Дисертації: "Nationalism. Identity. European citizenship"

1

Rohde-Liebenau, Judith. "Raising European citizens? : European narratives, European schools and students' identification with Europe." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:24615518-fef0-44e0-be23-0ec24ca301eb.

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Fostering identification with Europe among citizens could legitimise European integration. Whether such an identity exists, however, remains an on-going debate among scholars. This research returns to the foundations of how a European identity is constructed, transmitted and transformed. It explores narratives of European identity in a carefully chosen context - European Schools for children of EU officials - where identification with Europe should mirror official EU visions. A qualitative content analysis explores narrations of 101 students collected during interviews and focus groups across three schools, and analyses documents and interviews with EU officials, school directors and teachers. This analysis reveals a descriptive puzzle: official EU and European School propositions of (multi-) national narratives differ markedly from teachers' and students' conceptions of cosmopolitan and transnational identities. The EU constructs an out-group of its own nationalist past and non-EU citizens. On the other hand, students construct an explicitly European in-group, but differentiate themselves from more national and less mobile lifestyles. This disparity, in turn, reveals a causal puzzle about how differences in narratives emerge. I use process tracing to elucidate the relationship between European schooling and students' identification with Europe. The results show a distorted transmission where broader EU goals are elaborated and transformed by teachers and further fuelled by interactions amongst students with similarly mobile and multilingual backgrounds. I develop a dual mechanism to understand how the varieties of identification with Europe develop: the concept of "doing Europe" explains how students nourish a transnational social network; "telling Europe", on the other hand, considers students' exposure to European symbols and stories in school and both national and anti-nationalist narratives provided by teachers and peers. Together, this leads to a transformed but ultimately European in-group understanding. Overall, this project underlines the complexity of identity construction, given that top-down transmission gets altered even in this favourable case. Specifically, it informs future research on European identity by detailing peculiar narratives and offering a causal approach to how these narratives emerge.

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2

Gamberale, Carlo. "European citizenship and political identity." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6013/.

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The provisions of the EC Treaty on citizenship of the Union introduce a fundamental democratic element in the process of European political integration. The focus of integration is no longer on an economic factor of production (workers) but on politically self-determined citizens. Citizenship of the Union, however, does not constitute a full status of European citizenship, because of its incompleteness in terms of entitlements and its dependence on Member States' nationality. The development of Union citizenship into a complete status of citizenship depends on Member States' determination to transfer essential aspects of sovereignty to the Community and achieve full political integration. If Union citizenship is to evolve from the current form of derived status of Member States' nationality into a more complete and independent European citizenship, it must be followed by a parallel evolution in the field of collective identity of the citizens. In the EU legal order, citizenship, if taken in its `national meaning', could be a fundamental element in the consolidation of the Union as a `state-like phenomenon'. The current `national understanding' requires the existence of a common national identity (based on culture, language, traditions and in some cases ethnicity) to sustain the legal and political framework made of rights and obligations of membership. At European level, however, this approach is unlikely to work because of the different national and cultural identities of the people of Europe. Alternatively it is argued that Europe needs a radical change in the conception of citizenship and democracy to proceed in the direction of political integration. Only a strictly political European identity based on association and participation could co-ordinate the different allegiances that European citizens already have towards institutions and groups other than the Union, and at the same time create a common political bond among them. Despite this fundamental change, the extension of citizenship beyond the national boundaries should take place without endangering those citizens' rights, which have been developed in the context of the nation-state, in particular the principles of liberty and equality. The great challenge faced by the European Union consists in dissociating those rights from the tie of nationhood. On a point of eligibility, European political identity could not be used to exclude `cultural outsiders' from European citizenship, regardless of whether they come from a Member State or a third country. As European identity would lack a common cultural basis, the same concept of `cultural outsider' would not apply to European citizenship. As a result such type citizenship would be naturally open to non-European immigrants, who already reside in the Union, but who are excluded from national citizenship, and to prospective third country immigrants. The openness of a politically based European citizenship and identity contrasts with the restrictive European Union immigration and asylum policies (fortress Europe). In the absence of cultural or ethnic common grounds, fortress Europe seems to be based mainly on contingent economic reasons, such as the protection of the European labour markets and welfare systems. It appears that in the long term, due to demographic changes, these economic reasons might disappear together with the restrictive immigration policies. In the meanwhile, however, there seems to be no excuse for the non-integration of resident third country nationals into European citizenship.

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3

Meyer, Stanislaw. "Citizenship, culture and identity in prewar Okinawa." Thesis, Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2007. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B37781248.

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4

O'Byrne, Darren J. "Citizenship sans frontieres : globality and the reconstruction of political identity." Thesis, Roehampton University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245918.

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5

O'Mahony, Geraldine Maria. "Islam in Sudan : identity, citizenship and conflict." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99738.

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This thesis will examine the role of Islamist political parties and what effect their interpretation of national identity has played in dividing the people of Sudan, resulting in two civil wars. It will examine the manifestations and interpretations of Islam and pan-Arabism among the various Islamist parties of Northern Sudan, exploring the ethnic and religious factors which influence Islamist political groups, as well as their social bases which are tied to economics, language, and the conception of a distinctly "Arab" or "African" culture. This thesis will argue that the predominance of these Islamist political parties in the Sudanese government combined with the lack of a Sudanese identity and historical factors have combined to prevent the consolidation of state power, leading to situations of protracted conflict. The imposition, or attempted imposition, of an Islamic identity on the state as a whole prevents unity as it necessarily excludes certain parts of the population as well as disenfranchising those who, whilst they might be Muslim, do not subscribe to the same interpretation of Islamic identity.

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6

Navidi, Ute. "Post-reunification German identity and racism : a critique." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362351.

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Post-reunification developments in German society, including the intensification of racism and nationalism, and the question of German identity, have led to a wide-ranging international debate. My thesis discusses some of the controversial issues and arguments raised, in an effort to understand the specific forms of contemporary German racism. The legal status and the political economy of asylum seekers are analysed, as are the debates leading to the mid-1993 change in Germany's Basic Law. Until then, a unique right which guaranteed asylum had existed. Its insertion into (West) Germany's provisional constitution in 1949 had been more ideologically than altruistically motivated. The change in legislation, primarily aimed at appeasing the racists, had the immediate effect of curbing numbers. Focusing on East-West migration, Germany's constitutional policy of accepting ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe is scrutinised. Previously a tool in the Cold War armoury, this open-armed approach was curtailed by an embryonic immigration law. In the aftermath of the collapse of 'communism' and German reunification, the integration of foreigners and of east- and ethnic Germans raised new questions about their respective rights. An examination of the changing terms of debate about citizenship and identity in German society reveals the different consequences for both citizens and non-citizens. Through briefly comparing German with French citizenship, the peculiarity of the former, and the framework for assessing the current 'dual nationality versus naturalisation' controversy, is established. Political and theoretical interest in German identity has resurfaced. In determining the key components of post-war identity, I found that anti-communism had stood out in serving as a negative reference point; now it is increasingly being replaced by racism. The mixture of biological and political factors in the new make-up of German collective identity appears to leave no room for foreigners. The critique of the contemporary German Left's approach to racism and identity is backed up by events in the city state of Bremen, particularly around the 1991 local elections, which - alongside fascist successes - revealed the Left's difficulty in sustaining a consistent anti-racism. The conclusion indicates that the issues of asylum, immigration and ethnic Germans had required serious answers before 1989. Reunification catapulted them to centre stage. The lack of a coherent theory and strategy is reflected in the ad-hoc, contradictory nature of policies dealing with the various categories of migrants. The 'solutions' proposed within the context of the German nation state are finally contrasted with those currently discussed at the European level.

