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1
Al-Abadi, Ghalib. "Re-building a nation-state : Iraq's reconstruction after Saddam." Thesis, Brunel University, 2017. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/17135.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This is a study of the development of post-war Iraq after the downfall of former President Saddam Hussein in 2003. The thesis examines the actions and consequences of the coalition led by the United States to facilitate the re-construction of Iraq as a democratic nation-state. The thesis examines the geo-political, economic and ideological motivations behind the US actions in Iraq in order to explain why the coalition plans to reconstruct the country along the lines of a democratic nation-state have failed so profoundly. The thesis develops a typology of policies that lead to successful nation-state building in post-authoritarian and post-conflict scenarios and applies this typology to the actual policies implemented by the US-led coalition after the fall of Saddam in 2003. The thesis illustrates that many of the policies implemented by the coalition undermined successful nation-state building. These policies failed to ensure the security and stability of Iraq after the invasion and thereby hampered economic development. Rather than re-defining Iraqi nationhood in democratic terms, the implemented policies enshrined ethno-sectarian divisions in the political landscape and in the social fabric of Iraq. The new Iraqi state lacked a stable constitutional and legal foundation and a functioning judiciary to ensure the rule of law. Finally, the political order established by the US-led coalition is marred by partisan conflicts and Kurdish independence tendencies which weaken the central government and the operation of its various departments and further threaten the territorial integrity of the Iraqi state. The thesis argues - based on evidence gathered through a nation-wide survey, in-depth interviews with influential stakeholders in the public sectors and other material - that Iraq after 2003 has become a failed state.
2
Osman, Khalil. "The hissing sectarian snake : sectarianism and the making of state and nation in modern Iraq." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9245.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis addresses the relationship between sectarianism and state-making and nation-building in Iraq. It argues that sectarianism has been an enduring feature of the state-making trajectory in Iraq due to the failure of the modern nation-state to resolve inherent tensions between primordial sectarian identities and concepts of unified statehood and uniform citizenry. After a theoretical excursus that recasts the notion of primordial identity as a socially constructed reality, I set out to explain the persistence of primordial sectarian affiliations in Iraq since the establishment of the modern nation-state in 1921. Looking at the primordial past showed that Sunni-Shicite interactions before the modern nation-state cultivated repositories of divergent collective memories and shaped dynamics of inclusion and exclusion favorable to the Sunni Arabs following the creation of Iraq. Drawing on primary and secondary sources and field interviews, this study proceeds to trace the accentuation of primordial sectarian solidarities despite the adoption of homogenizing policies in a deeply divided society along ethno-sectarian lines. It found that the uneven sectarian composition of the ruling elites nurtured feelings of political exclusion among marginalized sectarian groups, the Shicites before 2003 and the Sunnis in the post-2003 period, which hardened sectarian identities. The injection of hegemonic communal discourses into the educational curriculum was found to have provoked masked forms of resistance that contributed to the sharpening of sectarian consciousness. Hegemonic communal narratives embedded in the curriculum not only undermined the homogenizing utility of education but also implicated education in the accentuation of primordial sectarian identities. The study also found that, by camouflaging anti-Shicite sectarianism, the anti-Persian streak in the nation-state’s Pan-Arab ideology undermined Iraq’s national integration project. It explains that the slide from a totalizing Pan-Arab ideology in the pre-2003 period toward the atomistic impulse of the federalist debate in the post-2003 period is symptomatic of the ghettoization of identity in Iraq. This investigation of the interaction between primordial sectarian attachments and the trajectory of the making of the Iraqi nation-state is ensconced in the project of expanding the range and scope of social scientific applications of the nation-building and primordialism lines of analysis.
3
Bress, August H. "Mistakes, New and Old: Neoconservatives and the Consequences of Nation Building." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1390.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The 2003 invasion of Iraq was one of the great blunders in American foreign policy. This thesis examines Neoconservative thought and policy, and its effect on the nation and state building effort in Iraq. It provides an analysis of the Iraqi Constitution and uses the faults of the Constitution to paint a picture of the larger instabilities and difficulties in Iraq today.
