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Статті в журналах з теми "National Conscience Party (Nigeria)"
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Udenta, Nkiruka C., and Jude Okezie Emmanuel Udenta. "Party Politics and National Integration in Nigeria: An Appraisal of All Progressive Congress 2019-2023." NEWPORT INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CURRENT RESEARCH IN HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 4, no. 2 (April 4, 2024): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.59298/nijcrhss/2024/4.2.54368.
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This study examined party politics and national integration in Nigeria: an appraisal of All Progressive Congress (APC). It conceptualized political parties and national integration. The study raised two objectives namely: Ascertain how All Progressive Congress (APC) politics has promoted national integration in Nigeria between 2015 and 2023. Determine how All Progressive Congress (APC) politics has undermined national integration in Nigeria. Systems theory was used as the theory for the study. Ex-post facto design was used. Data used for the study were derived through secondary sources. Thematic content analysis was used to analyze the data. The findings of the study show that APC has made some contributions towards national integration in Nigeria. The finding of the study also shows that these efforts have their challenges which militated against them in the realization of their objectives. While the efforts were intended to achieve national integration, solidarity and unity, it ended up creating disunity among the people, and marginalization of one section by the other thereby leading to intense struggle for power between and or among people from different ethnic groups. The study concluded that due to the nature of party politics, APC as a political party has not been able to live up to expectation as a veritable instrument for national integration. Secondly, some of the party leaders are more powerful than the political party itself and as such their selfish personal interest overrides the interest of the party and the nation as the case may be. The study recommended that political parties must run issue-based campaigns devoid of hate speech or disinformation to restore their integrity in the eyes of citizens. Once elected and/ or appointed to political office, party members must follow through on the promises made during the campaign period. Also, political parties must be held accountable for their abuses of the system and failure to represent the interests of the Nigerian people. Keywords: Political Party, Party Politics, National Integration
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MUHAMMAD, AMINU YAHAYA. "Intra-Party Conflict and the Future of Nigerian Democracy: Examining the All Progressives Congress (APC)." Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (December 4, 2018): 20–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v2i4.248.
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This study is an analysis of the nature and pattern of intra-party conflict in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic with specific reference to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Intra-party conflict has been the norm in Nigerian politics leading to crises, setback and failure of many parties to forge ahead for proper democratisation in Nigeria including the ruling parties in many instances. The problem is the way in which intra-party conflict is becoming the bane of democratisation and good governance in Nigeria for many decades and despite the previous experiences, the phenomenon continued unabated. The study investigated the new dimension of intra-party conflict in Nigeria taking the All Progressives Congress as the case study. The study used a qualitative method of data collection and analysis. Primary and secondary sources of data were used. The primary data involved an in-depth interview with some selected informants from the relevant institutions and agencies related to the APC and the crises such as the national party executives, senior officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and academicians that are experts in the area of study. The secondary sources include books, journals, newspapers, internets and other documented materials. The data obtained were discussed using content analysis where thematic analytical interpretations were used in the discussions. The research discovered that, the intra-party conflict under the APC has taken a new dimension where the members of the ruling party constituted an opposition and a stumbling block for the party’s progress and governance. The work recommends that intra-party conflict of APC and other Nigerian political parties can be resolved through constitutional reforms, institutionalisation of party ideology and principles and strict sanctions from the national leaders of the party.
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AFAMEFUNE, PATRICK IKEM, and BLESSING EDAFE OGHALE. "PARTY NOMADISM IN NIGERIA: ASSESSING THE ROLE OF PARTY DEFECTIONS IN NIGERIAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT, 2011-2016 STATE." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 3, no. 1 (March 10, 2018): 110–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/8102.30.0170.
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The defection of politicians from one political party to another in Nigeria has attracted enormous scholarly attention in recent times. Arguably, the emergence of several political parties without ideological colouration has embellished the debate on political parties’ defection in Nigeria. This paper assesses the role of party defections in Nigeria’s political development between 2011 to 2016. This paper adopts documentary method of data collection and content analysis as the method of data analysis. Relying on the theory of post-colonial state, the paper argues that party defection is not necessarily as a result of the absence of political ideology; rather, it is the manifestation of an ideology rooted in the crass ambition for power, primitive accumulation and elevation of personal differences. Moreover, this negates and discourages viable political culture, institution building and national integration in Nigeria. It recommends, among others, that institutional frameworks should be enacted to make politics less attractive.
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Adefeso, Hammed A., and Tunde A. Abioro. "Fiscal Decentralisation and Economic Development in Nigeria: The Role of Democratic Institution." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n1p1.
