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1
Dyachenko, O. V. "THE ROLE OF LANGUAGE AND LANGUAGE PRACTICES IN THE “EVERYDAY NATIONALISM”." International and Political Studies, no. 36 (October 9, 2023): 149–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2023.36.288715.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1995, M. Billig’s “Banal Nationalism” was published for the first time. This pioneering work initiated a new way of studying “nation” and “nationalism”. Somewhat later, the concept of “Banal nationalism” was clarified and supplemented by the concept of “Everyday Nationality”, that together compose “Everyday Nationalism’s” research. The study, which is directly based on M. Billig’s “Banal nationalism”, examines how elites mobilize elite (state) symbols, nationalist discourses, and other material and immaterial elements that form the usual landscape and semiosphere of the territory. Instead of this, “Everyday Nationhood” try to show, how people reinterpret elite symbols and nationalist discourses or create their own versions of nationhood enacted as everyday practices. Actually, among the elements that serve as a daily reminder of people’s place in the “world of nations” are language and language practices, as well as small deictic words (“domestic policy” / “foreign policy”, “us” / “them”, “here” / “there”, etc.), which are used by mass media and other services that we read, listen, watch, etc. Finally, ideas, that seem banal to us, turn out to be ideological constructs of nationalism. The idea of “language” should also be considered a historical construct of nationalism. The concept of “language”, at least in the sense that it seems obvious to “us”, is an “invented permanency” created in the era of the nation-state. Language does not create nationalism as nationalism creates language; or, rather, nationalism creates “our” common view, that there are “natural” and indisputable things called “languages” we speak.
2
Fox, Jon E. "Just how rooted is Grounded Nationalisms?" Irish Journal of Sociology 27, no. 3 (July 23, 2019): 298–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603519862746.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Grounded Nationalisms provides its readers with a clear, cogent, and comprehensive theory for understanding nationalism in its many evolving forms. Maleševič presents us with a flexible yet durable nationalism; a nationalism that can and does assume multiple forms precisely because it is grounded in its more stable organisations, ideologies, and interactions. His is a theory for the mechanics of nationalism, its machinery – the processes and practices, ideas and structures that drive nationalism and churn out nations in different bespoke forms. It is a toolkit that gives us an elastic, shape-shifting nationalism. The same forms – organisations, ideologies, and interactions – can be and are used to produce different national content. The durability of these mechanical forms gives rise to, and indeed explains, the elasticity of its nationalism's shifting empirical content. There are no new nationalisms, Maleševič pointedly reminds us, only old ones reinvented and creatively adapted to new circumstances. But: this thing we made, can it be unmade? What are the limits of nationalism's elasticity? How far can it be stretched, conceptually, structurally, ideationally, and temporally before it ceases to be something we can convincingly call ‘nationalism’? Perhaps the only weakness of Maleševič's approach is that it has no weakness – no weakness built into the model for predicting nationalism's demise, no escape hatch for jettisoning nationalism, no flaw in the system for unravelling nationalism. In developing such a compelling theory for nationalism s strength, Maleševič has inadvertently revealed his theory's weakness: Grounded Nationalisms have no exit strategy.
3
Furlong, Patrick J. "Family ties? Afrikaner nationalism, pan-Netherlandic nationalism and neo-Calvinist “Christian nationalism”." New Contree 74 (December 30, 2015): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v74i0.156.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study, building on longstanding debates on “German” national socialist (“Nazi”) and “Dutch” Calvinist influences on Afrikaner nationalism, examines the latter’s intersecting relationships with Dutch neo-Calvinist “Christian nationalism” and pan-Netherlandic or Diets nationalism (embracing Dutch, Flemings and Afrikaners). Like similarly-minded Dutch (or Flemings), Afrikaners most drawn to Diets nationalism were often those most attracted to German-inspired Romantic volks-nationalism, of which national socialism was the most extreme variant. Diets nationalism, volks-nationalism and “Christian nationalism” were not mutually exclusive, but part of an overlapping transnational web which influenced not just such outliers as volks-nationalists Piet Meyer and Hans van Rensburg or neo-Calvinist Hendrik Stoker, but “mainstream” Afrikaner nationalists such as Daniel Malan, Dutch-trained and, like the pre- eminent Dutch neo-Calvinist, Abraham Kuyper, a conservative Reformed churchman-turned-politician. Like volks-nationalism, Diets nationalism had a wider appeal than German national socialism, but later often took on a far right authoritarian aspect which in World War II discredited it in the Netherlands, as did Afrikaner nationalist opposition to fighting Hitler. While orthodox Dutch Calvinists moved toward a more internationalist perspective, breaking with their South African cousins over “apartheid”, “Christian nationalism” survived among Afrikaner nationalists, although looking more like volks-nationalism than anything recognizably neo-Calvinist, but neither could it meaningfully be labelled “Nazi.”
4
Fakih, Farabi. "Conservative corporatist: Nationalist thoughts of aristocrats: The ideas of Soetatmo Soeriokoesoemo and Noto Soeroto." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 168, no. 4 (2012): 420–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003551.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Javanese nationalism was one of the earliest nationalist thoughts to have arisen in the colony. It later bifurcated into two discourses: a leftist-inspired, revolutionary minded nationalism and a conservative, aristocratic-based Javanese nationalism based on the idea of cultural rejuvenation. Indonesian nationalism was a composite of a variety of nationalist discourses that appeared in the early twentieth century, yet present day nationalist historiography dismisses and camouflaged the influence of the conservative, feudal-minded discourse of Javanese aristocratic nationalists. The paper looks into the thoughts of two aristocratic conservative, Soetatmo Soeriokoesoemo and Noto Soeroto, and highlight the major thoughts within the conservative discourse. It points to the possible conservative origin of some of the components that represent present-day Indonesian nationalism and stress the need to understand further the intertwined and trans-ideological nature of Indonesian nationalism.
5
VALLS, ANDREW. "A Liberal Defense of Black Nationalism." American Political Science Review 104, no. 3 (August 2010): 467–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000249.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article brings together work on liberal political theory and black nationalism in an attempt to both strengthen the case for black nationalism and enrich and extend liberal theory. I begin by arguing that for much of U.S. history, the classical black nationalist case for an independent state finds substantial support in recent liberal theories of secession. In the post–civil rights era, black nationalists in the Black Power movement argued for more limited forms of black autonomy, a position known as “community nationalism.” Community black nationalism makes claims similar to minority nationalist claims for limited self-determination, yet liberal multiculturalists like Will Kymlicka defend the latter while withholding support for black nationalism. I argue that black nationalism raises fundamental issues of justice and that liberal multicultural theory can be extended to support black nationalist claims.