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7

Kolsuz, Neval. "European Union Citizenship And Its Impacts On The Formation Of European Political Identity." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612509/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims at evaluating the impacts of European Union Citizenship on the development process of European political identity. With the introduction of European Union citizenship upon the ratification of the Treaty of Maastricht, a breath of fresh air has been brought to the ongoing debates and a new form of citizenship has taken its place in the literature. The &ldquo
workers&rsquo
right to free movement &rdquo
which was the core of the push for European citizenship, has played a pioneering role for the rights engendered thereunder. In due course, new rights have been entitled to the citizens and the scope of these rights has been broadened. From the 1950s to the present, EU citizenship has continued its evolution and, rather than being referred to as a common market citizenship, it became a highly political concept during this period. In the context of these developments, this thesis view the historical background and the legal framework of the concept and, in light of these insights, analyze the impacts of European Union citizenship upon the formation of European political identity. In this study, European citizenship has been defined as a form of political identity, whose emergence , in turn , was a consequence of citizens&rsquo
relationships with the political entity-European Union- . On account of the inadequacy of the elements that constitutes the identity under normal conditions , the existence of the political identity has been emphasized as a the key concept in order to attach the citizens to the political entity and the role of the citizenship has been stated as comprising a common basis within the EU in order to constitute a political identity.

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8

Ichijo, Atsuko. "Scottish nationalism and identity in the age of European integration." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284805.

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9

MEYER, Camille. "“We are Europeans”: Perspectives of European citizenship and identity in the European Union and Argentina." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-361705.

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The European Union is a supranational structure of its own, created to bring peaceafter years of war on the ground of shared economic interests. In the 1970s, the polity started torealize its need of a European identity to further pursue its integration process efficiently, openinga door on a whole new sphere. This latter shift brought new issues on the table, questioning thefeatures of a common identity bringing the European countries of the Union together andeventually introduced the concept of EU citizenship as a condition of (EU)ropean belonging. Onthe other side of the Atlantic, Argentina has been on the quest of its own identity since theindependence from Spain in 1810. In the twentieth century, the country started to identify withEurope, resulting in the creation of a European identity in a non-geographically Europeancontinent and far from the concept of EU citizenship. This thesis seeks to study the differentunderstandings of a European identity. The leading question is: How are European citizenshipand European identity interwoven in the expression of belonging to Europe in the officialdiscourse in the EU and Argentina? According to a model of the sociologist Delanty, we willdeconstruct the concept of citizenship according to three features and look at citizenship as acommunity of Rights, a participatory behaviour and an identity with means of culturalcohesiveness and historical traditions in both the EU and Argentina’s official discourse. Ourfindings show, neither the study of EU rights and participatory behaviour of Eu citizens inArgentina allow us to understand the identification of Argentina with Europe, in opposition withthe EU. Indeed, being a European in the EU refers to belonging and participating in a politicalsphere and eventually could lead to a political identity. In Argentina being European refers to acultural, if not eugenic identity which can be explained by the history of the country.

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10

Rezmuves, Ildiko. "Selling Europe. Citizenship, identity and communication in the European Union's institutional discourse." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3219022.

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11

Li, Xin. "European identity, a case study." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.

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12

Malakasis, Cynthia H. "Immigration and Nationalism in Greece." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1280.

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A source of emigration until the early 1970s, Greece has become home to a rising tide of immigrants since 1991, and its foreign-born population rose from below one to over 11 percent. Equally important is the fact that the Greek state has historically premised national belonging on ethnicity, and striven to exclude people who did not exhibit Greek ethnic traits. My study examines how immigration has challenged this nationalist model of ethnically homogeneous belonging. Further, it uses the Greek case to problematize the hegemonic assumption that the nationalist model of social organization is a human universal. Data consist of reactions to a 2010 landmark law that constituted the first jus soli bill in the nation’s history, and include a plurality of voices found in parliamentary proceedings, newspapers, a government-sponsored online forum and Facebook discussions. Voices examined correspond to three main conceptual camps: people who premise belonging on ethnicity and hegemonic definitions of what it means to be Greek, people who mitigate nationalist norms enough to include immigrants, but reproduce a nationalist worldview, and people who seek to divorce political belonging from ethnicity altogether.

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13

Hansen, Peo. "Europeans only? : essays on identity politics and the European Union." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-60606.

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The chief preoccupation of the dissertation revolves around the European Union's project of calling forth a collective sense of "European identity" amongst people in the Union. It focuses specifically on how the European Union's identity politics plays out once the ethnic minorities with immigrant background now living in the Union are brought into view. The main purpose can be described as twofold; involving, firstly, a mapping and examination of how the EU construes and defines the identity it seeks to mobilize, and, secondly, a thorough discussion of the types of consequences or implications that stem from this endeavour. In demonstrating the strong tendency on part of the EU to articulate a common identity for the Union in ethno-cultural terms — whereby the EU is conceived as primarily a cultural community whose members are said to share the same origin, cultural heritage, religion and history — the study goes to great length in discussing the excluding implications that an ethno-cultural identity politics gives rise to. The dissertation argues that such an ethno-cultural disposition partly must be seen in light of the European Union's gradual adjustment to a largely neoliberal order; an order which has worked restraining on the feasibility of a social and political articulation of identity and citizenship in the Union. An introductory chapter outlines the discourse theoretical approach which guides the analyses in five essays. The essays mainly explore how the European Union's discourse on identity manifests in various policy areas - immigration, citizenship and education - all of which in one way or another address the issues of culture, the multicultural society, ethnic exclusion, racism and the situation for ethnic minorities and migrants. The complex of problems concerning ethnic, cultural and social exclusion in today's European Union thus constitutes a central theme engaged with throughout the dissertation.
digitalisering@umu

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14

Gondyi, Nengak Daniel. "Negotiating Individual and Group Citizenship through State Creation in Nigeria." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21209.

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Nigeria operates a citizenship model which recognizes the rights and belonging of ethnic and culturally identified groups (ethnos) as distinct from, and prerequisite to those of individual citizens (demos). The rights of the ethnos are enforced at the sub-national (state) level of the Nigerian federation and are embodied in the exalted position granted in Nigeria’s constitution to indigenous ethnic groups and serve as a precondition to the rights of the individual citizens within the demos. The struggle to exert the rights and privileges of these groups has led to a continuous mobilization to create states as groups’ homeland and spheres of influence.The aim of my research is to investigate the dual levels of citizenship and how they are presented and negotiated in the process of state creation in Nigeria. The concepts of subjects, identity, ethnicity and nationalism are used as coding themes in the investigation of the research materials. Using data from 5 memoranda submitted to the parliament requesting the creation of new sub-units (states) in Nigeria; qualitative content analysis and supported by a theoretical discussion of identity, ethnicity, nationalism, the self and the other; this research sought to answer three research questions viz: How are identity and ethnicity conceived and deployed in the mobilization for the creation of new states in Nigeria? How is sameness (the ‘self’) and difference (the ‘Other’) presented in the mobilization for new states in Nigeria? How are the dual levels of citizenship explained and mobilized for state creation in Nigeria?Findings from my analysis show that state creation strengthens the citizenship of the ethnic groups thereby weakening that of individuals. Ethnicity and nationalism are used in the mobilization of the ethnos while the discourse of sameness was used to homogenize the subjects of the memoranda at the same time emphasizing the distinctness of perceived Others. Finally, the inclusiveness of groups seeking creation of new states points to the exclusion of those who do not share the dominant collective identity thus hinting on the possible need for new states for all groups in Nigeria.