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<p>It is a time series analysis that investigates on the role of democratic institution in the relationship between fiscal decentralisation and economic development in Nigeria. The trend analysis clearly showed that sub-national expenditure is higher than sub-national revenue in Nigeria. The federally allocated expenditures to sub-national is far more than its corresponding allocated revenue in Nigeria and this becomes manifest from the year 1999 when the nation returned to civil rule up till 2014 under the administration of a dominant political party known as the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Using multiple regression analysis, the empirical results revealed 1% increase in expenditure decentralisation and revenue decentralisation would retard economic performance by 11% and 21% respectively when democratic institution index is included as explanatory variable. The impact of democratic institution in the relationship between fiscal decentralisation and economic performance in Nigeria is however, weak, positive and statistically insignificant in Nigeria as 100% increase in expenditure decentralisation and revenue decentralisation only yield 4% and 5% economic performance respectively in Nigeria. This has resulted to a wide spread level of corruption in Nigeria among bureaucrats and politicians. The study therefore advocates for a strong government institution that will be transparent, accountable and also respect the rule of law for sustainability, effectiveness and timely service delivery.</p>
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Castro, Nestor T. "The Interface between Religion and Politics in The Philippines Based on Data from Recent Philippine Elections." International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies 2, no. 2 (October 19, 2019): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ijiis.vol2.iss2.2019.454.
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The Philippines held its national elections last May 2019. During the election campaign, several religious groups organized electoral slates or supported particular political candidates. Among these groups were the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) with its Alagad Party, the Jesus is Lord (JIL) Movement with its CIBAC Party, the El Shaddai with its Buhay Party, and the Kingdom of Jesus Christ which supported all of the candidates backed by the Duterte government. On the other hand, the dominant Roman Catholic Church did not support any political party or candidate as a bloc but emphasized the need for the electorate to use their conscience and vote wisely. Some Roman Catholic priests, however, openly supported the opposition Otso Diretso slate for the Senate.This paper looks at the interesting link between religion and politics in the Philippines, especially in its recent political history, i.e. from 1986 up to the present. In particular, this paper will attempt to answer the following questions: What role do the various religious groups in the Philippines play in the field of the political arena? Do Filipinos vote based on their religious affiliation?
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Harianto, Harianto, Wawan Budi Darmawan, and Muradi Muradi. "The Winning of Empty Box in the 2018 Makassar Regional Head Election." Society 8, no. 2 (December 22, 2020): 546–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/society.v8i2.203.
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This research discusses how the empty box won in the 2018 Makassar Regional Head Election. This phenomenon became the elections’ history where a single candidate failed to win the election. Ten political parties consisting of Functional Groups Party (Golkar), National Democratic Party (NasDem), Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), United Development Party (PPP), Crescent Star Party (PBB), Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), People’s Conscience Party (Hanura), National Mandate Party (PAN), and Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), promoted a single candidate pair. This study aims to describe how the movement of empty box volunteers in the Makassar Regional Head Election. This research uses a qualitative method. Selection of informants using a snowball sampling technique, and using social movement theory. There are three parts to this theory: 1) Complaint theory. Public disappointment over a candidate pair’s disqualification and consider the election organizer unfair; 2) Mobilizing structures theory. Analyze the voluntary movement of empty boxes to gather mass support and sympathizers during the election; and 3) Framing theory. Analyze the use of issues and methods of spreading the issue. This research found that the empty box phenomenon in Makassar Regional Head Election, unlike in the elections in other areas where the single candidate did not have an opponent, in Makassar, one of the candidate pairs was disqualified due to violation. It made the community, supporters, and the success team feels disappointed with the General Elections Commission’s decision. This disappointment also resulted in the emergence of the empty box volunteer movement. Movements of empty box volunteers to gather mass support and sympathizers through door-to-door socializing, leaflets, flyers, and banners call to action to win empty box and use social media and online media as campaign tools.
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Egwim, Anibrose I. "PDP Party Politics and the Subversion of Federalism in Nigeria." IBADAN JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 5, no. 2 (December 19, 2007): 122–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/ijss/7002.50.0240.
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This paper argues that party politics and election activities affect the practice of federalism. The exit of the military from government house has not terminated their centralizing and unitarizing tendencies, which they introduced in January 1966. The explanation for this continued centralization, despite having returned to democratic rule since May, 1999, may be found in the structure and organization of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the a dominant political parry, which has enjoyed near hegemonic power since May 1999; PDP controls of 28 out of the 36 states of Nigeria, and also controlled the National Assembly with a large majority. The military dictatorship did not end with military rule; rather it was transformed into a political party (PDP), manned by a former autocratic general who was being forced into a democratic mode.