4
Hughes, Erin Elizabeth. "An American atra? : boundaries of diasporic nation-building amongst Assyrians and Chaldeans in the United States." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/30987.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Voluntary and forced migrations over the past century have given rise to the number of displaced peoples and nations who consider themselves diasporas. The resiliency of these extra-territorial nations after displacement is something of a paradox in nationalism studies. For diaspora, the nation is simultaneously local and transnational, divided and caged by the confines of state borders, often intermixed with other ethnic groups, nations, and cultures, and yet, undeniably, a singular community. Through a comparative examination of the Assyrian and Chaldean diaspora in the United States, this dissertation uses boundary theory to explore the role of diasporic elites in making and sustaining a diasporic nation, and the events, identities, and ideologies that shape diasporic action. It draws from twenty-nine interviews held with Assyrian and Chaldean leaders in Michigan, Illinois, and California, and with policy-makers, as well as research into congressional documents, policy papers, and press reports. The multi-ethnic fabric of American society is formative to boundary-creation, and yet challenges its retention, providing an open society for ethnic expression and civic and political engagement, whilst at the same time facilitating assimilation and loss of diasporic culture and identity. Diasporic elites pursue institutional completeness to sustain diasporic presence in local societies, and cultivate national ideologies that in turn engender activism on behalf of the greater diasporic nation. The Iraq War served as a catalyst to nation-building, providing the first political opening in decades for diasporic actors to mobilize on behalf of Assyrians and Chaldeans in the homeland, seeking constitutional recognition as equal members of the Iraq state. However, the impermeable, exclusionary Iraqi national boundary wrought in conflict instead posed an existential crisis, forcing Assyrians and Chaldeans from Iraq and forcing diasporic leaders to confront questions of what will become of their nation if the homeland is lost. Revealed in the resulting political demands are two distinct strains of nationalism: that for resettlement into diaspora and continued integration into Iraq; and that for territorial autonomy within Iraq’s Nineveh Plain. This dissertation argues diaspora is a continuous, evolving product of boundary-making, often the result of diasporic elite mobilization. Diaspora is a nation not simply born of displacement, but formed through social boundaries encountered and made upon resettlement outside the homeland. Nationalism is a significant component of diasporic nation-building, offering insight into political goals, ideologies, and the dedication of diasporic elites to sustaining an Assyrian and Chaldean homeland, an atra, in diaspora.
5
Akin, Piril. "The Formation Of Iraqi Nationalism Under The British Mandate (1920- 1932)." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611380/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the development of a national identity and the ideology of nationalism, and the formation of nation-state in Iraq under the British Mandate from 1920 to 1932. The study focuses on the influences of the early Arab nationalist movements during the last decades of the Ottoman Empire and under the British Mandate over Iraqi nationalism and nation-state process. The study specifically examines the Mosul question and its effects on the formation of the territorial unity of the state in Iraq. The study also explores the successive civil administration during Mandate period while making Iraq a &ldquonation-state&rdquo
by taking actions concerning the politics, social structure, the government, army and economy. The British Mandate period in Iraq witnessed many important developments such as the drawing of Iraq&rsquo
s boundaries and the shaping of the foundations of the state structure. These developments continue to affect the country in a variety of ways even today. In the final part of the thesis, it is pointed out that understanding some of the policies and strategies implemented in Iraq by the British can help to make meaningful interpretations of current affairs in this country.
6
Hedayat, Hirbohd. "The Development of the Modern Iranian Nation-State: From Qajar Origins to Early Pahlavi Modernization." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77956.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis focuses on the development of the Iranian nation and state from 1811 to 1941. Both of these developments occurred in response to Iran's encounter with the European powers, specifically Russia and Great Britain. Government-led reforms opened the possibility for the development of Iranian nationalism, as Iranian students were in England and brought back the first printing press with them to Iran in 1815. The introduction of the printing press was significant to the development of the Iranian nation-state, as an increase in journals and periodicals introduced contemporary European political ideas to Iranians. This increased the calls to replicate the customs and norms of European society in Iran, ultimately leading to the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. The Constitutional Revolution established a Parliament in Iran that was politically weak and held little power in the provinces outside of Tehran. Tribal authority increased throughout Iran, and the Russians and British eventually occupied Iran from 1911 to 1917. The establishment of Reza Shah's rule in 1921 introduced a new centralized Iranian state that was legitimated by the nation and established its rule over the tribes. It is also during Reza Shah's rule that the conception of the Iranian nation begins to change.Master of Arts
7
Zarei, Semire. "Varför uppkom och upphörde Irakiska Kurdistan? : En teoriutvecklande kvalitativ fallstudie." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1621.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of this political scientist paper is to describe and analyze the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan 1992-2006 using the theory of Kolstö about how and why quasi states develops and the theory of Pegg regarding how the international society deal with quasi states. A qualitative case method is used. In the study the two theories are combined. Iraqi Kurdistan is used as a case to study to confirm Kolstö’s and Pegg’s theories. It’s an interesting case as it’s included in one of the most sensitive geo political areas in the world. The Kuwait war 1990 and the Second Gulf war 1991 were the incentive to Iraqi Kurdistan as a quasi state and the US invasion of Iraq 2003 was the incentive to the end of it. In conclusion the case verify the theories and the theories promote the understanding of Iraqi Kurdistan’s period as a quasi state. The goal of the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan was to become a federal state in a federal Iraq and it succeeded.