6
Kirchanov, Maksim. "LINGUISTIC CATALAN NATIONALISM IF THE 1870S – 1930S: POLITICAL GENERATIONS AND SOCIAL MODERNIZATION." Journal of Political Research 7, no. 3 (October 17, 2023): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2023-7-3-3-15.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this study is to analyze the activities of three generations of Catalan philologists and linguists who have made a significant contribution to the development of linguistic Catalan nationalism. The author analyzes the history, directions, forms and features of the activities of several generations of Catalan intellectuals, whose activity contributed to the normalization and standardization of dialect forms of Romance speech in Catalonia, which led to the emergence of the modern Catalan literary language. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the historical, political and cultural contribution of nationalist intellectuals to the development of the Catalan language through the prism of the social consequences of modernization processes. The article analyzes 1) the main stages in the history of various generations of Catalan linguistic nationalists, 2) their participation and role in the processes of standardization and normalization of the Catalan language, 3) the contribution of language activists to the consolidation of the Catalan linguistic identity in particular and the national Catalan identity in general, 4) the role nationalist intellectuals, amateurs and professional linguists, in the development of Catalan nationalism, 5) the contribution of linguistic nationalists to raising the status of the Catalan language in the social, political and cultural spaces of Catalonia. It is assumed that Catalan linguistic nationalism significantly complemented political nationalism, contributing to its strengthening and consolidation of the Catalan national identity in contexts of social transformation of the region's society. The generations of linguistic Catalan nationalism are identical to the stages in the history of political and ethnic nationalisms. The results of the study suggest that in the 19th and 20th centuries, the cultural activity of linguistic nationalists contributed to the processes of modernization of Catalonia, which led to the transformation of the region from a peripheral one to a region with complete social and political structures, the functioning of which was impossible without the Catalan language.
7
Aslan, Senem. "The Politics of Emotions and Spectacles: The Case of the Turkish Language Olympiads." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 2 (October 4, 2019): 388–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.82.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article examines the Turkish Language Olympiads as a political-performative strategy that the Muslim nationalists used to communicate their ideology. I argue that to understand the rise of Muslim nationalism, we also need to understand how emotional appeal is created through spectacles like the Turkish Olympiads. The spectacle was effective in boosting people’s sense of national pride and self-confidence by resolving two important tensions of Kemalist nationalism. First, it addressed the tension between Westernization and nationalization. Depicting an image of Turkish national culture that is appreciated and imitated by foreigners, it contested the imitative, Westernist character of Kemalist nationalism. Second, recasting the outside world as friendly to Turks, even Turkophile, it challenged Kemalist nationalism’s emphasis on external threats. Turkish-speaking and -acting foreigners communicated a message of nationalist self-empowerment and confidence, calling into question people’s sense of fear and distrust of the outside world. How Muslim nationalism was promoted, particularly the performative-symbolic strategies that were used, are important to understand because of their emotional resonance and potential for mass mobilization.
8
Laine, Veera. "“Biggest Nationalist in the Country”." Contributions to the History of Concepts 16, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 108–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2021.160206.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Nationalism is an ism rarely used as self-description. This article suggests that nationalist discourses are on the move, meaning the concept may be used in novel ways. In Russia, for example, the president recently identified himself as a nationalist, claiming ownership of the concept in the long-standing struggle against manifestations of oppositional nationalism. The article asks who describes themselves as nationalists in contemporary Russia, how do they define the concept, and how did it change during the years 2008–2018 when nationalism as a political idea became increasingly important in Russian politics? Drawing from Russian newspaper sources, the article suggests that diverse, self-proclaimed nationalist actors rely on narrow ethnic understandings of the concept and do not embrace the president’s interpretation of multinational nationalism.
9
Miller, David. "Crooked Timber or Bent Twig? Isaiah Berlin's Nationalism." Political Studies 53, no. 1 (March 2005): 100–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00519.x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Isaiah Berlin is often regarded as one of the sources of contemporary liberal nationalism. Yet his own attitude to nationalism, and its relation to his liberalism, remains unexplored. He gave conflicting definitions of nationalism in different places, and although he frequently contrasts more benign with more malign forms of nationalism, the terms in which he draws the contrast also vary. In Berlin's most explicit account, nationalist doctrine is presented as political, unitary, morally unrestricted and particularist, but these four dimensions are separate, and on each of them alternative nationalist positions are available. Berlin's account of the sources of nationalism is also ambiguous: his analysis of the Jewish condition in European societies and his support for Zionism contrasts with his diagnosis of the origins of German nationalism. Comparing Berlin with later liberal nationalists, we see that his liberalism prevented him from presenting a normative political theory in which liberal and nationalist commitments were successfully combined. Such a theory can indeed be developed, but the challenge that emerges from Berlin's writing is to explain how real-world nationalism can be kept within liberal limits.
10
Kamata, Ng’wanza. "Julius Nyerere: from a Territorial Nationalist to a Pan African Nationalist." African Review 46, no. 2 (January 21, 2020): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1821889x-12340003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Africa has largely experienced two types of nationalism namely territorial nationalism and Pan Africanism. Both territorial and Pan African nationalism were anti-imperialists but the former’s mission was limited to attainment of independence from colonialism. Few nationalist leaders who led their countries to independence transcended territorial nationalism; one of them was Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. Nyerere was a Pan African nationalist although he began as a nationalist concerned with the liberation of his country Tanganyika. He spent most of his political life championing for African Unity believing that it was the only instrument to totally liberate Africa. How did his ideas and practices which initially placed him in the ranks of territorial nationalists advance into Pan Africanism? This article examines this question and explores Nyerere’s aspects of Pan Africanism.
11
Kyrchanoff, Maksym Waler'evich. "Classic Theories of Nationalism in the Context of Minority Nationalism in Great Britain:regional nationalist movements as a “marginal” subject of modern historiography of nationalism." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 11 (November 2023): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.11.68857.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this study is to analyze the possibility of classical theories of nationalism use in analysis of the minority nationalisms histories in the British historiographical situation. The author analyses the complexities of integration and assimilation of the ideal models of Ruritania and Megalomania as imagining nationalising and modernising societies proposed by Ernest Gellner, as well as Miroslav Hrochs’ periodisation of nationalism as “ideal” interpretive models in the contexts of British historiography. The subject of the article is classical modernist theories of nationalism, the object is the possibility of their application in British historical research. It is assumed that the processes of nationalist modernisation and the development of regional nationalisms, on the one hand, are perceived through the prism of a constructivist approach. On the other hand, the author believes that the British historical material is characterised by a significant degree of resistance and therefore the use of classical theories of nationalism in the context of the conservatism of the historiographical imagination in Great Britain is debatable. The article analyses the difficulties of integrating the history of regional minority nationalisms and English nationalism into the contexts of sociocultural modernism of classical theories of nationalism. The results of the study suggest that the modern British historiographical situation is simultaneously characterised by an interest in the problems of the social history of regional nationalisms and significant conservatism, which expresses itself in ignoring classical theories of nationalism, despite the effectiveness of their interpretive models.
12
Yuval-Davis, Nira. "Nationalism and Racism." Cahiers de recherche sociologique, no. 20 (April 26, 2011): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1002197ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Summary This article propose a typology of the ideologies underwriting nationalist projects and seeks to show that ethnic divisions, based on "race" and nation, do not constitute mutually exclusive categories. It distinguishes between nationalisms predicated on biological origin, culture, and religion. It follows with a discussion of nationalism based on the ideologies of multiculturalism or cultural pluralism. Finally, it treats the themes of nationalism and citizenship, arguing that in western nation-states constructed around a universalist notion of citizenship, issues pertaining to immigration and racism serve to delineate the borders of citizenship.
13
Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i4.216.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.
14
Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 32, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v32i4.216.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.
15
E. Fox, Jon, and Peter Vermeersch. "Backdoor Nationalism." European Journal of Sociology 51, no. 2 (August 2010): 325–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975610000159.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractContrary to expectations, the EU’s eastward expansion in 2004 did not sound the death knoll of nationalism in the region; rather, it signalled its reinvention and, in some respects, reinvigoration. In this paper, we examine three ways in which nationalism has been redefined in Hungary and Poland in the context of EU enlargement. First, consensus on the desirability of European unification has lessened the importance of left/right party divisions; in its place, the “nation” has provided a fulcrum for inter-party contestation. Second, EU integration has provided nationalists in the region with a backdoor for realising old nationalist ambitions of national reunification across the porous borders of the EU. Third, we examine the way radical nationalist organisations in Hungary and Poland increasingly define themselves in opposition to the EU.