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Hoffmann, Leena. "Fairy godfathers and magical elections: understanding the 2003 electoral crisis in Anambra State, Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 2 (May 19, 2010): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1000025x.
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ABSTRACTOn 10 July 2003, a civilian coup was attempted in Anambra state in South-east Nigeria. Barely two months after Chris Ngige was sworn in as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governor of Anambra, a team of armed policemen disarmed his security detail and took him into custody. The governor's attempted ousting made public the breakdown of his relationship with his political godfather, Chief Chris Uba, and sparked a debate on godfather politics in Nigeria. Using the case of Anambra, this article investigates the complex network of personalised relationships that holders of state power maintain with their national and local clientelistic constituencies. It explores the political underpinnings of the crisis and its links to national-level power dynamics, particularly within the ruling party and the Obasanjo presidency.
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Apter, Andrew. "Things Fell Apart? Yoruba Responses to the 1983 Elections in Ondo State, Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 3 (September 1987): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00009940.
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ON 16 August 1983, towns throughout Nigeria's Ondo State erupted into violence. The ostensible cause was popular reaction against rigged gubernational elections which favoured a National Party of Nigeria (N.P.N.) candidate in an overwhelmingly Unity Party of Nigeria (U.P.N.) State. It is easy to dismiss the violence in Undo (and in Oyo State too) as the protest of a frustrated plebiscite – as indeed it was. But western accounts of ‘the breakdown of democracy’ in Africa, so often associated with primordialism, tribalism, and class conflict in plural societies, seldom grasp experiences of the breakdown itself.1 From the external perspectives of national integration and voting behaviour, popular violence involving mobs and crowds is characterised as affective, ‘irrational’ action, in contrast to the ‘rational’ norms of institutionalised democracy.2
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Moliki, Ahmed Olawale. "Political party elite and election-related violence in Nigeria: The nexus and implications for democracy and governance." Simulacra 4, no. 1 (June 21, 2021): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/sml.v4i1.10520.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Failure to conduct violence-free elections in Nigeria has frequently reflected in the writings of local and foreign election observers and monitoring groups. Previous studies have devoted much attention to the consequences of electoral violence on sustenance and consolidation of democracy but less attention has been paid to the role political party elite play in this violence. This study examined the role of political party elite in election-related violence in Nigeria, 2011-2019. It equally assessed its nexus and implications for democracy and governance. The study utilized documentary research method using qualitative documentary analysis to analyze the data obtained from secondary sources following four-step approach. Findings revealed that political party elite exerted greater influence on politically-sponsored thugs, who were utilized to perpetrate election-related violence due to zerosum game, winners-takes-all syndrome, and non-punishment of electoral offenders with far-reaching implications for popular participation, free, fair and credible election, party politics, leadership legitimacy and stable polity. The study submitted that curbing party elite-sponsored electoral violence requires that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the National Assembly wake up to their responsibility of ensuring strict enforcement of laws for electoral offences as this would deter both sponsors and perpetrators from engaging in violence during election.
Дисертації з теми "National Conscience Party (Nigeria)"
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Ibrahim, Jibrin. "L'accès à l'État : classes sociales, élites, factions : une étude du "National Party of Nigeria"." Bordeaux 1, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991BOR1D032.
Повний текст джерелаКниги з теми "National Conscience Party (Nigeria)"
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Nigeria. Office of the Special Adviser to the President on Inter-Party Relations. Inter-party relations and national stability in Nigeria. Abuja: The Office, 2002.
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Muheeb, Ibraheem Oladipo. The Legislature and party politics in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. Nigeria: Concept Publications Limited, 2016.
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Commission, Nigeria National Electoral, ed. Approved guidelines for the National Republican Convention and Social Democratic Party primaries: For gubernatorial and states' Assembly elections. [Lagos]: National Election Commission, 1991.
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(Nigeria), National Democratic Party. Constitution, 2002. [Nigeria?: National Democratic Party?, 2002.
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(Nigeria), National Democratic Party. Manifesto 2002. [Nigeria]: National Democratic Party, 2002.
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Ubani, Chima. Report on the conventions of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) of March 27-29, 1993. Lagos, Nigeria: Civil Liberties Organisation, 1993.
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(Nigeria), People's Democratic Party. Guidelines for the conduct of ward, LGA, and state congresses and the National Convention of the Peoples Democratic Party. Nigeria: Peoples Democratic Party, 1999.
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The house in session. Ibadan, Nigeria: AiKE Books, 2001.
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The 10-care programme of the National Conscience Party: For abolition of poverty. Lagos, Nigeria: Books Industries, 2001.