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15

White, Elisabeth. "The pervasiveness of nationalism: “How the world should be politically organised” : The rhetorical construction of European identity in the ‘Brexit’ debate." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-300187.

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The June 2016 UK referendum on EU membership is indicative of the challenges facing the EU, in terms of an apparent lack of unity and solidarity among its component member states. The very fact of a potential ‘Brexit’, and the ramifications that it might have, call into question the concept of European identity, indicative of a sense of belonging and attachment to a community beyond the confines of the nation-state. European identity has been conceived by both European elites and academics such as Jürgen Habermas, in his vision of ‘constitutional patriotism’, as something which can be constructed and fostered, in much the same way that national identity has been in the past. Euroscepticism tends to be associated with a lack of European identity, and an emphasis on nationalism. However, such views downplay the importance still accorded to the nation-state, and the pervasiveness of nationalism. This study argues that European identity is first and foremost a construct of national discourse, and this affects the role that it plays in fostering support for the EU. Therefore, the research examines British national discourse on Europe and the EU, asking: Does the concept of European identity play a role in the Brexit debate? It considers this in relation to affective attachment to the nation-state, examining the kind of assumptions that such attachment enables. Given its emphasis on European identity as a rhetorical construct, this study uses a method of Critical Discourse Analysis, looking at political and public discourse in the UK over a three-month period in the lead up to the ‘Brexit’ referendum. The findings confirm the pervasiveness of nationalist assumptions used in discourse, demonstrating that they are not associated solely with Euroscepticism. Moreover, the Brexit debate indicates the rhetorical nature of European identity rooted in shared culture or values. As a result, we see strange bedfellows: support for the EU is premised with an emphasis on national allegiance and belonging, while European identity (based on cultural similarity and belonging) is used as an argument against the EU. Both sides of the debate rely to some extent on a separation of ‘Europe’ and ‘EU’. Support for the EU, then, does not necessarily require a ‘thick’ identity, or that the bonds of nationalism be completely broken down. This prompts some reflection on the potential for identification with Europe based on rational, national self-interest.

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16

ROY, HAIMANTI. "CITIZENSHIP AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN POST PARTITION BENGAL, 1947-65." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1147886544.

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17

Demczyk, Michael J. "POLITICAL EXPRESSION OF REGIONAL IDENTITY IN SCOTLAND AND WALES: THE EFFECTS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION." Connect to this document online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1122928124.

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Thesis (PH. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2005.
Title from second page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains [2], vii, 101 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 94-99).

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18

Bruhagen, Åsa. "European Identity-building and the Democratic Deficit - a Europe in search of its 'Demos'." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-557.

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During the last two decades the citizens’ trust in the European Union (EU) has decreased. It has been established that the Union suffer from a democratic deficit which has caused it to impose so called “identity-policies”. There is a need for the citizens to identify with the Union as a foundation of its legitimacy. But there is a problem since there is no clear idea of who constitutes “the people” in the European case.

Democratic theory presupposes a demos and a polity. The problem of the EU is that there are difficulties defining the ‘demos’ – there are difficulties identifying ‘the people’. The fact that the EU is in a situation where it has to deal with ‘peoples’ instead of a ‘people’ (demoi instead of demos) makes it more difficult since demos is closely related to the ‘nation’. Only nations may have states, thus the EU may not have a state. Hence it is difficult for the EU to conceptualize a demos, and without a demos there cannot be democracy. By arguing in this way the great need to create a ‘peoples’ Europe’ is understandable.

The thesis will concentrate on why there is a lack of a demos, or a “We-feeling”, within the Union, why this is a source of anxiety, and what possibly could unite the Union.

Attempts have been made to create a ‘European’ identity through constitution-making (however, a new constitution was recently rejected) and citizenship rights. The Union has also adopted a number of symbols to facilitate the citizens in identifying with the Union. Most of these symbols have been similar to those of the memberstates, thus, the Union has tried to use the methods of nation-building to overcome the legitimacy problem. Still, there is a lack of uniqueness of the Union. This may be for various reasons. Institution-building and constitution-making cannot alone provide democratic legitimacy; social practice and contestation must be included. This should take place in a public sphere but, in order to ‘have’ a public sphere, there must be a certain degree of collective identification.

It has also been claimed that there is a ‘European’ culture stemming from three ancient treasure houses (the ancient Near East, the ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire). Since culture is based on norms, i.e. customs, attitudes, beliefs, and values of a society, it is of importance to the Union when this is what politics are based on.

The study of this topic is relevant since the EU has an increased impact on the lives of its citizens, yet troubles to reach them. There is a lack of communication between the Union and its citizens and the democratic deficit becomes more and more obvious. The methods used by the Union do not seem successful and the issue of a European identity has become a source of anxiety.

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19

VELASCO, SUZANA DE SOUZA LIMA. "IMMIGRATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS ON THE RELATION BETWEEN SECURITIZATION, CITIZENSHIP AND TRANSNATIONAL IDENTITY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=19264@1.

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Анотація:

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
A dissertação analisa o vínculo entre a securitização da imigração na União Europeia (UE) e o aumento do movimento transnacional no continente, sobretudo a partir da década de 1990. A pesquisa tem como objetivo central mostrar como a UE institucionalizou o imigrante como ameaça existencial e de que modo esse processo está relacionado à resistência do Estado-nação como lócus de identidade e condição de cidadania, mesmo na constituição de uma cidadania europeia. Nesse percurso, ao mesmo tempo em que consolidou práticas securitárias em relação ao imigrante, reforçando a exclusão já empreendida pelos Estados membros, a UE sofreu oposição desses mesmos Estados, que, temerosos da perda de soberania, também intensificaram as medidas de segurança contra o imigrante. O estudo se baseia nas abordagens de securitização de Huysmans (2006) e Bigo (2002, 2007) e na concepção de identidade transnacional de Balibar (2004a, 2004b, 2006), em contraste à ideia de cidadania pós-nacional na Europa, sustentada por autores como Habermas (1998, 2001, 2003). Além do enfoque institucional, com a análise de legislação e práticas como controle de fronteiras e regulação de vistos, a pesquisa se debruça sobre discursos políticos que identificam o imigrante como ameaça. O racismo contra os Roma e os muçulmanos na UE demonstra como o status da nacionalidade não é hoje suficiente para que não se seja um imigrante (Sayad, 1998, 2004) e como a mobilidade transnacional desafia a pureza mítica da identidade do Estado-nação moderno.
The dissertation analyzes the relationship between the securitization of immigration in the European Union (EU) and the increase of transnational movement within the continent, mainly since the 1990’s. The main purpose of the research is to examine how the EU has institutionalized the immigrant as an existential threat and how this process is related to the resistance of the nation-state as the locus of identity and condition to citizenship, even in the constitution of European citizenship. At the same time the EU has consolidated securitarian practices against the immigrant, reinforcing the exclusion already undertaken by its member states, it has suffered opposition from these same states, which, fearful of losing sovereignty, have also intensified the security measures on immigration. The study is based on Huysmans’ (2006) and Bigo’s (2002, 2007) framework on securitization and Balibar’s (2004a, 2004b, 2006) approach on transnational identity, as opposed to the idea of a postnational citizenship in Europe, sustained by authors like Habermas (1998, 2001, 2003). Besides an institutional emphasis, with the analysis of legislation and practices such as border controls and visa regulations, the research focuses on political discourses which identify the immigrant as a threat. Racism against Roma and muslims in the EU highlights how the status of nationality is not sufficient nowadays to not be considered an immigrant (Sayad, 1998, 2004), and how transnational mobility challenges the mythical purity of the modern nation-state’s identity.