8
Kirchhoff, Christopher. "Fixing the national security state : commissions and the politics of disaster and reform." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/226849.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the U.S. federal system, 'crisis commissions' are powerful instruments of social learning that actively mediate the politics of disaster and reform. Typically endowed with the legal authority to establish causes of dramatic policy failures and make recommendations to prevent their recurrence, commissions can prompt major governmental reorganizations. Yet commissions are also frequently accused of being influenced by dominant interests and faulted for articulating incomplete or politically expedient narratives of failure. Even when commission conclusions are accepted, the reforms they propose are not always adopted. Using the 9/11 Commission as a conceptual backdrop, this dissertation explores the relationship between disaster, public investigation, and reform by undertaking a detailed study of the Space Shuttle Columbia Accident Investigation Board and Iraq Study Group. Together, the cases constitute a study of the national security state seeking to correct failures across different domains of state power: border security, war-making capability, and dominance in space. I argue that commissions, as one-shot diagnostic and therapeutic instruments, are more effective than standing political institutions at confronting entrenched ways of seeing and knowing in complex systems of the national security state, which are defined by the interaction of ideology, large bureaucracies, and advanced technologies. The ability of commissions to see critically for society itself is not given but rather constructed through investigative and deliberative processes that must overcome the action of political interests. Commission credibility is therefore not an essential trait that derives a priori from the inherent stature of its members, but is rather the output of the investigative phase as commissions identify, compile, and publicize errors made by the state. In this adversarial process, an aggressive professional staff emerges as a determinant of commission success, leading to an important distinction between investigative commissions with 'super staffs' and advisory commissions that lack them. Process tracing recommendations over a multi-year period nevertheless reveals dynamics of agency and resistance at play between commissions and the institutions they attempt to reform, highlighting the partial success commissions are likely to achieve at coercing entrenched institutions to implement their recommendations.
9
Aziz, Mahir Abdulwahid. "Ethno-nationalism in a de facto state : An investigation of national identity among university students in the Kurdistan region of Iraq." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.532016.
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10
Moeller, David K. "A model for future military operations : the effect of state security and human security on strategy /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=9c267789-85b9-4963-9298-936e82991d13&rs=PublishedSearch.
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11
Tüyloğlu, D. Yavuz. "Eastern connections : uneven and combined origins of Iranian and Turkish nationalisms." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/79456/.
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12
Razavi, Seyed Abdoljalil. "Les îles d'Abou Moussa, de la Petite Tumb et de la Grande Tumb : une souveraineté contestée entre la République islamique d'Iran et les Émirats arabes unis." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040115.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Dans cette recherche, nous avons opté pour une méthode à la fois descriptive, analytique et documentaire, fondée sur la collecte de données : enquêtes, entretiens et ressources de bibliothèque.Les résultats montrent qu’un pays nouvellement créé a besoin, pour se développer, de s’appuyer sur un sentiment d'intégration et d'identité nationale. Il semble que ce soit la raison fondamentale de la revendication par les Emirats arabes unis de ces îles appartenant à l’Iran, seul pays non arabe du golfe Persique. A travers ces revendications, les Emirats arabes unis ont pour objectif la création d’un Etat-nationIn this research, we opted for a method that is descriptive, analytical and documentary, based on the collection of data in the forms of surveys, interviews and library resources. The results show that a newly created country, for its development, needs to build on a sense of integration and national identity. It seems that this is the fundamental reason for the claim by the United Arab Emirates on these islands belonging to Iran, the only non-Arab country of the Persian Gulf. Through these claims, the United Arab Emirates aim to creat a nation -state
13
Kadhum, Oula. "Diasporic interventions : state-building in Iraq following the 2003 Iraq war." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/93250/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study addresses how the UK and the Swedish Iraqi diaspora mobilised towards state-building in Iraq following the 2003 US led intervention. It explores why some diaspora mobilised towards state-building processes through institution-building and governance while others through civil society. While the literature has explored diasporic development and peace-building, it has not systematically addressed diaspora mobilisation for state-building. Neither has it paid sufficient attention to the factors that shape diasporic political choices in intervention and conflict settings. My thesis contributes to this body of literature and argues that an overlooked dimension of state-building, is that of civil society. State-building involves top-down approaches of institution-building but also bottom-up approaches of participatory politics that encourage democratic practices. I thus develop a new two-category operationalization of state-building to capture the interventions and transnational fields of different diaspora groups and individuals. My findings show that during different time periods, three factors have shaped the mobilisation of the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora towards state-building; diaspora profiles, hostland foreign policies towards the homeland and links to homeland political parties in Iraq. Theoretically these findings demonstrate that diaspora's socio-economic profiles and networks are key to understanding the type of politics that diaspora can engage in. Meanwhile, hostland foreign policies can shape diasporic interventions by creating different relationships with homelands and thus different opportunities for engagement. Furthermore, in divided societies, diaspora connected to homeland political parties, or represented by them, are more likely to be involved in the apparatus of the state, where as those excluded are more likely to engage outside the structures of power through civil society. Finally, my study demonstrates that temporal vii dimensions are crucial for understanding, which factors mattered, when and why. Empirically, this thesis also contributes original knowledge about the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora. It sheds new light into the myriad ways that diaspora in these two countries have been attempting to rebuild the country after the 2003 intervention by illustrating their efforts and experiences, and how it has informed their current relationship to Iraq.