16
Lerner, Adam B. "The uses and abuses of victimhood nationalism in international politics." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 1 (May 17, 2019): 62–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119850249.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Contemporary populist movements have inspired political pundits in various contexts to opine on the resurgence of victimhood culture, in which groups demonstrate heightened sensitivity to slights and attempt to evoke sympathy from third parties to their conflicts. Although reference to victimhood’s politics oftentimes surfaces examples of egregious microaggressions, when victimhood claims are scaled up to the realm of nationalisms, oftentimes so too are their consequences. Current literature on victimhood in international politics, though, lacks a unifying theorisation suitable for the comparative analysis of victimhood nationalisms as important identities in the international arena. This gap prevents scholarship from investigating how the severity of perceived or real suffering relates to the formation of victimhood, as well as how victimhood nationalisms legitimize the projection of grievances onto third parties, potentially sowing new conflicts. This article theorises victimhood nationalism as a powerful identity narrative with two key constitutive elements. First, drawing on the narrative identity approach, it outlines how victimhood nationalisms are constructed via narrations of perceived or real collective trauma. Second, it argues that victimhood nationalist narratives, unlike other narratives of collective trauma, break down the idealized victim–perpetrator relationship and project grievances onto otherwise uninvolved international actors, including other nation-states. The article concludes by offering comparative case studies of Slobodan Milošević’s and David Ben-Gurion’s respective invocations of victimhood nationalism to illustrate the empirical applicability of this theorization, as well as victimhood nationalism’s importance in international politics across time and space.
17
Fakih, Farabi. "Akar-akar Kanan daripada Nasionalisme Indonesia: Nasionalisme Jawa dalam Konteks Kesejarahannya." Lembaran Sejarah 11, no. 1 (April 6, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23782.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This papers explores the thoughts of Javanese nationalists during the early phase of Indonesian nationalism. It will specifcally look into the ideas of Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo and Noto Soeroto as prototypes of new nationalist sentiments that grew during a period of intense revolutionary fervor, marked by the rise of marxism and fascism throughout the world. By looking at these factors, it wants to situate the global roots of Indonesian nationalism and contextualize Indonesian nationalist history within the global development of the early twentieth century.
18
STEFANIV, Vasyl. "RELIGION IN THE IDEOLOGY OF EUROPEAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS AND UKRAINIAN INTEGRAL NATIONALISM DURING THE INTERWAR PERIOD: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Contemporary era 7 (2019): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-58-74.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article highlights the international historical context in which the relationships between nationalists and conservatives were formed during the interwar period in Europe. There was made a comparative analysis of similar and distinct attitudes towards religion in the ideology of nationalist movements in interwar Europe and Ukrainian nationalism. For the broader historical context, the example of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe is crucial for understanding Ukrainian nationalism's ideology, including its attitude towards religion. It describes the complex relationships of modern nationalist movements with traditional Christianity, which was a distinct feature of the intellectual and political life of that time in Europe. The study analyzed the ideological foundations of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe, where church and religion occupied a prominent place. Similar and distinctive features of the religion in the nationalist movement in Galicia were analyzed compared to the similar processes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The author states that the representatives of the Polish integrated nationalism and the fascist parties that came to power, namely the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) led by A. Hitler, the Croatian Ustasha, the Iron Guard in Romania, had a fairly large proportion of mythical foundations in their political programs and resembled political religion in their ideology. The ultimate instrument by which the nation could believe in their ideas was the Church. However, the modern political religion that was created could not completely deny the previous one. Therefore, most of the nationalist movements analyzed here had built their relationship with the Church, mainly for two purposes: first, to receive its support, hence the commitment of the believers; second, they used the authority of the Church and religion in their political activities. Keywords: nationalism, fascism, Nazism, Poland, Croatia, Romania, Codreanu, Pavelic, OUN, Onatsky.
19
Bacon, Edwin. "Reflexive and Reasoned Religious Nationalism: The Exploratory Case of Russia." Politics and Religion 11, no. 2 (March 26, 2018): 396–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000019.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractNationalism theory has long acknowledged that in its relation to nationalism, “religion” can refer both to a reflexive identity attached to a people group, and to a reasoned value-based position articulated by an élite. Even this bifurcation remains insufficiently precise. Religio-nationalisms reasoned ex patria—that is, beginning with the nationalist and proceeding from there to incorporate religion—tend toward values of exclusivity and animosity toward “the other”. They have been charged with hijacking religion as an identity while being at odds with those who actively practice that religion or lead its practicing community. The exploratory case of the relationship between Russian Orthodoxy and Russian nationalism allows a comparison of ex patria religio-nationalism with its ex religio counterpart. It supports the hypothesis that when reasoned religio-nationalism begins with the religious and proceeds to the nationalist, emphases such as inclusivity and benevolence—rather than exclusivity and animosity—are to the fore.
20
Goldman, Aaron James, and Tornike Metreveli. "Borders, Boundaries, Backdrops." Svensk Teologisk Kvartalskrift 98, no. 2 (November 18, 2022): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.51619/stk.v98i2.24617.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This issue’s articles will offer views into the conditions of nation and nationalism from outside contemporary nationalism studies, or perhaps from a position that straddles the boundaries of the inside and outside of nationalism studies. We hope that they contribute in unexpected ways to focused research – sociological and beyond – on nationalism, and on nationalism’s and Christianity’s interlocking braids throughout history.
21
Zhou, Luyang. "Nationalism and Communism as Foes and Friends." European Journal of Sociology 60, no. 3 (December 2019): 313–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975619000158.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractSociologists have noted that the ideological inclusiveness of nationalism varies. By comparing the Bolshevik and Chinese communist revolutionary elites, this article explains that such variation depends on the social strength of nationalism. A strong nationalism is (a) undergirded by a widely diffused national culture that can socialize most radical elites into the nation; (b) kept institutionally open to broad social strata so that lower classes can form a nationalist identity through participation; and (c) universally believed to be a geopolitically feasible anti-colonial revolution so that radical elites can think of engagement as worthwhile and necessary. Using a comparative biographical method probing both nationalists and communists, this article demonstrates that nationalism in Tsarist Russia was far weaker than in post-imperial China. In the former, the nationalist movement excluded communists while, in the latter, communists were incorporated. Therefore, the two communist parties had different understandings of Marxism.