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20

Salkaya, Fatma Elif. "Eu Citizenship And Europeanness: National Challenges And Postnational Prospects Towards Political Integration." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604731/index.pdf.

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The issue of political integration has been one of the most contentious subjects in terms of the academic studies concerning European integration. Despite many researches have been conducted in the areas concerning institutional problems, enlargement or European security, the researches concerning the socio-political diemnsion of the politcal integration are still very rare. This thesis approaches to the issue of political integration from a socio-political perspective.The problematic of the EU citizenship, its impacts upon the European political identity and possible measures to reconstruct the EU citizenship in accordance with the imperatives of postnational citizenship have been analyzed in a multidimensional framework.In that respect, it has been asserted that, if the EU citizenship could be restructured in accordance with a postnational understanding, it would provide an accurate measure to develop the feelings of Europeanness among the masses and thus,many initial tensions obscuring the political integration would be gradually resolved.

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21

El-Badawy, Emman Seif El Din. "Educating for global citizenship in Egypt's private sector : a critical study of cosmopolitanism among the Egyptian student elite." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/29780.

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In an age of globalisation, conflicting identities and cultures continue to remain a source of seemingly intractable conflict. Educative interventions are meanwhile increasing in trend among academics, politicians and multilateral aid organisations. Each regard education as a long-term solution to contemporary social and security issues. Supporting literature on the relationship between education and identity suggests that formal education has a powerful influence on students’ outlook on life, their loyalties and their identities. This premise suggests that when questioned about global issues, Egyptian students who attend international schools within their own country of origin should show more signs of cosmopolitanism and global mindedness than their nationally educated peers. Yet, contrary findings to that of prevailing discourse suggest that education’s ability to shape values and loyalties is likely overemphasised when placed in the context of foreign curricula and international education. At times, students of international schools involved in this study showed more signs of nationalism than their nationally educated counterparts, and presented as equally traditional, conservative and ‘anti-West’ as their compatriots. The thesis thus argues that when education is placed within an international framework, its ability to socialise is significantly weakened, as it is faced with considerable firewalls that are yet to be adequately acknowledged in the discussion of post-national citizenship education. Using a combination of interpretative and critical research methods, rich and original qualitative data was gathered on attitudes and lifestyles of elite Egyptians enrolled at a variety of Egypt’s private international schools. Twenty-two international school educated Egyptian students, and a control group of 21 nationally educated Egyptian students of the same socio-economic background were invited to participate in specially tailored one-to-one interviews to measure their degree of cosmopolitan attitudes. Supplementary participant observations of Egyptian families actively involved in Egypt’s international education community were also conducted to consider the complementarity of the students’ home lives with their school lives. Focus groups were held with students of international schools to determine their views and attitudes towards global issues and other communities. All findings from this research were assessed alongside large-scale values surveys including the World Values Surveys and the Arab Youth Surveys. With the large sample size of pre-existing opinion polls, and the unique isolation of curriculum type as an independent variable in this study, it was possible to assess the transformative impact that an international education plays in the expression of values and beliefs of Egyptian students. The findings of this thesis have multidisciplinary value. For political science readers, the study offers a critical and epistemological analysis of concepts of cosmopolitanism, Westernisation, globalisation and global citizenship. For readers of the Middle East, it is a study into Egyptian youth today and their conflicting identities and loyalties. The Egyptian experience of private international schools and foreign investment is representative of a regional trend, and valuable to those wishing to consider competing narratives for identity in twenty-first century Middle East societies. Finally, it is a study that has an added value to educationists as it explores the role education plays on identity, and more specifically the role of international schools on globalisation and international mindedness. The growing trend of research and analysis that focuses on increased global connectedness and a culturally converging world makes this thesis an important and timely contribution. In an effort to extend the debate beyond the prevailing macro-analyses of change through globalisation, this thesis stresses the importance of looking at global interconnectivity at the micro-level, and particularly how young people navigate and negotiate their identity within the context of increasingly transnational spaces. Through this endeavour, it has reached a critical evaluation of our current understanding of a ‘post-national’ future, through the attitudes and opinions of some of today’s internationally educated generation.

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Johansson, Jonna. "Learning to Be (come) A Good European : A Critical Analysis of the Official European Union Discourse on European Identity and Higher Education." Doctoral thesis, Linköping : Department of Management and Engineering, Linköpings universitet, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-10384.

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23

Johansson, Jonna. "Learning To Be(come) A Good European : A Critical Analysis of the Official European Union Discourse on European Identity and Higher Education." Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-10384.

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During the year 2007 when this thesis was completed the European Union could look back at fifty years of collaboration, which began with the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and which has developed from being mainly economic in character to incorporating a political as well as a social dimension at the European level. In 2007 the European Union also commemorated the twentieth anniversary of Erasmus, its higher education mobility programme. It is this relatively new political dimension which I have been interested in investigating in this thesis. More precisely, it is the political construction of a common European identity which is analysed using a critical discourse analysis approach. The major aim of this thesis has been two-fold. The first aim has been to investigate how the European is constructed in the discourse contained within the official European Union documents. I have been interested in analysing the various structures, in the form of ideas and norms which are used to construct 'the European'. The second aim has been to explore whether the role of higher educated, as constructed in the official European Union discourse, is given a similar identity-making role as education is argued to have in the nation-state according to the theory on national identity. I argue that there are three versions of European identity construction, i.e. cultural, civic, and neo-liberal, with their own relationship to higher education, present in the empirical material analysed, consisting of official European Union documents. Further, this thesis is also a study of the power of modern government. I argue that there is an increase in normative soft power where 'the Good European' is not something 'you' are but something 'you' become by being a responsible active citizen. Through the use of critical discourse analysis I illuminate the power which resides in the language in the discourse analysed. Thus, I have been interested in investigating how the discourse analysed works to both include and exclude individuals.
Under 2007 då denna avhandling färdigställdes kunde den Europeiska Unionen se tillbaka på femtio år av samarbete som började med Romfördraget 1957 och som har utvecklats från att vara framförallt ekonomiskt till att även behandla politiska och sociala frågor på den europeiska nivån. År 2007 firade den Europeiska Unionen även tjugoårsjubileet för Erasmus, sitt program för rörlighet inom högre utbildning. Det är denna relativt nya politiska dimension som jag har varit intresserad av att undersöka i avhandlingen. Närmare bestämt, det är den politiska konstruktionen av en gemensam europeisk identitet som analyseras med hjälp av kritisk diskurs analys. Syftet med avhandlingen har varit tvådelat. Det första syftet har varit att undersöka hur europén skapas i diskursen som finns att finna i officiella EU policy dokument. Jag har varit intresserad av att analysera de olika strukturer, i form av idéer och normer som används för att konstruera 'europén'. Det andra syftet har varit att undersöka om högre utbildning, som den konstrueras i den officiella EU diskursen, har samma identitetsskapande roll som utbildning sägs ha i nationalstaten enligt nationell identitetsteori. Jag påstår att det finns tre versioner av europeisk identitet, i.e. kulturell, politisk och neoliberal, var och en med sin egen relation till högre utbildning, i det empiriska materialet, bestående av officiella EU dokument, som har undersökts. Dessutom, avhandlingen är en studie av den makt som är del av modernt styrande. Jag påstår att det har varit en ökning då det gäller 'mjuk. makt där en 'God Europé' inte är något 'du' är utan något 'du' blir genom att vara en ansvarstagande aktiv medborgare. Genom kritisk diskursanalys belyser jag uttrycken av makt som finns att finnas i den diskurs jag analyserar. Med andra ord, jag har varit intresserad av att undersöka hur den analyserade diskursen både inkluderar och exkluderar individer.