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A National Party No More: The Conscience of a Conservative Democrat. Stroud & Hall Publishers, 2003.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "National Conscience Party (Nigeria)"
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Waseem, Mohammad. "Two Power Centres." In Political Conflict in Pakistan, 149–216. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197631300.003.0004.
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This chapter focuses on the two power centers of Pakistan, the middle class and the political class. The former represents civil bureaucracy and increasingly the army's officer cadre. The latter represents party leaders, cadres and workers. The middle class was the product of colonial India by way of higher education, professions, government service and "liberal" cultural orientations. In Pakistan, it operates as the national conscience, holding the government to account for corruption and bad governance. The middle class has a profile of progress, piety, and property. The political class operates through a three-fold party system based on a king's party, which functions as a proxy for the establishment, the mission-mantled parties led by populists such as Z. A. Bhutto and Imran Khan, and the mushroom parties carrying no real potential for winning elections. The chapter covers patterns of leadership, factionalism, patronage politics and, specifically, the 2018 elections.
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Lena, Jennifer C. "The Government-purposed Genre." In Banding Together. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691150765.003.0004.
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This chapter expands our view to include music produced in other countries. A preliminary survey of the popular music of countries with widely differing political economies, music cultures, and levels of development revealed that the four genre forms (avant-garde, scene-based, industry-based, and traditionalist) do exist to greater or lesser degrees across the globe. However, there proved to be another widely distributed form that was not found in the U.S. sample: the government-purposed genre. Musics in this genre receive substantial financial support from the government or oppositional groups with a direct interest in the ideological content of popular music. There are two major types: those sponsored directly by governments, which benefit from national distribution and legal protections, and an antistate type supported by an opposition party or constituency. The chapter examines four nation-cases to advance the argument: the People's Republic of China, Chile, Serbia, and Nigeria.
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Beck, Hermann. "The Protestant Church and the “Jewish Question”." In Before the Holocaust, 275–310. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192865076.003.0010.
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Abstract This chapter investigates the identity, organization, and politics of the Protestant Church in Germany, its assumed role as the conscience of the nation, and its position toward Jews. Unlike the German Catholic Church, the Protestant Church was decentralized and divided into twenty-eight Land churches, curtailing its ability to speak with one voice. There had been an underlying conviction within German Protestant circles since the early twentieth century that a united Protestant Church should be created as a counterweight to its Catholic counterpart, but any movement in this direction foundered. Despite its fragmentation and the fact that it represented only two-thirds of the population, leading Protestant figures were convinced that German Protestantism embodied the national conscience, making them responsible for society’s political climate and wider political culture. Within Weimar’s political party spectrum, Protestant leaders, who opposed the Versailles Treaty, were closest to the conservative DNVP, and numerous Protestant officials sat in state legislatures as DNVP deputies. During the final years of the Republic, Church leaders actively participated in politics and periodically spoke out against Nazi violence and doctrine. On the eve of Hitler’s chancellorship, the Church was divided into political factions, from the religious socialists, close to the SPD, on the left to the German Christians, close to the NSDAP, on the extreme right. The seemingly Church-friendly policy of the Nazi regime contributed to the Church’s initially government-friendly course early in the regime’s rule, despite concerns that the Church might lose its freedom to an over-powerful State.
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Boneza, Rais Neza. "From Negative Leadership to Healing Leadership." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 195–201. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-3032-9.ch013.
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Since their independences, the issues of leadership in African countries has been a challenging notion both practically and theoretically. After the long Cold War, regimes of strong states with one national party as an expression of power had priority. However, with the event of democracy in the 90's, freedom created by liberal economies brought back the concept of leadership in Africa as a key element of sound management of the public affairs. Yet the issue of leadership is still unclear in African pysche due to historic legacies. The need to invent a new mode of governance that would not compromise the democratic process became evident starting in 1990. In this chapter, Mr. Rais Boneza explores the probable historical and political source of the leadership crisis particularly in Africa and gives a therapeutic attempt to remedy the direct and structural violence which resulted from bad governance. The leadership should inspire a certain sense of pride and dignity for the people whose conscience is still marked by major trauma: A restorative but healing leadership.
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Silkin, Alexander. "“I know the city will be, I know the garden will bloom when there’re such people in a soviet country!” – The Yugoslav communist Stefan Bogdanovski’s life and death in the USSR." In Topics of the history of the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe in the 19th–21st centuries, 222–36. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/7576-0495-4.11.