14
Peristianis, Nicos. "Between nation and state : nation, nationalism, state, and national identity in Cyprus." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2008. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6485/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis is a study of the emergence and diachronic development of Greek-Cypriot nationalism, and its relation to nation, state, and national identities. The broad perspective of historical sociology is used, and the more specific neo-Weberian analytic framework of cultural transformation and social closure, as developed by A. Wimmer, to demonstrate how nationalism, as the 'axial principle' along which modem societies structure inclusion and exclusion, did not lead to the development of a Cypriot nation state, but to a bi-ethnic national state instead; this was mainly because closure took place along ethnic and not national lines, for socio-historical reasons which the study examines. The study first explores the hotly debated issue 'when is the nation', of whether there was a Greek nation in antiquity, of which Greek-Cypriots were a part, or whether the nation's roots are traceable in Medieval times. Next, the development of national consciousness and nationalism is considered, under three different types of regime: During Ottoman rule, a religious community was gradually transformed into an ethnic community; toward the end of this period, Ottoman reforms did not manage to forge a common new (Ottomanist) identity, for social closure had already progressed along ethnic lines. In early British colonial years, ethnicity was politicized and ethnic consciousness gradually turned into a nationalist mass movement for enosis; despite the overall unity of the movement, two variants of nationalism developed, a more traditional ethnic version, characterizing the Right, and another version, imbued with territorial/civic elements (derived from the Internationalist outlook of the communist party), characterizing the Left The anti-colonial struggle for enosis was led by the Right, and excluded the Left and the Turkish-Cypriots. The fragile consociational regime established at independence collapsed after a brief period of cohabitation between the Greeks and Turks of the island in the bi-ethnic / bi-communal Republic of Cyprus - the study analyses the causes leading to the breakdown. Between 1964 and 67, the Greek-Cypriots turned to enosis again, but after realizing the difficulties and dangers involved in its pursuance, Makarios sought to strengthen independence instead, while limiting the powers of Turkish-Cypriots - in effect, aiming for a majoritarian regime with minority rights for the latter. The clash between pro-independence and pro-enosis versions of nationalism was to characterize this period, leading to the coup and invasion of 1974. With the death of enosis in 1974, Hellenocentric nationalism would give more emphasis to Greek culture and identity, whereas Cyprocentric nationalism would stress the priority of Cyprus, the state, and of rapprochement with the Turkish-Cypriots. The study utilizes data from two surveys coordinated by the author, to analyze in more depth the attitudes and discourses of Greek-Cypriots as regards their relations to the Greek nation and the Cypriot state. The gradual strengthening of Cypriot identity is seen to be connected with a new social compromise, which seems to have prevailed within the Greek-Cypriot community, stressing the importance of the Greek-Cypriot state, and which seems to be the primary explanation of why the Greek-Cypriots rejected the federal solution suggested by the UN sponsored Annan Plan, in 2004. In the same year, Cyprus became a member of the European Union, and the study considers some of the implications of this development for the future of nationalism in Cyprus.
15
Ali, Zahra. "Women and Gender in Iraq : between Nation-Building and Fragmentation." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0101.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cette recherche s'intéresse aux questions de genre et à l'activisme politique des femmes irakiennes, à travers une étude socio-historique de leurs expériences sociales, économiques et politiques depuis la formation de l'État irakien moderne, ainsi qu'une ethnographie détaillée du contexte, de la teneur et du sens politique de leur activisme dans l'Irak post-invasion. Tout au long de cette thèse, j'explore l'activisme politique contemporain des irakiennes en reposant sur une approche socio-historique et intersectionnelle étudiant l'imbrication des questions de genre, de nation, d'État et de religion. Je soutiens ainsi qu'explorer l'activisme politique des femmes nécessite un regard sur la manière dont les questions liées aux femmes et au genre ont été définies historiquement, notamment en fonction des divergentes appréhensions de la nation, de l'évolution de l'État postcolonial, des relations État-société et des différentes compréhensions et expressions de l'islam. En adoptant ce cadre d'analyse complexe socio-historique et intersectionnelle, j'explore ethnographiquement et problématise les notions de droits des femmes, de féminisme, d'activisme politique pour les droits des femmes islamiste ou séculier. Je soutiens ainsi que lier le féminisme postcolonial à l'intersectionnalité à travers une approche socio-historique et ethnographique, permet de dépasser les dichotomies simplistes telles que culture/économie, féminisme/religion, activisme pour les droits des femmes séculier/islamiste et local/global. Je propose d'enraciner le genre, la classe, les relations. État-société, et les appartenances géographiques, ethniques, religieuses et confessionnelles dans leur contextes complexes et multidimensionnels, tout en gardant en vue les structures objectives vectrices d'inégalité comme le colonialisme et l'impérialismeThis research explores gender issues and women's political activism in contemporary Iraq via a socio-historical study of women's social, economic and political experiences since the formation of the modern Iraqi state, as well as a detailed ethnographic account of the context, content, and political significance of post-invasion women's political activism. Throughout this thesis, I explore contemporary Iraqi women's political activism using a socio-historical and intersectional approach, which includes the study