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Ayata, Asude. "Den turkiska pressens fragmenterade syn på Europa : En kvalitativ studie om synen på Europa i turkiska dagstidningar." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för historia och samtidsstudier, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-38246.

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The following study is aimed to evaluate the views of the Turkish News Media on Europe by analysing news articles derived from six Turkish daily newspapers with different political and ideological stances. Following are the questions of the study; What are the discourses on Europe in news articles of six Turkish daily newspapers? How are the discourses on Europe expressed, culturally respectively politically? In order to achieve this aim, a postcolonial standpoint on nationalism has been implemented alongside its critical view on orientalism. The reason why nationalism is included in the study is that it provides a better understanding of the view of “the other” by understanding the view of “us”, since one cannot exist without the other. Using the linguist Norman Fairclough ́s three dimensional model as part of the Critical Discourse Analysis, the discourses in the news articles have been studied as well as their relations to other discourses, and social practices of nationalism.

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Duckett, Jonathan. "Geographies of youth citizenship and national identity : a case study of the Glasgow 2014 Commonwealth Games and the Scottish independence referendum." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2017. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/26448.

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The year 2014 welcomed two major events of national importance for Scotland, the Glasgow Commonwealth Games and the Scottish Independence Referendum. These national sporting and political events provided Scotland and its citizens with an opportunity to display the nation on the world stage and decide upon its geopolitical future. While the referendum was widely acknowledged as a significant ‘once in a generation' event for all voters, it also marked the first time extension of the franchise in a major UK public ballot to those aged 16 and 17 years old. Therefore, this thesis draws upon the Glasgow Commonwealth Games and Independence Referendum as a lens to investigate understandings of youth citizenship and national identity among a generation of newly enfranchised 16 and 17 year old voters, living in the city of Glasgow, located at the epicentre of these events. First, the thesis examines how ideas of Scotland presented through the Games resonated with young people's conceptions of the nation. Second, the discussion explores how the Games and Referendum prompted young people to consider the future of the nation. Third, the thesis considers how young people mobilised their vote as newly enfranchised citizens through the Referendum. Fourth, the thesis aims to inform, and be informed by, current theories of the geographies of citizenship and national identity. Overall, the thesis concludes by providing a timely and original analysis of the geographies of youth citizenship and national identity through an exploration of the reconfigured interstitial political space that these young people occupied during the referendum.

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Selden, Dianne. "Resurrecting the Red Dragon: A Case Study in Welsh Identity." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1282926500.

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Hunter, Mitchel Joffe. "Colonisers to Colonialists: European Jews and the workings of race as a political identity in the settler colony of South Africa." University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7701.

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Masters of Art
This thesis explores the shifting racial identification and politics of the emerging Jewish community in Southern Africa between the Anglo-Boer War in 1902 and the Union of South Africa in 1910. Through an investigation of their actions and thoughts on the cultural, economic, linguistic and political aspects of their lives, I show how the emerging Jewish community formed itself through the political subjectivity of White settlers. Understanding how racial categories were being amalgamated and partitioned in that period of state formation, I argue that the mainstream Jewish community colluded with the colonial state to join into the ‘unity of the White races’. I use Memmi’s (1967 [1957], pp. 19,45) analytic distinction between ‘coloniser’ – a European on African land - and ‘colonialist’ – a coloniser who supports colonialism and believes in its legitimacy - to examine how the process of subject formation is articulated through the political economy of racial capitalism and settler colonialism. When Jews from Eastern Europe (Yidn) began arriving in South Africa in the 1880s, they faced a settler population which simultaneously treated them as members of an undifferentiated European settler population, as candidates for assimilation into colonial Whiteness, and as dirty subjects under threat of colonial state violence. Though there were other possible responses to the colonial relationship that Yidn could have taken, such as linking the fight against antisemitism with other anti-racist and anti-colonial struggles, the community went through a process of colonialist refashioning. To understand this transformation, I focus on four aspects of life. Culturally, Yidn were classed as dirty subjects and Jewish communal institutions worked with the state to ‘clean’, i.e. ‘Whiten’ them up. Economically, Jews of all class positions learnt the exploitative practices of settlers in racial capitalism. Linguistically, Yiddish became classified as a European language by utilising racial hierarchies. And politically, Yidn became citizens by embracing the ideology of a White-only franchise. Focussing in on these processes of assimilation into power, I argue that the primary Jewish communal institutions embraced and internally enforced a colonialist political subjectivity. This thesis is based on archival research conducted in three archives in Cape Town carried out between February and May 2019, and extensive reading of previous historical studies to write a new narrative from previously known sources.

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28

Tallgren, Eva. "The Concept of'European Citizenship': National Experiences and Post-National Expectations?" Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2004.

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The aim of this thesis is to interpret and understand the concept of citizenship in general, and the European citizenship in particular, placed within a broad theoretical framework. Furthermore, the purpose is to examine whether the development of a European citizenship indicates an emergence of a new ‘post-national’ model of citizenship, based on residence rather than nationality or place of birth. In order to address this, the status of third- country nationals (TCN’s), who are legally long-term residents within the Union, in relation to EU citizens has been analysed from the theoretical perspectives.

Different models of citizenship provide the paper with a theoretical framework, through which the empirical data has been examined. The theoretical approaches dealt with in this paper are the liberal, the republican/communitarian and the ‘post-national’ models of citizenship respectively. Fundamental ‘key concepts’ have been derived from these different models of citizenship, which have facilitated the analysis by providing the interpretation of the EU citizenship with an analytical framework.

To find answers to the initial research questions and fulfil the aim of the paper, a qualitative and hermeneutic study has been carried out, aiming at interpreting and understanding the European citizenship placed within its socio-political context. Text and language constitute the units of analysis and, hence, a textual analysis has been conducted of official EU documents. Following a conceptual history approach, concepts are not just reflections of historical processes, but can themselves contribute to historical change by making new things imaginable. As emphasised throughout the paper, concepts embrace at the same time a ‘space of experience’ and a ‘horizon of expectation’.

The main conclusions drawn from the research can be summarised in a number of points. First, while the concept of European citizenship was originally connected to a formal and economic view upon citizenship, close to a liberal/neo-liberal notion of citizenship, the texts express an aim of a more active citizenship, emphasised in the republican/communitarian tradition. Secondly, despite a multicultural and post-national rhetoric concerning the status of long-term resident TCN’s, the gaining of ‘full’ EU citizenship can still only be attained through nationality in a Member State. Thirdly, the importance of interpreting a concept placed within its socio-political context has been clear from the study. The semantic analysis has showed a close link between the European citizenship andthe goal to create an ‘area of freedom, security and justice’ throughout the Union. This goal is interpreted as a response to recent occurrences in the world, but at the same time it expresses expectations about the EU citizenship, and it can thus itself affect future developments in this field.

To sum up, while the concept of European citizenship is post-national to the extent that it applies to all EU citizens irrespective of where in the Union they live, it is still not completely based on the principle of residence. Only nationals of an EU Member State can obtain citizenship of the Union. Thus, the concept of European citizenship, while establishing a citizenship across national borders, is still based on nationality.

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Ciucevich, Justin Thomas. "Honor among Thieves: Negotiation of the Haiduc in Ceausescu's Romania (1968-1982)." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1494281321404452.