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It is incorrect to limit the study of the phenomenon of Yugoslav, and generally foreign, communist emigration to the USSR in the 1920- 1940s to figures of the first and second row. The fates of those who did not hold high positions in the Communist Parties or Comintern may also be regarded as a reflection of significant historical processes. In particular, the life of Svetozar Jovanović (a.k.a. Stefan Bogdanovsky, 1897–1941), a shoemaker from the village Mirijevo, 25 km from Požarevac, is an illustrative example of the relationship between the state machine and the “little man” who dared to “play politics.” During the brutal era of world wars, several authoritarian and totalitarian regimes tried to deprive him of his freedom and his life, which ultimately happened in 1941 in German-occupied Kyiv. From 1914–1918 there were many occasions in which S. Jovanović could have died on the battlefield or in the Austro-Hungarian POW camp, where he ended up in 1915. Demobilized in 1919, the former soldier of the Serbian army joined the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, in which a few years later he took the position of “secretary” regional committee”. In 1928, Jovanović, who was facing arrest, was sent by the party to Moscow to study at the Communist University of National Minorities of the West (KUNMZ). Having received a Soviet passport and now member of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, the student received a new “school name,” namely, “Stefan Pavlovich Bogdanovsky.” From now on, he, like millions of Soviet citizens, had to constantly seek some form of “peaceful coexistence” with the authorities, and, consequently, yield to its pressure, make inevitable “compromises with conscience.” His instinct of self-preservation warned Bogdanovsky from participating in internal party squabbles, and a “duty journey” to Spain (1936–1939) saved him from the Great Terror. During the three years Bogdanovsky spent abroad, most of his classmates and senior party comrades were executed. In fear of the prospect of following them, he, upon returning to the USSR, renounced his wife, who was arrested during his absence by the NKVD and sentenced to five years in a GULAG. Bogdanovsky left for Kyiv, where he started a new family. Having dodged the “punishing sword of revolution,” our hero, however, did not cease to be a hostage to big European politics. In September 1941, he shared the fate of more than half a million soldiers and commanders on the Southwestern Front who defended Kyiv and found themselves surrounded by Germans.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "National Conscience Party (Nigeria)"
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Akinyemi, Johnson, and Tamunotroko Kala-Otaji. "Conceptualizing the Otakikpo Onshore Terminal: The First Indigenous Onshore Terminal." In SPE Nigeria Annual International Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/217131-ms.
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Abstract The Otakikpo field development activities commenced in 2015 with the re-entry and completion operations on Otakipo-02 & 03 wells and the installation of a 10kbpd processing facility. Due to its proximity to the shoreline, an amphibious production and evacuation methodology was implemented. This consists of batch production into onshore tanks, a subsequent evacuation into offshore shuttle tanker via an installed 6" Km offshore pipeline and final transportation to a 3rd party FSO facility. The first phase of the field development was completed in 2017 and production declined from ~ 6500 bopd to ~ 4000 bopd by 2022. Green Energy successfully executed phase 2 of the field development by drilling and completing two new development wells, Otakikpo-04 and -05 wells in 2022 and field production increased to circa 10000 bopd. The production facilities limit the field production to 12,000 bopd while the evacuation infrastructure could only effectively handle about 14,000 bopd. Moreover, the field's evacuation cost is very exorbitant mostly from the cost of hiring marine vessels (2 gunboats, 2 shuttle and 2 tugboats) and paying for CHA charges at 3rd party terminal. At lower production rates, the cost per barrel will be unsustainable. It is for this reason that the Operator conceptualized a phase 3 development strategy to develop and install an efficient evacuation/export strategy and thus reducing overall OPEX $/bbl. It also plans to make the Otakikpo field a crude processing and export hub in the Eastern Niger Delta area. To achieve this, the operator plans to construct an onshore terminal and export infrastructure very close to the field. This consists of a scalable onshore terminal with an initial 750,000 barrels of oil storage capacity located within the field with a 360,000-bpd pumping and metering capacity for loading tankers. It also includes a 20" × 23km offshore export pipeline connecting the terminal to an unmanned single point mooring (SPM) crude offloading system. The terminal is expandable to store circa 2 million barrels of crude with a daily processing capability of 250,000bopd. The proposed Otakikpo onshore terminal is conceptualized as a national infrastructure with potential to unlock significant stranded national reserves. It will be the first new onshore terminal in Nigeria in over 50 years, and first to be non-IOC owned and operated. Moreover, the terminal is expected to create significant value for the over 20 stranded marginal fields that are in proximity to terminal which would benefit from access to readily- accessible, cost effective and fit for purpose evacuation infrastructure. This paper aims to highlight the justifications for the Otakikpo onshore terminal, lessons learnt during the conceptualization and design stages, status of the project, opportunities for future expansion and its potential role in the energy security of the nation in future.