of the relationship between gender, nation, state and Islam. I argue that exploring Iraqi women's political activism requires looking at the way gender and women's issues have been socio-historically defined - according to conflicting notions of nationhood, the evolution of the postcolonial state and state-society relations - as well as different understandings and deployments of Islam. In adopting this complex socio-historical and intersectional framework of analysis, I ethnographically explore and problematize notions of women's rights, feminism, Islamist and secular women's rights activism. I propose that linking postcolonial feminism to intersectionality through a socio-historical and ethnographic approach allows one to go beyond simplistic dichotomies - such as culture/economy, feminism/religion, secular/Islamist women's rights activism and local/global. I suggest to ground gender, class, statehood, and geographic, ethnic, religious and sectarian belongings within their complex and multilayered contexts of deployment, while bearing in mind global structures of inequality such as colonialism and imperialism
16
Buls, Nicholas J. "Possible correlations of multinational military operations and state stability, and application to state building in Iraq." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/March/09Mar%5FBuls.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))-Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Johnson, Thomas ; Kadhim, Abbas. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Multinational Operations, United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, Emerging State Stability, Reconstruction in Iraq. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available in print.
17
Gorentas, Bilal. "Nation, bordering and identity on the border between Turkey and Iraq." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2017. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/411248/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis explores the impact of the border between Turkey and Iraq on Kurdish identity. Since the demarcation of the border in 1926, both Turkey and Iraq have struggled to accommodate their Kurdish citizens into their common national communities. There have been numerous bloody conflicts on both sides. As of September 2016, the Iraqi Kurdistan President repeatedly announced that it was time for Kurdistan to demand independence. He stated that 'the time has come to redraw Middle East boundaries'. On the Turkish side of the border, a new series of bloody conflicts began at Turkey's Iraq border after the peace talks between the Turkish state and the Kurdish Worker's Party [or PKK] paused in July 2015. Kurds have been exposed to different nation-state building processes with different notions of inclusion and exclusion in Iraq and Turkey. Kurds in each state have had a different socio-political environment within which to construct and practice their identity. Based on original data collected during a rarely encountered peaceful period on both sides of the border, this thesis addresses three important research gaps in the literature. (1) It brings Kurds' voices, self-understanding and self-narratives to the existing body of knowledge. The thesis explores how Kurds themselves perceive their nation and construct their identity. It shows how different socio-political environments in each state have shaped a different Kurdish identity and discusses the implications of these differences. (2) The thesis also explores how Turkish Kurds and Iraqi Kurds perceive their ruling states as well as construct their identity in relation to them. (3) It explores how Turkish Kurds and Iraqi Kurds perceive their nation and narratively construct their identity in relation to each other. The thesis examines how bordering, as a process of socio-spatial homogenisation and differentiation, works on each side of the border between Turkey and Iraq.
18
Saito, Miwa. "Nation-building and conflict resolution : the Kurds in Iraq and Turkey." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11083.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis is a study of national integration policies as a method of conflict resolution. It assumes that a nation can be multiethnic and integrative, rather than ethnically homogeneous and exclusive. Instead of seeking outright separatism for ethnonational conflicts, it explores ways to integrate sizeable ethnic groups through suitable nation-building policies, in this case, the Kurds. To justify the above hypothesis, this study analyses two theoretical frameworks, first, the prototypical national integration theory based on Karl W. Deutsch's work, and second, Revolution from Above based on Ellen K. Trimberger's work. This study regards Revolution from Above as an effective method for newly established states to consolidate administrative capabilities, which are vital to political institutionalisation. Particularly, nation-building through Revolution from Above is deemed suitable for redressing the problems posed by arbitrarily drawn national borders, as reforms conducted by such governments are designed to compensate for the lack of pre-existing national unity, such as provision of national education, welfare, and economic development. This study then examines two specific cases of nation-building, in Turkey and in Iraq, and in particular how they faced the challenge of integrating their substantial Kurdish minorities. Turkey is treated as a representative case of nation-building through Revolution from Above, and Iraq is treated as an example in which equivalent nation-building measures to the Turkish case were absent, owing to the mandate rule by Britain in its earliest period. This empirical chapter will be presented in four key phases which are: (1) The Legacy of Ottoman Centralisation, (2) State Formation, (3) Political Mobilisation, and (4) Integration or Containment? Finally, this study will examine the impact of foreign intervention on the relations between governments and minorities. The failed national integration that is manifest in totalitarian state-structure will be discussed, as it may trigger political and military interventions by foreign powers. The final chapter examines the two test cases, based on Kurdish nationalists' contacts with foreign states and organisations in the 1920s and in the 1990s.