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Björkelid, Joakim. "“In the spirit of the constitution” : A study of Amit Shah’s rhetoric on immigration and Indian identity." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för lingvistik och filologi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412756.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyse how India’s Minister of Home Affairs, Amit Shah, constructs the image of minorities and refugees in articles, speeches, and on social media platforms. The analysis is performed with the method of qualitative content analysis within a theoretical framework of propaganda put against the backdrop of Hindu nationalism. The main analysis is divided into four categories, based upon Jowett and O'Donnell’s model of analysing propaganda, going into the themes of: context surrounding the speech; communalism; values; and target audience. This paper argues that Amit Shah’s speech in the upper house of the parliament of India, is a part of a larger Hindu nationalist campaign concerning questions of Indian identity that dates back to, at least, the early 20th century.

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31

Pihl, Skoog Emma. "Europeiska arkivhandlingar : Europeiskt identitetsskapande i samtida ABM-projekt." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of ALM, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-126343.

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The aim of this master’s thesis is to analyse the construction of European identity in three ofcontemporary EU initiated projects for the digitisation of collections from museums, archives, andlibraries. The source material consists of the web pages of the projects Minerva, MICHAEL, andEuropeana, as well as some other policy documents on digitisation and access from EU authorities.Theories on nationalism and construction of heritage are used as an overall context to the problem.After a brief description of the mentioned projects, the author undertakes an analysis of theways that the concept of ‘European heritage’ is depicted in the source material. The result is thefollowing: normally, the true European heritage is considered being united even though it isdiveded culturally, historically and linguistically. The real European spirit is seen as consisting intolerating and celebrating these internal differences. There is also a discourse on the idealEuropean citizen, who actively strives to enlargen her knowledge on (European) culture andhistory.However, there is also a narrower conception of European heritage, which can be discernedfrom some of the analysed sources. This latter definition of Europeanness, stresses Christianityand a tradition of civilisation, rationalism, and science. The ‘Other’, the non-Europeans, can thusbe interpreted as the negation of these ideals.

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Retish, Aaron Benyamin. "Peasant Identities in Russia’s Turmoil: Status, Gender, and Ethnicity in Viatka Province, 1914-1921." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1051221981.

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Sindic, Denis. "Scots' attitudes to Britain and to the European Union : the psychology of national segregation and supra-national integration." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14196.

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This thesis is concerned with attitudes towards supra-national bodies, and more specifically with Scots' attitudes towards union in Britain and Europe. Firstly, it is suggested that support for, or opposition, to integration in a supra-national body depends on the extent to which this body is believed to enhance or undermine the ability to express national identity {identity enhancement vs. identity undermining). Identity undermining, in turn, depends upon a combined sense of incompatibility with outgroup identities/interests and of ingroup powerlessness within the supranational body. Secondly, it is suggested that these features of the social context and of identity meanings can be actively constructed in order to fulfil strategic purposes, such as persuading audiences in favour of separatism or integration. Five studies are reported which investigated these hypotheses. In study 1, we looked at the discourses of Scottish politicians and at the way their accounts of group identities and social reality could be understood in strategic terms, i.e. in relation to their political projects regarding Scotland's status in Britain and in Europe. In the second study, a survey design was used in order to provide quantitative evidence of the relationship between identity undermining, incompatibility, powerlessness and separatism. The third (experimental) study sought to clarify the causal relationship between these variables and showed that manipulating identity undermining lead to increased support for separatism. Finally, the fourth and the fifth (experimental) studies suggested that identity constructions, in the form of judgements of group prototypicality, can vary as a function of the strategic claim made by participants. In conclusion, the merits are stressed of an approach to identity processes and attitudes towards supra-national bodies that is sensitive to both context and content. It is also stressed that context and contents should not be taken as perceptual givens but as actively constructed by social actors.

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Anderson, Zoe Melantha Helen. "At the borders of belonging : representing cultural citizenship in Australia, 1973-1984." University of Western Australia. History Discipline Group, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2009.0176.

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[Truncated abstract] This thesis offers a re-contextualisation of multiculturalism and immigration in Australia in the 1970s and 80s in relation to crucial and progressive shifts in gender and sexuality. It provides new ways of examining issues of belonging and cultural citizenship in this field of inquiry, within an Australian context. The thesis explores the role sexuality played in creating a framework through which anxieties about immigration and multiculturalism manifested. It considers how debates about gender and sexuality provided fuel to concerns about ethnic diversity and breaches of the 'cultural' borders of Australia. I have chosen three significant historical moments in which anxieties around events relating to immigration/multiculturalism were most heightened: these are the beginning of the 'official' policy of multiculturalism in Australia in 1973; the arrival of large numbers of Vietnamese refugees as a consequence of the Vietnam War in 1979; and 1984, a year in which the furore over the alleged 'Asianisation' of Australia reached a peak. In these years, multiple and recurring representations served to recreate norms as applicable to the white heterosexual family, not only as a commentary and prescriptive device for migrants, but as a means of reinforcing 'Australianness' itself. A focus on the body as a border/site of belonging and in turn, crucially, its relationship to the heterosexual nuclear family as a marker of 'cultural citizenship', lies at the heart of this exploration. Normative ideas of gender and sexuality, I demonstrate, were integral in informing the ambivalence about multiculturalism and ethnic diversity in Australia. Indeed, for each of these years I examine how the discourses of gender and sexuality, evident for example in parliamentary debates such as that relating to the Sex Discrimination Act 1984, were intricately tied to ongoing concerns regarding growing non-white ethnicity in Australia, and indeed, enabled it. ... In pursuing this contribution, the work draws critically upon recent innovative interdisciplinary scholarship in the field of sexuality and immigration, and draws upon a broad range of sources to inform a comprehensive and complex examination of these issues. Sources employed include the major newspapers and periodicals of the time, Parliamentary debates from the Commonwealth House of Representatives, Parliamentary Committee findings and publications, speeches and polemics, and relevant legislation. This inquiry is an interrogation of a key methodological question: can sexuality, in its workings through ethnicity and 'race', be used as a primary tool of analysis in discussing how whiteness and 'Australianness' reconfigured itself through normative heteropatriarchy in an era that claimed to champion and celebrate difference? How and why did ambiguities concerning 'Australianness' prevail, concurrent with progressive and generally politically benign periods of Australian multiculturalism? The thesis argues that sexuality through the construction of the 'good white hetero-patriarchal family' both informed, and enabled, the endurance of anxieties around non-white ethnicity in Australia.

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Kopatz, Philip A. "The Red Scare and the Construction of a White American Identity: The Role City Newspapers Played in Undermining the Great Steel Strike of 1919." Walsh University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=walshhonors1555618327121869.

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Yoder, Audra Jo. "Making Tea Russian: The Samovar and Russian National Identity, 1832-1901." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1240596270.

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37

Ojala, Carl-Gösta. "Sámi Prehistories : The Politics of Archaeology and Identity in Northernmost Europe." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Arkeologi, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-108857.

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Throughout the history of archaeology, the Sámi (the indigenous people in northern Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Kola Peninsula in the Russian Federation) have been conceptualized as the “Others” in relation to the national identity and (pre)history of the modern states. It is only in the last decades that a field of Sámi archaeology that studies Sámi (pre)history in its own right has emerged, parallel with an ethnic and cultural revival among Sámi groups. This dissertation investigates the notions of Sámi prehistory and archaeology, partly from a research historical perspective and partly from a more contemporary political perspective. It explores how the Sámi and ideas about the Sámi past have been represented in archaeological narratives from the early 19th century until today, as well as the development of an academic field of Sámi archaeology. The study consists of four main parts: 1) A critical examination of the conceptualization of ethnicity, nationalism and indigeneity in archaeological research. 2) A historical analysis of the representations and debates on Sámi prehistory, primarily in Sweden but also to some extent in Norway and Finland, focusing on four main themes: the origin of the Sámi people, South Sámi prehistory as a contested field of study, the development of reindeer herding, and Sámi pre-Christian religion. 3) An analysis of the study of the Sámi past in Russia, and a discussion on archaeological research and constructions of ethnicity and indigeneity in the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union. 4) An examination of the claims for greater Sámi self-determination concerning cultural heritage management and the debates on repatriation and reburial in the Nordic countries. In the dissertation, it is argued that there is a great need for discussions on the ethics and politics of archaeological research. A relational network approach is suggested as a way of opening up some of the black boxes and bounded, static entities in the representations of people in the past in the North.