22
Freeden, Michael. "Is Nationalism a Distinct Ideology?" Political Studies 46, no. 4 (September 1998): 748–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00165.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Whether or not nationalism is an ideology is a question that can be illuminated by a study of its conceptual structure. Core and adjacent concepts of nationalism are examined within the context of liberal, conservative and fascist ideologies, contexts that respectively encourage particular ideational paths within nationalist argument, while discouraging others. Employing a morphological analysis of ideological configurations, it is argued that various nationalisms may appear as distinct thin-centred ideologies, but are more readily understood as embellishments of, and sustainers of, the features of their host ideologies.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym Waler'evich. "Three-stage periodization of the history of nationalism of Miroslav Hroch as an "ideal model" and the prospects for its application to Iranian historical studies." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2023): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.6.40976.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The author analyzes the features and contradictions in the development of Iranian nationalism historical forms in contexts of the ideal models proposed in modernist historiography. The article focuses on the problems of nationalism’s inability to become the dominant political force that constructs the main features of the societal and state developments in Iran. The article is an attempt to transplant classical theories of nationalism into Iranian historical and cultural contexts. The author uses a three-stage “ideal” model of the development of nationalism originally proposed by Miroslav Hroch. Using the modernist approach of Miroslav Hroch, the author presumes that since the 19th century, traditions of political and ethnic nationalism developed in Iran when Qajars and Pahlavi dynasties actualized various strategies of nationalist modernization. The article presents a comparative analysis of various historical forms of Iranian nationalism in the context of the constructivist approach, formulated in the three-stage periodization of Miroslav Hroch. It is assumed that the nationalist modernization of the Qajars and Pahlavi in Iranian historiography is perceived through the prism of a constructivist approach. Therefore, the causes and forms of the crisis of the nationalist project in Iran are also analyzed with use of the “ideal” chronology of nationalism formulated by M. Hroch in contexts of the competition between the political principles of the nation and the religious ideals of the Ummah.
24
Swerts, Kasper. "Profeten, psalmisten en onruststokers. Hans Kohn (1891-1971) over het Vlaamse nationalisme." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 78, no. 4 (January 2, 2020): 315–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v78i4.15779.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Dit artikel werpt nieuw licht op het leven en werk van de Praagse historicus Hans Kohn (1891-1971) en zijn studie over het nationalisme in de Lage Landen, in het bijzonder het Vlaams nationalisme. Het traceert de invloed van de zionistische filosoof Martin Buber (1878-1965) op Kohns studie van het nationalisme. Buber onderscheidde drie ideaaltypes – profeten, psalmisten en koningen – die Kohn zou hanteren om zijn vergelijkende studies van het nationalisme te ondersteunen. Kohn paste deze types ook toe op de Vlaamse casus, wat tot een opvallende interpretatie van het Vlaams nationalisme, en de Vlaamse beweging in haar geheel zou leiden. Kohn stelde immers dat het Vlaams nationalisme een succesvolle nationale beweging was omdat ze streefde naar een harmonie in het Belgische staatsbestel. Via de drie ideaaltypes belichtte Kohn voornamelijk dichters, schrijvers en politici die ijverden voor harmonie en eenheid, en bestempelde nationalisten die pleitten voor een onafhankelijke Vlaamse natie als nefaste onruststokers. Ondanks de duidelijke tekortkomingen in Kohns analyse van de Vlaamse casus, noopt het werk van de Praagse historicus ons echter nog steeds tot reflectie over het nationalisme, en blijft hij ook nu nog relevant voor het onderzoek naar het nationalisme, zowel in Vlaanderen als elders._________
Prophets, Psalmists and Agitators. Hans Kohn (1891-1971) on Flemish nationalism
This article shines new light on the life and work of the Prague historian Hans Kohn (1891-1971), on his study of nationalism in the Low Countries, and in particular on Flemish nationalism. The article traces the influence of the Zionist philosopher Martin Buber (1878-1965) on Kohn’s analysis of nationalism. Buber discerned three ideal types – prophets, psalmists and kings – which Kohn would rely upon when studying nationalism from a comparative perspective. Kohn would use these types when analysing the Flemish case, resulting in a peculiar interpretation of Flemish nationalism and the Flemish movement in general. Kohn argued that Flemish nationalism constituted a successful national movement precisely because it vied for harmony with the Belgian state. Via the three ideal types Kohn primarily highlighted poets, writers and politicians who strove for unity and harmony, whilst simultaneously branding nationalists that pursued an independent Flemish nation as pernicious agitators. While Kohn’s analysis did contain clear shortcomings, the Prague historian’s peculiar analysis of the Flemish case still compels us to reflect on nationalism, highlighting Kohn’s continued relevance for the study of nationalism, in Flanders and elsewhere.
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Swerts, Kasper. "Profeten, psalmisten en onruststokers. Hans Kohn (1891-1971) over het Vlaamse nationalisme." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 78, no. 4 (January 2, 2020): 315–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v78i4.15779.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Dit artikel werpt nieuw licht op het leven en werk van de Praagse historicus Hans Kohn (1891-1971) en zijn studie over het nationalisme in de Lage Landen, in het bijzonder het Vlaams nationalisme. Het traceert de invloed van de zionistische filosoof Martin Buber (1878-1965) op Kohns studie van het nationalisme. Buber onderscheidde drie ideaaltypes – profeten, psalmisten en koningen – die Kohn zou hanteren om zijn vergelijkende studies van het nationalisme te ondersteunen. Kohn paste deze types ook toe op de Vlaamse casus, wat tot een opvallende interpretatie van het Vlaams nationalisme, en de Vlaamse beweging in haar geheel zou leiden. Kohn stelde immers dat het Vlaams nationalisme een succesvolle nationale beweging was omdat ze streefde naar een harmonie in het Belgische staatsbestel. Via de drie ideaaltypes belichtte Kohn voornamelijk dichters, schrijvers en politici die ijverden voor harmonie en eenheid, en bestempelde nationalisten die pleitten voor een onafhankelijke Vlaamse natie als nefaste onruststokers. Ondanks de duidelijke tekortkomingen in Kohns analyse van de Vlaamse casus, noopt het werk van de Praagse historicus ons echter nog steeds tot reflectie over het nationalisme, en blijft hij ook nu nog relevant voor het onderzoek naar het nationalisme, zowel in Vlaanderen als elders._________
Prophets, Psalmists and Agitators. Hans Kohn (1891-1971) on Flemish nationalism
This article shines new light on the life and work of the Prague historian Hans Kohn (1891-1971), on his study of nationalism in the Low Countries, and in particular on Flemish nationalism. The article traces the influence of the Zionist philosopher Martin Buber (1878-1965) on Kohn’s analysis of nationalism. Buber discerned three ideal types – prophets, psalmists and kings – which Kohn would rely upon when studying nationalism from a comparative perspective. Kohn would use these types when analysing the Flemish case, resulting in a peculiar interpretation of Flemish nationalism and the Flemish movement in general. Kohn argued that Flemish nationalism constituted a successful national movement precisely because it vied for harmony with the Belgian state. Via the three ideal types Kohn primarily highlighted poets, writers and politicians who strove for unity and harmony, whilst simultaneously branding nationalists that pursued an independent Flemish nation as pernicious agitators. While Kohn’s analysis did contain clear shortcomings, the Prague historian’s peculiar analysis of the Flemish case still compels us to reflect on nationalism, highlighting Kohn’s continued relevance for the study of nationalism, in Flanders and elsewhere.
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Geiger, Susan. "Tanganyikan Nationalism as ‘Women's Work’: Life Histories, Collective Biography and Changing Historiography." Journal of African History 37, no. 3 (November 1996): 465–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700035544.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Although nationalism in Tanzania, as elsewhere in Africa, has been criticized for its shortcomings, and a ‘Dar es Salaam School’ has been charged with succumbing to its ideological biases, few historians have revisited or questioned Tanzania's dominant nationalist narrative – a narrative created over 25 years ago. Biographies written in aid of this narrative depict nationalism in the former Trust Territory of Tanganyika as primarily the work of a few good men, including ‘proto-nationalists’ whose anti-colonial actions set the stage and provided historical continuity for the later western-oriented ideological work of nationalist modernizers.The life history narratives of women who became activists in the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in the 1950s disrupt this view of progressive stages toward an emerging nationalist consciousness which reflected and borrowed heavily from western forms and ideals. They suggest that Tanganyikan nationalism was also and significantly the work of thousands of women, whose lives and associations reflected trans-tribal ties and affiliations, and whose work for TANU served to both construct and perform what nationalism came to signify for many Tanzanian women and men. Women activists did not simply respond to TANU's nationalist rhetoric; they shaped, informed and spread a nationalist consciousness for which TANU was the vehicle.Neither ‘extraordinary’ individuals (the usual subjects of male biography) nor ‘representative’ of ‘ordinary people’ (often the subjects of life histories), TANU women activists' lives reveal the severe limitations of the dichotomous characterizations of traditional biographical forms. Together, their narratives constitute a collective biographical narrative of great significance for our understanding of nationalism and nationalist movement in the former Tanganyika.