19
Töpperwien, Nicole. "Nation-state and normative diversity /." Basel : Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38979279g.
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20
Harty, Siobhán. "Disputed state, contested nation : republic and nation in interwar Catalonia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0027/NQ50182.pdf.
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21
Grogan, Michael S. "National security imperatives and the neorealist state: Iran and realpolitik." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/7744.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis argues that pragmatic, neorealist interests-reducing Iran's international isolation, opening avenues for economic cooperation and commercial exchange, restoring religious and cultural links, and safeguarding the mutually advantageous relationships with influential powers in the region- are the true foundations of Iranian national security and foreign policy decisionmaking. Iran's imperative has been-and still is-focused on the pragmatic national security interests of the nation-state model vice the ideological potential for spreading its brand of Islamic revolution abroad. The causes of these Islamic revolutionary groups, no matter how noble in the Iranian leaderships' eye, do not outweigh the more classic nation-state decisionmaking process that the Iranian government undergoes when it determines the best course of action on an issue of foreign policy and/or national security) realpolitik. It is the neorealist approach which always wins out in national security matters of a state. Presented are four case studies of Iranian relations with Azerbaijan, Turkey, Israel, and four Persian Gulf States (the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia). What each reveals is an Islamic Iran's whose policy decisions and actions compelled by the rational, state model of neorealism and not ideology
22
Seibel, Kevin S. "Perceptions of ideological imperialism why the establishment of democracy in the Middle East alone will not defeat Islamist terrorism /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491185.
Повний текст джерела
23
Smith, Robert. "Iraq : State-building in an era of globalisation." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527160.
Повний текст джерела
24
Goodrich, Claire. "Texas Politics in State and Nation." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1212.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis analyzes a gradual political transformation in Texas during the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. It specifically analyzes the political climate following the 2014 Midterm Elections by using the valuable context of past Texas political history. In spite of the massive setbacks of the 2014 election cycle, the Democratic Party may actually have a bright future in the state of Texas. Demographic and economic trends provide the party with an opportunity to make steady gains. But such progress will not happen automatically: Democrats have to run candidates and take positions that appeal to the emerging Texas electorate.
25
Hofmann, Anna. "Securitising the state and the nation?" Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16172.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Polen wird in Westeuropa häufig als ein Land wahrgenommen, in dem Sicherheitsfragen eine im Vergleich zu den faktischen Bedrohungen unverhältnismäßig große Bedeutung zugemessen wird. Gleichzeitig klagt es aber über das gegenseitige Nichtverstehen: Der „außenstehende Westeuropäer“ sei in seiner unwissenden Perspektive nicht in der Lage, die wahren Gründe für das ausgeprägte polnische Sicherheitsdenken zu durchschauen. Die Arbeit ist darauf ausgerichtet, Einblick in das Innere der polnischen Sicherheitspolitik zu gewähren. Sie untersucht die sicherheitspolitische Sinnbildung und den Stellenwert von Sicherheit in der Außenpolitik, um festzustellen, dass die Konstruktion der Sicherheit in Polen auf historische, kulturelle und politische Referenzen zurückgreift, denen häufig ein symbolischer Wert zugeschrieben wird. In theoretischer Hinsicht greift die Studie auf Überlegungen aus der Außenpolitikforschung und den Security Studies zurück. Sie nimmt den Gedanken auf, dass die Außenpolitik auf einem gesellschaftlich konstruierten Deutungssystem basiert, das die Grenzen des politisch Möglichen bestimmt und verwendet einen diskursiven Begriff der „Sicherheit“. Sie baut auf den Erkenntnissen konstruktivistisch und kritisch geprägter Ansätze aus der sicherheitspolitischen Forschung der „Kopenhagener Schule“ um Ole Wæver und Barry Buzan auf, die in Form der Theorie der securitization zusammengefasst wurden. Die Dissertation präsentiert Ergebnisse einer diskursanalytischen Untersuchung öffentlicher Debatten über die Außenpolitik, die in Polen in den Jahren 1999-2006 geführt wurden. Untersucht wurden zwei Sektoren von Sicherheit: die Konstruktion der politischen Sicherheit in den Narrationen über Russland und den Westen sowie die Konstruktion der gesellschaftlichen Sicherheit innerhalb des Europadiskurses. Als Ergebnis entsteht zum einen ein Überblick über die diskursiven Mechanismen und Ressourcen, die die Artikulation von Sicherheitsinteressen sowie ihre Legitimierung in der Öffentlichkeit ermöglichen. Zum anderen stellt die Analyse unterschiedliche Wirkungsmechanismen im Zusammenspiel zwischen der Nationalisierung und der Transnationalisierung fest, was die verbreitete Sicht differenziert, dass Transnationalisierung in Polen automatisch als eine Gefahr wahrgenommen wird.Poland is often perceived in Western Europe as a country which attaches much more importance to security issues than its real threats demand. At the same time it complains of mutual non-understanding: the outsiders from Western Europe are blamed for not being able to see through the good reasons for the pronounced polish security thinking. The study aims at allowing an insight in the internal logic of the polish security policy. It analyses how meaning is constructed in the security policy and which importance security will be attached to security in the foreign policy in order to realize that the construction of security in Poland uses historical, cultural and political references with symbolic value. The theoretical framework of the study is based on Foreign Policy Analysis and Security Studies. It incorporates the idea that the foreign policy is grounded on a socially constructed meaning system that determines the limits of political opportunities and employs a discursive definition of security. It follows the constructivist and critical approaches in the Security Studies, especially the theory of securitization by Ole Wæver and Barry Buzan from the Copenhagen School. The dissertation presents the results of the discourse analysis which investigates the public debates on foreign policy from 1999 till 2006. It analyses two sectors of security: the construction of the political security in the narration about Russia and the West as well as the construction of the societal security within the discourse about Europe. As a fist result emerges an overview of mechanisms and resources that enable the articulation of security interests and their public legitimation. As a second outcome the study ascertains diverse mechanisms in the interaction between nationalization and transnationalization, which differentiates the general opinion stating that the transnationalization is perceived in Poland automatically as a threat.