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38

Marsh, Clayton E. "Germany and Russia: A Tale of Two Identities: The Development of National Consciousness in the Napoleonic Era." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors161762574001347.

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39

Rasco, Clark Joseph. "Demographic trends in the European Union: political and strategic implications." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1526.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited
This thesis analyzes adverse demographic trends in the European Union, including sub-replacement birthrates and increasing median ages. It investigates the implications of these trends for the EU's prospects for becoming a stronger and more influential actor in international affairs. Pressures arising from population trends in and near the EU could ultimately affect national and EU cohesion, governmental effectiveness, and social stability. Absent remedial measures, social programs in some EU countries will be unsustainable due to the mounting financial burden of pensions and health care for growing elderly populations. Such financial obligations hinder funding other national programs, including modernized military capabilities. Nationalism and national identity are at issue in immigrant integration and assimilation efforts. The role of population trends with regard to the growing threat of radical Islamic fundamentalism is explored. The thesis concludes with policy recommendations that might be considered to avert the looming economic, social, and security crises that may result from these demographic trends. In short, the security and financial consequences foreshadowed by the current demographic trends of an aging, economically weaker, and socially conflicted European Union could present dramatic implications for the vital national interests of the United States.
Lieutenant, United States Navy

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40

Eliassi, Barzoo. "A stranger in my homeland : The politics of belonging among young people with Kurdish backgrounds in Sweden." Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för socialt arbete, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-11903.

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This dissertation examines how young people with Kurdish backgrounds form their identity in Sweden with regards to processes of inclusion and exclusion. It also sheds light on the ways these young people deal with ethnic discrimination and racism. Further, the study outlines the importance of these social processes for the discipline of social work and the ways social workers can work with disadvantaged and marginalized groups and endorse their struggle for social justice and full equal citizenship beyond racist and discriminatory practices. The empirical analysis is built on interviews with 28 young men and women with Kurdish backgrounds in Sweden. Postcolonial theory, belonging and identity formation constitute the central conceptual framework of this study. The young people referred to different sites in which they experienced ethnic discrimination and stigmatization. These experiences involved the labor market, mass media, housing segregation, legal system and school system. The interviewees also referred to the roles of ‘ordinary’ Swedes in obstructing their participation in the Swedish society through exclusionary discourses relating to Swedish identity. The interviewees’ life situation in Sweden, sense of ethnic discrimination as well as disputes over identity making with other young people with Middle-Eastern background are among the most important reasons for fostering strong Kurdish nationalist sentiments, issues that are related to the ways they can exercise their citizenship rights in Sweden and how they deal with exclusionary practices in their everyday life. The study shows that the interviewees respond to and resist ethnic discrimination in a variety of ways including interpersonal debates and discussions, changing their names to Swedish names, strengthening differences between the self and the other, violence, silence and deliberately ignoring racism. They also challenged and spoke out against the gendered racism that they were subjected to in their daily lives due to the paternalist discourse of ”honor-killing”. The research participants had been denied an equal place within the boundary of Swedishness partly due to a racist postcolonial discourse that valued whiteness highly. Paradoxically, some interviewees reproduced the same discourse through choosing to use it against black people, Africans, newly-arrived Kurdish immigrants (”imports”), ”Gypsies” and Islam in order to claim a modern Kurdish identity as near to whiteness as possible. This indicates the multiple dimensions of racism. Those who are subjected to racism and ethnic discrimination can be discriminatory and reproduce the racist discourse. Despite unequal power relations, both dominant and minoritized subjects are all marked by the postcolonial condition in structuring subjectivities, belonging and identification.

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41

Little, Jackson D. "In the Shadow of the Horseman: The Petrine Era and the Search for Russian Nationhood, 1811-1941." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1365609931.

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42

Albu, Stefana Maria. "What is German? : migrating identities in Turkish-German literature : an analysis of cultural Influences on German national identity /." Norton, Mass. : Wheaton College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/15117.

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43

Hagström, Yamamoto Sara. "I gränslandet mellan svenskt och samiskt : Identitetsdiskurser och förhistorien i Norrland från 1870-tal till 2000-tal." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Arkeologi, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-131890.

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The thesis studies the representation of prehistory as a part of the making and remaking of ethnic identities in Northern Sweden from the end of the 19th Century until today, thus dealing with archaeology and prehistory in relation to issues such as identity, memory and politics. The thesis takes as its point of departure the constitution of a Swedish national identity and memory in the late 19th Century and subsequent decades, followed by studies of, mainly later, representations of Sámi, Kvenish (“Kvänsk”) and North Bothnian (“Norrbottnisk”) collective identities. The study material consists of texts, primarily analyzed through discourse and narrative analysis. The thesis demonstrates how the constitution of a Swedish national identity in Northern Sweden constructed a dichotomy between an imagined civilized “Swedishness”, belonging to the future, and an imagined primitive Sámi Other, belonging to the past. It is argued that this discursive boundary work has not just situated some persons and their everyday life in a marginal position as a visible Sámi Other, but has also situated a substantial number of the inhabitants of Northern Sweden more or less in liminality and marginality in relation to the national identity structure. This has created a need for people to officially represent a more satisfactory collective identity, which includes a rewriting of the prehistory of the area. The last chapter relates the results to studies of similar cases in colonial and postcolonial contexts outside Europe. The essentialist view of identity and history present in several of the studied representations is also discussed. The thesis emphasizes the importance of a more nuanced view of relationships of ethnicity, domination and subordination, and the associated formation of collective memories, in Northern Sweden. Discourses of ethnicity and domination often function through simplifying dichotomies, but dichotomies alone cannot explain real conditions and consequences of these matters.

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44

Hodzic, Alma. "Hur sker utvecklingen i Bosnien? : En studie om nationsbyggandet i Bosnien och Hercegovina – utifrån tre perspektiv." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-34945.

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Nation building is vital in post-war states to bring the people that have been at war together. To restore peace in a state, many different actors need to work together to bring stability, safety, and advancement to a new nation. There are several methods of nation building, and this thesis evolves around three of them. This is a qualitative study where three theories on nation building are used to analyze the development of nation building, and the obstacles Bosnia and Herzegovina still has to reach a national identity. Several studies are used in this thesis to show how the development has evolved in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The method consisted of searching in databases for peer-reviewed articles, finding documents from international actors, and statistics. This thesis reveals that Bosnia and Herzegovina still has a long way to go before it becomes an nation where the citizens feel united, no matter which ethnicity they belong to.

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45

Zetterberg, Pettersson Eva. "The Old World Journey : National Identity in Four American Novels from 1960 to 1973." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Uppsala University Library, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-5946.

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46

Coffey, Quinn. "The political, communal and religious dynamics of Palestinian Christian identity : the Eastern Orthodox and Latin Catholics in the West Bank." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9598.