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Zhang, Yinxian, Jiajun Liu, and Ji-Rong Wen. "Nationalism on Weibo: Towards a Multifaceted Understanding of Chinese Nationalism." China Quarterly 235 (September 2018): 758–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018000863.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIt appears that nationalism has been on the rise in China in recent years, particularly among online communities. Scholars agree that the Chinese government is facing pressure from online nationalistic and pro-democracy forces; however, it is believed that of the two, nationalistic views are the more dominant. Online nationalism is believed to have pushed the Chinese government to be more aggressive in diplomacy. This study challenges this conventional wisdom by finding that online political discourse is not dominated by nationalistic views, but rather by anti-regime sentiments. Even when there is an outpouring of nationalist sentiment, it may be accompanied by pro-democracy views that criticize the government. By analysing more than 6,000 tweets from 146 Chinese opinion leaders on Weibo, and by decomposing nationalistic discussion by specific topic, this study shows that rather than being monolithically xenophobic, nationalists may have differing sets of views regarding China's supposed rivals. Rather than being supportive of the regime, nationalists may incorporate liberal values to challenge the government. Nonetheless, this liberal dominance appears to provoke a backlash of nationalism among certain groups.
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Fois, Marisa. "Algerian Nationalism: From the Origins to Algerian War of Independence." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340140.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Arab nationalism is not a monolithic construct. In the case of Algeria, the nationalist period undoubtedly played a significant role in determining the nature of its nationalist movement, its foundational principles and the nature of the future independent country. It was during the nationalist period that disputes regarding the colonial order, autonomy versus independence and the definition of Algerian identity emerged. The anti-colonial revolution occurred after a long period of gestation, the result of a combination of people’s spontaneous initiative, the action of forces fed by new or existing ideas and the influence of the international context. This article provides an overview of Algerian nationalism—including both Arab and Berber nationalisms—from the 1920s to the 1950s, identifying parties, leaders and currents of thought.
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Lluch, Jaime. "Internal variation in sub-state national movements and the moral polity of the nationalist." European Political Science Review 4, no. 3 (December 5, 2011): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000269.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Variation in secessionism among sub-state nationalists is part of one of the great puzzles of ethnic politics. Sub-state national movements tend to bifurcate and, at times, trifurcate, into two or three basic nationalist orientations: independentist nationalism, autonomist nationalism (and its sub-variants), and federalist nationalism (and its sub-variants). There is a dearth of systematic comparative research into the sources and patterns of internal variation in the political orientations of sub-state national movements. This article investigates why some sub-state nationalists opt for a secessionist orientation while other nationalists within the same national movement opt for a variety of non-secessionist orientations. I use evidence gathered in Quebec and Catalonia, consisting of 42 interviews among the top leadership of the eight national parties of these societies, 15 focus group interviews with party militants, and 370 questionnaires answered by militants, etc. The national consciousness and materialist approaches fail to elucidate these issues. Instead, sub-state nationalists have expectations about what is fair treatment by the central state, and notions about what obligations emerge due to common membership in a plurinational state. Independentists and strong decentralizers (strong autonomists and radical asymmetric federalists) opt for their chosen orientations because they perceive that central state institutions are unable to promote an ethos of plurinational reciprocity and are aggrieved by state nationalism, while less-decentralizing nationalists (weak autonomists and traditional federalists) assert that the central state is capable of accommodation and reciprocity and have no grievances about state nationalism.
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Ramutsindela, Maano Freddy. "Afrikaner Nationalism, Electioneering and the Politics of a Volkstaat." Politics 18, no. 3 (September 1998): 179–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00076.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The liberation of South Africa from the shackles of apartheid signifies the end of the last out-post of white domination in South Africa, and opened a new chapter on the search for a common South Africanism. The process of nation-building is haunted by relics of nationalist trends, one of which is Afrikaner nationalism. This article deals with certain aspects of Afrikaner nationalism which have continued into the post- apartheid era. It uses the division among Afrikaner nationalists to show the link between conservative Afrikaner nationalism, electioneering and the pursuit for a volkstaat (white homeland).
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Putri, Fadhilah, Evi Rosyani Dewi, and Wahyu Tri Widyastuti. "Nationalism in La Guerre's Poeme by Louise Ackermann." Franconesia 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/franconesia.11.6.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study aims to describe the forms of nationalism in the poem La Guerre by Louise Ackermann. This study uses the theory of forms of nationalism according to Taguieff, they are nationalisme ethnique (ethnique nationalism), nationalisme civique (civique nationalism) and nationalisme culturel (cultural nationalism) which are contained in his book entitled La Revanche du Nationalisme. This research method is a qualitative descriptive analysis with flow model of analysis according to Miles and Huberman which includes three components of analysis, there are data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions or verification which is carried out by flowing or interconnected and continuous with concurrent data collection process. The results of this study indicate that there are twenty-five (25) data in poetry that indicate forms of nationalism. In detail, there are twenty-four (24) quotations that have the form of nationalisme civique (civique nationalism), five (5) quotation that have the form of nationalisme culturel (cultural nationalism), and three (3) quotations that have the form of nationalisme ethnique (ethnic nationalism).
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Kongshøj, Kristian. "Republikaneren, multikulturalisten og de to nationalister: National identitet samt social og politisk sammenhængskraft i Danmark." Dansk Sociologi 29, no. 2 (June 23, 2019): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v29i2.5751.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Denne artikel undersøger på basis af en ny spørgeskemaundersøgelse fra 2014 danskernes forestillinger om de værdier, der bør kendetegne et nationalt fællesskab. Vha. faktoranalyse og latent class analysis knyttes de empiriske skillelinjer og positioner efterfølgende an til forskellige indikatorer for social tillid, solidaritet, »politisk kultur«, samt national stolthed og opfattelsen af at dele værdier med andre danskere (foruden typiske socioøkonomiske variable). Resultaterne indikerer blandt andet, at national stolthed eller opfattelsen af at dele værdier ikke hænger positivt sammen med tillid og solidaritet, idet dette i den danske kontekst er forbundet med en mere nationalistisk orientering. Den latente klasseanalyse understreger, at konservativ nationalisme og multikulturalisme kun kunne beskrive omkring halvdelen af den danske befolkning på undersøgelsestidspunktet. I tilgift ser vi også liberal nationalisme og republikanisme. I denne analyse ser vi blandt andet forskellige varianter af høj national stolthed, som tenderer til at være enten republikansk eller konservativ nationalistisk. Den ene er forbundet positivt med tillid og solidaritet, mens den anden er negativt forbundet. Ligeledes er den konservative nationalisme forbundet med en utilfredshed med demokratiet i forhold til alle de tre andre grupper.