26
Cardin, Philippe. "Rentierism and the rentier state : a comparative examination." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69550.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis proposes to challenge the assumption that a particular mode of politics known as rentierism is common to all rentier states. We assert that the successful emergence of rentierism is dependent on specific factors in the pre-rentier state period. To support our claim we examine and analyze three modern day rentier states; Iran, Saudi Arabia and Venezuela. These case studies allow us to demonstrate that the pattern we call rentierism is not common to all rentier states the mode of politics in both Venezuela and Iran differs significantly from that of Saudi Arabia, the literature's embodiment of rentierism. Moreover, analysis and comparison of the pre-rentier state period for all three cases allows us to propose specific pre-rentier state factors which, we suggest, are essential for the successful emergence of rentierism.
27
Cornel, Pieter B. "What Makes a Nation? The Kurdish Self-Determination Claim in Turkey and Iraq." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/870.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Kurds are the largest stateless ethnic group in the world, numbering around 30 million globally, and after more than a century of fighting for self-determination the tangible success is minimal. Turkey and Iraq both have significant Kurdish populations that are growing in size respective to the Turkish and Arab communities, and yet the only semi-autonomous territory the Kurds have is the Iraqi province of Kurdistan. With continued instability in the Middle East, and an increasingly powerful, numerous, and ideological Kurdish community present, the recipe for conflict is present. This thesis analyzes the Kurdish claim for self-determination, and the different levels of success the groups in Turkey and Iraq have faced, through secondary literature. A multi-level approach reveals how complex the Kurdish Question really is, and what other minority groups and national governments can learn from the Kurds' experience.
28
Chowdhury, Rashed. "Negotiating identity : the Shī'ite ulama and the colonial state in Iraq, 1914-1924." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99581.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis deals with the political role of the Shi`te ulama in Iraq between the British invasion of 1914 and the expulsion of leading Shi`ite mujtahids from Iraq by King Fayṣal I in 1924. The thesis argues that the conception of identity propagated by the Shi`te mujtahids underwent a transformation during this period. Whereas the mujtahids stressed the need for Islamic unity and encouraged an Iraqi national identity in the early years of this period, in later years some of them formulated a sect-based Iraqi Shi`ite identity in response to discrimination in favour of Sunnis by the monarchy.
29
Al-Jabir, Kadhim A. "Marketing strategy in the State trading organisations in Iraq." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1986. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21670.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A central problem of the world economy is how to foster development in the Third World countries. So, focusing on and attempting to develop an effective marketing strategy for the State Trading Organisations will provide some solutions to the problems of developing countries with marketing planners being able to contribute to such development. This thesis identifies, analyses and evaluates the marketing strategies adopted by the State Trading Organisations in Iraq and examines the differences between them and those practised in the private sector. Part 1: defines the theoretical framework for a marketing strategy and describes the method employed in formulating strategies to achieve marketing objectives. An examination of the relevant literature has been carried out. Part 2: contains a detailed description of the environmental factors, socio-economic variables, political and legal dimensions, population and demographic variables, etc. and discusses how they affect the determination of marketing strategies in the State Trading Organisations. Part 3: includes detailed descriptions and discussions of the strategies related to the marketing mix elements, i. e. merchandise (product), price, distribution, and promotion as practised by these Organisations, which were based on questionnaire and in-depth interviews. It describes the marketing planning organisation by means of which the planning process is carried out. Part 4: contains a summary of the findings derived from the questionnaire, in-depth interviews with the President, General Managers, Assistant General Managers for Marketing and other executives in the State Trading Organisations and other related Organisations, the purpose of which was to establish the characteristics of the marketing strategy as devised by these Organisations. It also contains conclusions and recommendations based on the fieldwork, which revealed that the marketing strategies developed by the Organisations were ineffective. This was due not only to the difficulties in setting explicit, quantified and measurable objectives, but as a result of the ambiguity of role created by the competing pressures derived from political ideology and intellectual considerations linked with economic and social planning. Contributions to the failure of the Organisations' marketing strategy were found to be: - a) the limited degree of freedom of decision allowed and the complexity of the environment; b) the planning system itself is primitive and incapable of devising advanced marketing plans. Finally, as certain prerequisites are required to allow the development of an effective marketing strategy for the Organisations, certain recommendations are included.