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Despite the increasingly common situation of statelessness in the contemporary Middle East, a majority of the theoretical tools used to study nationalism are contingent upon the existence of a sovereign state. As such, they are unable to fully explain the mechanisms of national identity, political participation, and integration in non-institutional contexts, where other social identities continue to play a significant political role. In these contexts, the position of demographic minorities in society is significant, as actors with the most popular support –majorities -- tend to have the strongest impact on the shape of the political field. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying the mechanisms of nationalism and political participation for one such minority group, the Palestinian Christians, particularly with regards to how national identity fails or succeeds in instilling attachment to the state and society. This is accomplished by applying the theoretical framework of social identity theory to empirical field research conducted in the West Bank in 2014, combined with an analysis of election and survey data. It is argued that the level of attachment individuals feel towards the “state” or confessional communities is dependent on the psychological or material utility gained from group membership. If individuals feel alienated from the national identity, they are more likely to identify with their confessional community. If they are alienated from both, then they are far likelier to emigrate. Additionally, I suggest that the way in which national identity is negotiated in a stateless context is important to future state building efforts, as previous attempts to integrate national minorities into the political system through, e.g., devolved parliaments and quotas, have failed to instil a universal sense of the nation.

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47

Schneider, Julia Rose. "Perpetrators, Bystanders, and Victims: An Examination of Women's Roles in the Yugoslav Wars." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1619190860477378.

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48

Licata, Laurent. "Identités représentées et représentations identitaires: effets des contextes comparatif et sociopolitique sur la signification psychologique des appartenances géopolitiques." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211740.

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Etude des relations entre représentations sociales et identités sociales dans le domaine des appartenances géopolitiques (régions, nations, Europe). L'introduction explore les liens conceptuels entre la théorie des Représentations Sociales (Moscovici, 1961) et les théories de l'Identité Sociale (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) et de l'Auto-catégorisation (Turner et al. 1987). Ces liens sont ensuite étudiés au travers de trois séries d'études empiriques. La première porte sur les effets du contexte de comparaison intergroupes sur les auto-stéréotypes des Belges francophones et néerlandophones. La seconde est consacrée à l'étude des relations entre identités nationale et européenne et les représentations sociales du processus d'intégration européenne. Enfin, la troisième étude empirique concerne les relations entre représentations sociales et processus identitaires en période de crise à travers une étude des explications profanes de l'affaire Dutroux (kidnapping et meurtre d'enfants)./Doctoral thesis on the relation between social representations and social identities in the framework of geopolitical memberships (regions, nations, Europe). The introduction explores the conceptual links between Social Representations Theory (Moscovici, 1961), and Social Identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) and Self-categorisation (Turner et al. 1987) theories. These links are then studied from different perspectives through three series of empirical studies. The first series addresses the effects of the context of inter-group comparison on self-stereotypes held by French-speaking and Dutch-speaking Belgians. The second is devoted to the study of the relations between national and European identities and social representations of the European integration process. Finally, a third empirical study examines the relations between social representations and identity processes in a period of crisis through a study of naïve explanations of the Dutroux affair (kidnapping and murder of children).
Doctorat en sciences psychologiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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49

Culaj, Gjon. "La création d’une nouvelle nation au XXIème siècle : l’exemple du Kosovo de 1974 à 2008, au lendemain de l’éclatement de la Yougoslavie." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020074.

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Nombreux sont ceux qui pensent que la dissolution de la Yougoslavie commence et finit au Kosovo. Il s’agit d’une suite logique de l’éclatement yougoslave une fédération fragile composée des différentes nationalités. Province autonome sous l’ère de Tito de 1974 - 1989, le Kosovo avait des prérogatives similaires à une république. Le régime de Milosevic supprima cette autonomie déclenchant ainsi des violences et des tensions. Face aux incessantes violations de leurs droits fondamentaux, les Albanais du Kosovo ont d’abord opté pour une résistance pacifique, toutes en boycottant les institutions serbes et yougoslaves. Ils ont réussi à crée une véritable société parallèle, une sorte d’Etat dans l’Etat. Les guerres yougoslaves ont initié la création des nouveaux Etats, il s’agit d’un processus de redéfinition des identités nationales de l’ex-Yougoslavie qui met en relation plusieurs conceptions de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Il y a de bonnes raisons de penser que la naissance d’un Etat du Kosovo peut amener la création d’une nouvelle Nation, cependant la création de cette nation suppose une conscience partagée et des circonstances politiques favorables. L’objectif de cette recherche était d’argumenter les causes de l’effondrement violent de l’ex-Yougoslavie et de tirer les enseignements d’une accession mouvementée et parfois tragique du Kosovo à l’indépendance et consistait aussi à analyser les difficultés, pour une société composite et fragmentée, d’accéder au XXIème siècle à la souveraineté nationale. Il ressort de cette thèse que la cause principale de l’effondrement violent de l’ancienne Yougoslavie était le programme national serbe qui cherchait à créer la Grande Serbie et que l’indépendance du Kosovo, au lendemain de la désintégration yougoslave, était la seule solution possible qui pouvait assurer la paix et la stabilité dans la région
Many people believe that the dissolution of Yugoslavia begins and ends in Kosovo. This is a logical continuation of the Yugoslav breakup a fragile federation composed of various nationalities. Autonomous province under the Tito’s era of 1974 - 1989, Kosovo had similar powers to a republic. Milosevic 's regime abolished Kosovo’s autonomy triggering violence and tensions. Faced with constant violations of their human rights, Kosovo Albanians opted for a peaceful resistance, all by boycotting Serbian and Yugoslav institutions. They managed to create a real parallel society, a kind of State in the State. The Yugoslav wars initiated the creation of new States, it is a process of redefining of the national identities of the former Yugoslavia which connects several conceptions of nation and citizenship. There are good reasons to belive that the birth of Kosovo State can cause the creation of a new nation, however, the creation of this nation requires a shared awareness and favorable political circumstances. This thesis aims to argue the causes of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia and to learn of a turbulent and sometimes tragic accession of Kosovo to independence and also to analyze the challenge and difficulties for a composite and fragmented society, to access in the 21st century to national sovereignty. This research showed that the main cause of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia was the Serbian national program that sought to create a Greater Serbia and that Kosovo's independence after the disintegration of Yougoslavia was the only possible solution that could ensure peace and stability in the region

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50

Sudre, Aurore. "L'efficacité des outils de rapprochement dans les espaces francophone et européen." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30108.

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Les espaces européen et francophone, qui se recoupent partiellement, sont marqués par la diversité culturelle de leurs peuples. Pourtant ces derniers se sentent éloignés de l’Europe technocratique et de la Francophonie à la fois méconnue et réduite aux colloques et aux cocktails. L’Union européenne (UE) a instauré une citoyenneté européenne et un certain sentiment d’être européen coexiste avec les identités multiples forgées par le processus de la mondialisation actuelle. Pour sa part, l’Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF), qui n’est pas une organisation d’intégration régionale, n’a pas pu instituer un tel instrument et la question de l’identité francophone se pose toujours avec autant d’acuité. Portées par la solidarité dans une perspective de paix durable, ces deux organisations internationales ont mis en place des outils de rapprochement dans les domaines de l’éducation, de la culture et des médias auxquels les nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication apportent un concours appréciable
The European and the Francophone spaces, which partly intersect, are marked with the cultural diversity of their people. Nonetheless these last ones feel far from technocratic Europe and Francophonie which is both unknown and reduced to colloquia and cocktail parties. The European Union (EU) has established a European citizenship and a certain feeling of being European coexists with the many identities made by the process of the current globalization. For its part, the International Organization of Francophonie (IOF), which is not a regional integration organization, could not institute such an instrument and the Francophone identity is still at issue. Leaded by solidarity in a prospect of a long-lasting peace, these two international organizations have created tools of rapprochement in the fields of education, culture and media with the useful support of new information and communication technologies

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