ENGELSK ABSTRACT
Kristian Kongshøj:
The Republican, the Multiculturalist and the two Nationalists: National identity and social and political cohesion in Denmark
This article investigates Danish normative ideas regarding the values that should characterize national identity. It is based on a survey from 2014. The study employs factor analysis and latent class analysis to examine empirical cleavages. These are then related to indicators of social trust, solidarity, political culture, national pride and sharing values. The results indicate, among other things, that national pride and the perception of sharing values with others are not by themselves positively associated with trust and solidarity, since these are also associated with nationalism. The latent class analysis shows that conservative nationalism and multiculturalism can only describe about half of the Danish population. In addition, we identify two other groups of liberal nationalists and republicans. In this analysis, we see that high national pride tends to be either republican or conservative nationalist. The former is positively associated with trust and solidarity, while the other is negatively associated with these factors. In addition conservative nationalism is associated with dissatisfaction with democracy.
Keywords: National identity, nationalism, social cohesion, republicanism, multiculturalism.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym Waler'evich. "“Ruritania” and “Megalomania” as "ideal models" in Ernest Gellner’s concept of nationalism and the prospects for its application to analysis of Iranian history." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2023): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2023.4.40985.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this study is to analyze the implentation possibilities of classical theories of nationalism to analysis of the Iranian nationalism history. The author analyzes the ideal models of Ruritania and Magalomania as imagining nationalizing and modernizing societies proposed by Ernest Gellner. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the features and contradictions of the development of the historical forms of Iranian nationalism in contexts of the ideal models proposed in modernist historiography. It is assumed that the nationalist modernization of the Qajars and Pahlavi in Iranian historiography is perceived through the prism of a constructivist approach. The article analyzes 1) the problems of the inability of nationalism to become the dominant and determining political force that constructs the main features of the development of society and the state in Iran, 2) the features of the development and transformation of the traditions of political and ethnic nationalism, 3) the role of the ruling Qajar and Pahlavi dynasties in implentation of various strategies of nationalist modernization. The article also shows the potential of a comparative analysis of various historical forms of Iranian nationalisms in contexts of a constructivist approach. The results of the study suggest that 1) the causes and forms of the crisis of the nationalist project in Iran can be described and analyzed adequately with use of Ruritania and Megalomania concepts as ideal types of nationalism development, formulated by Ernest Gellner in contexts of social and cultural histories as confrontations between the political principles of the nation and religious principles and ideals of the Ummah; 2) Iranian modern system emerged as an attempt to institutionalize a compromise between a civilized modernized Megalomania and traditional Shia Ruritania, which led to a combination of political nationalism with an internationally declared recognition of the primacy of Shiism.
34
Goalwin, Gregory J. "Understanding the exclusionary politics of early Turkish nationalism: an ethnic boundary-making approach." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1150–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1315394.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Turkish nationalism has long presented a study in contrasts. The nationalist movement that created the Republic of Turkey sought to define the nation in explicitly civic and inclusive terms, promoting a variety of integrationist reforms. Those same nationalist politicians, however, endorsed other policies that were far more exclusionary, expelling many religious and ethnic minorities from the new nation and imposing harsh restrictions on those who remained. The seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies has been mirrored by much of the scholarship on Turkish nationalism, which has often viewed Turkish nationality through the lens of the “civic/ethnic divide,” with various scholars arguing that the Turkish nation is exclusively civic or ethnic. This article seeks to transcend this dichotomous way of looking at Turkish nationalism. I argue that the policies previously seen as being exclusively civic or ethnic are in fact both examples of boundary-making processes, designed to forge a cohesive nationalist community. Seen through a boundary-making perspective, the seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies in its early years is not paradoxical at all, but represents a multidimensional effort to construct a cohesive national community that could replace the defunct Ottoman state.
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Qur'ani, Hidayah Budi. "Menumbuhkan Rasa Nasionalisme Melalui Novel Serial Anak Nusantara Karya Tere Liye." Prosiding Seminar Nasional IKIP Budi Utomo 1, no. 01 (November 26, 2020): 300–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.33503/prosiding.v1i01.913.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Nationalism can be interpreted as a natural love for the country, an awareness that encourages to establish sovereignty and an agreement to form a state based on an agreed nationality and serves as the first foothold and goal in carrying out cultural and economic activities. Therefore, this paper aims to describe the forms of nationalism in Tere Liye's novel Serial Anak Nusantara. The source of this research is Tere Liye's novels, entitled Si Anak Badai, Si Anak Pintar, and Si Anak Special. This study used a descriptive qualitative method. The data taken in this study are forms of nationalism that are described by the main character in the three novels. The results of this study are two nationalist attitudes that stand out from the three novels of Serial Anak Nusantara, namely nationalism and ethnic nationalism. The two attitudes of nationalism are illustrated through the actions of the figures, namely helping to catch robbers, working together, helping parents, and voicing opinions. Ethnic nationalism is described by the main character, namely helping friends, preserving forests, forgiving each other.
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Kuzmin, Aleksandr G., and Anastasia V. Mitrofanova. "Russian nationalists in the Komi Republic: a case study of the Frontier of the North." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 2 (March 2017): 238–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1277514.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines some generic traits of the “new” Russian ethnic nationalism, namely, de-ideologization of the nationalist milieu and its inclination for civic activism. It results from a case study of the Frontier of the North (FN – Syktyvkar), an ideologically ambivalent organization that combines dual Russian/Komi ethnic nationalism, anti-migration sentiments, white racism, and fragments of other ideologies. The article demonstrates that, unlike nationalists of the previous generation, FN is not hostile to public authorities and is ready to cooperate with them. FN's grassroots activism, as well as sports and healthy recreational activities, attracts young people. The organization tackles the most acute social problems, often neglected by everyone else, and has become a working civil society institution. The authors argue that these tactics win the “new” nationalists sympathy among ordinary people and makes the groups politically stronger and more influential than the previous nationalist generation. However, state anti-extremist policy hampers the advancement of nationalists into mainstream politics.
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Wells, K. M. "The Rationale of Korean Economic Nationalism Under Japanese Colonial Rule, 1922–1932: The Case of Cho Man-sik's Products Promotion Society." Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 4 (October 1985): 823–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015481.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Economic nationalism may seem rather too grand a term for the contents of this paper. And indeed, I have not attempted any analysis of the economics of economic nationalism. My concern is with the nationalist element in the equation, in particular the basic perceptions of nationalists inside Korea who responded to the plight of their colonially oppressed nation. The question, ‘Is economic nationalism viable under colonial occupation?’ may be answered negatively in Korea's case. But one may equally assert that all nationalist movements and all economic action, of left or right, were not viable in Korea at this time. Even if a certain theory of the determinative role of economic superstructures is employed, I suspect this question of viability may generate only fruitless dispute over whether we strictly mean non-viability or simply failure. Hence I willingly leave the theoretical aspects of the case to those equipped to deal with them.
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Loizides, Neophytos G. "Religious Nationalism and Adaptation in Southeast Europe." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 2 (March 2009): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902745742.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Relating nationalism to other ideologies or cultural value systems is an enigmatic scholarly activity. The enigma lies in the kaleidoscopic nature of nationalism and the ease with which it adapts to philosophically opposed ideologies. Nationalism, for instance, often assumes ties to liberalism, even though it presupposes a strong commitment to a national community that transcends individualism. It accommodates conservatism fairly well despite nationalism's modernizing mission, and it has often been paired with communism, regardless of the latter's internationalist rhetoric. Finally, nationalism and religion often go hand in hand, despite their deep philosophical incompatibilities and asymmetries. For example, nationalist ideologies often encourage violence against outgroup members even where religious doctrines strictly prohibit physical force. Inherently local, philosophically poor, and limited in scope or outreach, nationalism lacks a belief in afterlife salvation or in creative intelligence as source of meaning behind the universe. Yet it frequently dominates identity construction, overshadowing the primacy of Christianity or Islam which are universal in their message of salvation.
