1944–54." Journal of Latin American Studies 51, no. 2 (January 14, 2019): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x18001128.
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AbstractThis article reveals the influence of the Spanish Civil War (1936–9) on both the reformers of Guatemala's ‘Revolutionary Spring’ (1944–54) and the reactionaries who overthrew Jacobo Arbenz in 1954. It shows how officials in the Arévalo and Arbenz administrations looked to the defeated Second Spanish Republic as a moral and political example, while local opponents of those administrations treated Spain's Nationalist insurgency and Francisco Franco's dictatorship as models for how to exterminate communism. In so doing, the article argues for the importance of multi-sited transnational Cold War histories that complement existing studies of US intervention.
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Donovan, Mary Kate. "Comedy, migration and post-crisis anxiety in Perdiendo el norte/Off Course (Narco García Velilla 2015) and Perdiendo el este/Off Course to China (Paco Caballero 2019)." Studies in Spanish & Latin American Cinemas 19, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 335–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/slac_00095_1.
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Comedy in Perdiendo el norte/Off Course (2015) and its sequel Perdiendo el este/Off Course to China (2019) is a tool for mitigating national anxieties related to migration and economic exchange following the global financial crisis. Both films follow Spaniards who emigrate in the wake of the economic crisis. While Perdiendo el norte follows a tradition of comedic españoladas (typically Spanish films), employing the familiar foil of Germany, Perdiendo el este introduces China as an economic challenger. Perdiendo el norte borrows heavily from its predecessor, Vente a Alemania, Pepe/Come to Germany, Pepe (1971), but ultimately flips the script on Vente’s nationalist nostalgia, advocating for greater transnationalism. Perdiendo el este, on the other hand, reinscribes a nationalist agenda by framing the Chinese as incompatible with Spanish national identity. Its preoccupation with Chinese investment in post-crisis Spain can be read as a reflection of the region’s angst about its own economic and cultural capital in the twenty-first century.
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Cabezas, Marta. "Silencing Feminism? Gender and the Rise of the Nationalist Far Right in Spain." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 47, no. 2 (January 1, 2022): 319–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/716858.
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Leitz, C. "Hermann Goring and Nazi Germany's Economic Exploitation of Nationalist Spain, 1936-1939 1." German History 14, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549601400102.
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