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Halliday, Fred. "Pensée 3: The Modernity of the Arabs." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 1 (February 2009): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808090065.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The study of Arab nationalism, and indeed of all nationalisms, is beset with particular problems. One is the imprecision of the main concepts involved, starting with the definition of nation. Another is the confusion, inherent in the very word “nationalism,” between two quite different objects of study—nationalism as a movement, as a social and political force, and nationalism as an ideology. The first allows objective, historical analyses of how a particular movement arose and developed in such and such a country, of the social groups that supported and/or opposed it, and, not least, of how states have sought to define and utilize it. The second is an aspiration, an ideological and normative claim, one with a strong tendency to control public debate; it has an inherent tendency to distort the history of the supposed “nation.” The special claims nationalists make for their particular nation cause a third problem: although modern history has yielded hundreds of cases of nationalism, as movement and ideology, nationalism occasions analysis that is singular, treating the nation in question as unique and avoiding comparison.
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Hage, Ghassan. "The Spatial Imaginary of National Practices: Dwelling—Domesticating /Being—Exterminating." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14, no. 4 (August 1996): 463–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d140463.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The prevalence of a culture of ‘tolerance’ towards ethnic minorities in the West in the face of the practices of ‘ethnic cleansing’ in Eastern Europe and of other more general practices of intolerance and extermination in parts of the Third World has led to a popular as well as a sometimes academic conception of ‘Western’ and ‘Eastern’ nationalisms essentialised into two radically different kinds of nationalism. In this paper I offer a critique of such a differentiation based on an examination of various practices of dealing with otherness in the process of nation building, particularly in Lebanon and Australia. I argue that practices of nation building, ranging from the promotion of ethnic cultures to mass ethnic killings, are guided by national imaginaries which, despite their empirical variety, are basically structured in the same way. This means, first, that such differences are better understood as the historical or contextual privileging of specific nationalist problematics grounded in this common national imaginary. Second, it means that within the nationalist imaginary that guides them there is a space in which, in given circumstances, the practitioners of valorisation and tolerance can turn into practitioners of mass killings and vice versa without them turning into a radically different kind of nationalists. Far from being specific to an ‘Eastern’ nationalism, the logic of extermination is inherent to any form of nation building today.
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Stergar, Rok. "National Indifference in the Heyday of Nationalist Mobilization? Ljubljana Military Veterans and the Language of Command." Austrian History Yearbook 43 (April 2012): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000580.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the accounts of life in Austria-Hungary at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, one reads about a world dominated by nations and nationalism. Both contemporaries and historians describe a nationality conflict in which politics, economy, literature, music, journalism, sports, and science were all placed in the “service of the nation.” According to Helmut Rumpler, it was a time when even the once-powerful state and its bureaucracy were forced to withdraw in the face of different nationalisms. Primary sources often paint a similar picture: A German from Celje/Cilli, Fritz Zangger, claims that in his home town even “the God of Germans and of Slovenes had nothing in common.” Contemporary newspapers described incessant nationalist conflicts between Czechs and Germans, Germans and Slovenes, Slovenes and Italians, or Croats and Hungarians. Minutes of parliamentary sessions tell us about obstructionism carried out by nationalist parties, and in the War Ministry the “Disciplinary Measures to Prevent National Endeavours from Invading” [the Military] (Massregeln zur Verhütung des Eindringens nationaler Bestrebungen) grew longer every year. Therefore, it is no surprise that descriptions of a different reality in which nationalism had hardly played a role, like those of the novelist Joseph Roth, were often dismissed as figments of a nostalgic imagination or depictions of a vanishing world.
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Kocher, Matthew Adam, Adria K. Lawrence, and Nuno P. Monteiro. "Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation." International Security 43, no. 2 (November 2018): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00329.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Does nationalism produce resistance to foreign military occupation? The existing literature suggests that it does. Nationalism, however, also can lead to acquiescence and even to active collaboration with foreign conquerors. Nationalism can produce a variety of responses to occupation because political leaders connect nationalist motivations to other political goals. A detailed case study of the German occupation of France during World War II demonstrates these claims. In this highly nationalistic setting, Vichy France entered into collaboration with Germany despite opportunities to continue fighting in 1940 or defect from the German orbit later. Collaboration with Germany was widely supported by French elites and passively accommodated by the mass of nationalistic French citizens. Because both resisters and collaborators were French nationalists, nationalism cannot explain why collaboration was the dominant French response or why a relatively small number of French citizens resisted. Variation in who resisted and when resistance occurred can be explained by the international context and domestic political competition. Expecting a German victory in the war, French right-wing nationalists chose collaboration with the Nazis as a means to suppress and persecute their political opponents, the French Left. In doing so, they fostered resistance. This case suggests the need for a broader reexamination of the role of nationalism in explaining reactions to foreign intervention.
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MSINDO, ENOCENT. "ETHNICITY AND NATIONALISM IN URBAN COLONIAL ZIMBABWE: BULAWAYO, 1950 TO 1963." Journal of African History 48, no. 2 (July 2007): 267–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707002538.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACTZimbabwean historians have not yet fully assessed the interaction of two problematic identities, ethnicity and nationalism, to determine whether the two can work as partners and successfully co-exist. This essay argues that, in Bulawayo during the period studied, ethnicity co-existed with and complemented nationalism rather than the two working as polar opposite identities. Ethnic groups provided both the required leaders who became prominent nationalist figures and the precolonial history, personalities and monuments that sparked the nationalist imagination. From the 1950s, ethnic groups expanded their horizons and provided platforms from which emerging African nationalists launched their agenda. Understanding these interrelationships will reshape our understanding of the workings of these two identities in a cosmopolitan town.
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Greenberg, Jessica. "Nationalism, Masculinity and Multicultural Citizenship in Serbia*." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 3 (July 2006): 321–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600766628.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since the 5 October revolution that formally ushered Serbia into a democratic era, political commentators, scholars, civic activists and others have watched the country for signs of resurgent nationalism. Many perceived the primary threat to the new democratic order as the persistence of nationalism, particularly in the years after the 2003 assassination of Zoran Djindjić. Such nationalism, forged in the 1980s and 1990s, was subject to eruptions among unsavory politicians, pensioners, Mafiosi and denizens of Belgrade's suburbs and Serbia's “backward” countryside. The problem underlying this model of resurgent nationalism is that it assumes, and simultaneously constructs, nationalism as a static and unchanging arrangement of ideological and social factors that flare up and die down in response to political stimuli—the arrest of indicted war criminals, the outrageous rhetoric of populist politicians, negotiations over the status of Kosovo, or high-stakes sporting events. While there is no question that such events create discursive space for nationalist, sexist and racist agendas, the flare-up model presents a dangerous simplification of how nationalisms work.
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Panofsky, Aaron, and Joan Donovan. "Genetic ancestry testing among white nationalists: From identity repair to citizen science." Social Studies of Science 49, no. 5 (July 2, 2019): 653–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312719861434.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
White nationalists have a genetic essentialist understanding of racial identity, so what happens when using genetic ancestry tests (GATs) to explore personal identities, they receive upsetting results they consider evidence of non-white or non-European ancestry? Our answer draws on qualitative analysis of posts on the white nationalist website Stormfront, interpreted by synthesizing the literatures on white nationalism and GATs and identity. We show that Stormfront posters exert much more energy repairing individuals’ bad news than using it to exclude or attack them. Their repair strategies combine anti-scientific, counter-knowledge attacks on the legitimacy of GATs and quasi-scientific reinterpretations of GATs in terms of white nationalist histories. However, beyond individual identity repair they also reinterpret the racial boundaries and hierarchies of white nationalism in terms of the relationships GATs make visible. White nationalism is not simply an identity community or political movement but should be understood as bricoleurs with genetic knowledge displaying aspects of citizen science.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym W. "Visual Rhetoric of Classical European Nationalism." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 5, no. 3 (October 2, 2023): 246–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v5i3.308.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The author analyzes the forms, features, and main directions of visualization within the nationalist text. This article delves into the study of the nationalist imagination and political discourse. Beginning in the late 18th century, nationalism emerged as a social and cultural factor that steered the vectors and trajectories of political development in Western societies. The article examines the forms of interdependence between nationalist discourse and the visualization of political imagination, which plays a pivotal role in the invention and construction of identities. It underscores that the discursive and visual methods of constructing national identities evolved concurrently. Visualization both complemented and recalibrated the primary vectors of transformations in narrative and discursive forms of the nationalist imagination. The political rhetoric of nationalism transitioned into a visual realm, and its visualization resulted in a fusion of the traditions of both “high” and “low” cultures. This visual rhetoric of the nationalist imagination catalyzed the transformation of ethnic groups into modern nations, viewed as imagined communities. While the visual techniques in the nationalistic metatext could vary, they often shared certain characteristics. Visual imagination emerged as an integral component of identity formation in rhetorical discourse. The amalgamation of political and visual rhetoric ensured continuity between various forms of identities and the cultures they fostered. Narrative forms of political rhetoric were enriched by visual ones, especially when the nationalist imagination was crafting and promoting images of Self and Otherness. Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, the nationalist discourse of European nationalisms operated as a dichotomy, rooted in a blend of political rhetoric and visual imagination.
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Supriyanto, Agus Sunaryo, Suharti, and Mawi Husni Albar. "The Vision of Islam and Nationality of Islamic Religious Organizations in Indonesia: Study of Nahdlatul Wathan, Al-Irsyad and Al-Washliyyah." International Journal of Professional Business Review 8, no. 9 (September 5, 2023): e03690. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/businessreview/2023.v8i9.3690.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose: This article elaborates the Islamic vision and nationality of Islamic organizations in Indonesia, particularly Hahdhatul Wathan, Al-Irsyad and Al-Wasliyyah.
Theoretical framework: In the context above, this research will be designed and carried out, namely conducting an exploration of the Islamic vision and nationality of three Islamic organizations in Indonesia, namely: al-Washliyah, al-Irsyad, and Nahdhatul Wathan.
Design/methodology/approach: The research uses descriptive-qualitative methods, and is included in field research. In obtaining the data, the instruments that the researcher used were in-depth interviews, observations, and studies of related documents.
Findings: From the research conducted, it can be seen that First, Nahdlatul Wathan is one of the Islamic organizations that has a very nationalist vision and perspective of nationalism. However, the nationalism (wathaniyah) of Nahdlatul Wathan does not necessarily follow the trend developed by secular Western-European countries.
Research, Practical & Social implications: In many ways, Nahdlatul Wathan's national and Islamic vision is very similar to that of Nahdlatul Ulama. Both of them accepted Pancasila as the principle of organization, believed in Ahlussunnah wal Jama'ah, and highly valued Islamic culture as a link in the chain of Islamic scholarship.
Originality/value: This research contributes to the development of Islamic discourse in Indonesia. The nationalism that Nahdlatul Wathan guides is Religious-Nationalism, namely nationalism that does not come out of religious principles and teachings, nationalism that is built on religious values, and nationalism that synergizes with religion because it is part of religious teachings.
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Blank, Stephen. "The Return of the Repressed? Post-1989 Nationalism in the “New” Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 2 (1994): 405–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999408408336.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The intractable war in Yugoslavia, the breakup of Czechslovakia, the nationalist rumblings in Hungary and Romania, and manifestations of imperial and nationalist longings in Russian politics signify nationalism's enduring potency in Central and Eastern Europe. While some foreign observers worried about this potency, the new elites largely believed that liberalism in power could overcome those forces. Liberal democracy's triumph supposedly meant the end of History,inter alia,aggressive nationalism in Eastern Europe. They believed that these national liberation movements had cooperative, mutually supportive relationships that would flower after Communism ended. Nationalist discords were due to Eastern Europe's previous historical post-1914 nightmares, but the new post-1989 states would have amicable relations with their neighbors. Ostensibly, nationalism, once freed from Soviet repression, would bring an end to Soviet rule and usher in a new ‘springtime of nations.'
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Harty, Siobhan. "The Nation as a Communal Good: A Nationalist Response to the Liberal Conception of Community." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 4 (December 1999): 665–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900016942.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractRecent work in the field of liberal political philosophy has focused on the value of cultural communities for the individual. The claim that liberal theory can give explicit recognition to the fact that individuals are rooted in a social context has produced an important debate about the preservation of minority cultures and a liberal defence of nationalism. This literature should be of interest to scholars of nationalism because liberal theorists have used concepts related to the nation, such as self-determination, in ways that go against conventional usage, and liberal theorists have made claims about the relationship of the right and the good with which some students of nationalism would disagree. This article presents a nationalist response to the liberal conception of community by developing one possible nationalist argument for the priority of the good over the right by claiming that the nation is a communal good. The author illustrates this argument with examples of the political projects of nationalists-in-government in the developed West. Liberals need not be concerned with this reality since democratic institutions will set some limits on nationalist projects by ensuring that they are the outcome of democratic processes. On this view, the importance of self-determination is that it provides the context for the creation of institutions for a debate about the relationship of the right and the good. Self-determination does not, as some liberal nationalists argue, constitute an automatic right to cultural preservation.
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Aryal, Manish. "Neo-Nationalism: A Tool for National Integrity." Unity Journal 2 (August 3, 2021): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38821.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
An ever-growing trend of radical rightist parties has brought newer dynamics to world politics. Neo-nationalism has further substantiated national integrity for changing the socio-cultural, economic and political landscape brought by globalization during the 1980s. The paper intends to analyze the concept of neo-nationalism. The paper explores this concept through an intensive study of the origin and background of neonationalism. In the paper, a study is conducted on the use of national integrity and patriotism to implement the concept of neo-nationalism in those countries. The major precautions in adopting the neo-nationalism concept are discussed in the project. A deep study is undertaken to investigate reasons that have led the world on a modern neo-nationalist order are discussed. Four peculiar reasons, in particular, the oil crisis, the collapse of the USSR and 9/11, financial and refugee crisis, and new nationalists focusing on national integrity have remained key contributors to the formation of the neo-nationalist society in the modern world. The paper studies all the reasons in depth and analyzes the key factors which might determine the new world order. The paper also uses two contemporary examples of Scotland and Western Europe to study the effects of neo-nationalism. A proper comprehensive study is done to recognize the concept of neo-nationalism and its effect on societies. The positive and negative effects are expanded to formulate a better cohesive study. Neo-nationalism is found to be a double-edged sword with monumental benefits and drawbacks. Its concept must be adopted with proper care and precaution so that major extremity groups wouldn’t be formulated.