30
Whitehouse, Anthony W. "Enlarging the cadre of deployable federal civilians for stabilization and reconstruction operations." View report, 2006. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA449254.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (Master of Strategic Studies) -- Army War College, 2006.Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 20, 2008). "8 March 2006"--P. [iii]. "ADA449254"--URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 15-22). Also issued in paper format.
31
Andreescu, Florentina Carmen. "Transition, Nation, State, and Structure of Fantasy." Scholarly Repository, 2010. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/413.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This research aims to make evident the importance of films serving as a relevant arena for political struggles within a society, struggles that concern highly important concepts such as the nation and the state. This goal is accomplished by building upon the theory of cinematic nationhood and using the method of relational constructivism combined with insight from Lacanian psychoanalytic theory. The research regards films as forms of communication as well as forms of fantasy. The case this research focuses on is Romania. The case was selected because for a certain period of time the myths of nation and state had been strongly embedded-or nested-- within the social contexts-or commonplaces--specific to Marxism, namely work, equality, and the bourgeois enemy, followed by a swift and radical social discourse change that triggered changes within the topography of commonplaces. The films analyzed represent these changes in order to understand the specific ways in which the myth of nation and state are reflected within films produced during radical economic, social, and political transformations. This research reveals that, despite the social, economic, and political upheavals from the pre- to post-transition eras, the underlying national structure of fantasy remained remarkably unchanged, while the nation and the state changed their social relevance with changes in their position occupied within the structure of fantasy.
32
Boikhutso, Keene. "Ethnic identity in a 'Homogeneous' Nation State." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7768.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis adopts a two thronged approach to explore the two components of the common wisdom in Botswana. Firstly, it tests the claim by the common wisdom that Botswana is inherently homogeneous. That 90% of the population either speaks Setswana or belongs to Setswana speaking tribes. Secondly, it tests the fact that this perceived homogeneity connect to the countryâs democratic, economic and political success. The study uses existing Afrobarometer survey data drawn from Rounds 1 (1999), 2 (2003) and 3 (2005) Afrobarometer survey data to test both claims about Botswanaâs homogeneity thesis. The findings of this study reveal that the first part of the common wisdom is confirmed especially when using language âspoken most at home.âHowever, it is disconfirmed when using âhome language.â It is also shown that when using tribe (a putatively objective) and social identity (a more subjective) dimension of ethnicity, the level of ethnic diversity in Botswana is much higher than the common wisdom suggests. This is more apparent when language and tribe are broken down according to district and rural-urban location. It seems that minority groups are distributed across and also concentrated in certain parts of the country. With regard to the second part of the common wisdom, the results point out that difference in language, tribe and social identity exist. However, these are not politicized and not aligned with key political factors of national identity, interpersonal trust, political participation, voting and government legitimacy. There are no important politically relevant cleavages structures in Botswana. This study concludes by proposing that, it may be this lack of politicization of identity, rather than the putative homogeneity of the country, that accounts for Botswanaâs record of development and democracy.
33
Hagen, Achim. "Global Climate Policy Beyond Nation-State Actors." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19547.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Internationale Kooperation zur Vermeidung von gefährlichem anthropogenen Klimawandel erweist sich als sehr komplex. Viele Schwierigkeiten, ein verbindliches internationales Abkommen mit ausreichenden Reduktionszielen zu erreichen, sind augenscheinlich und werden in bestehender ökonomischer Literatur ausführlich diskutiert. Es entstehen allerdings stetig neue Ansätze und Ideen um Klimakooperation zu fördern. Diese Arbeit untersucht neue Wege der internationalen Klimakooperation und erweitert den Horizont der spieltheoretischen Forschung zu internationalen Umweltabkommen um Ansätze aus der Global Governance, politischen Ökonomie und Außenhandelspolitik. Zudem wird die Übertragbarkeit spieltheoretischer Erkenntnisse aus der Forschung zum Klimaschutz für die transnationale Klimaanpassung diskutiert. Die Arbeit fundiert in großen Teilen auf analytisch-spieltheoretischer Modellierung. In der zu Grunde liegenden Spielstruktur entscheiden Länder anfangs, ob sie einer internationalen Koalition beitreten oder nicht. Anschließend wählen die Koalitionsmitglieder ihr Emissionsniveau in einem Spiel zwischen der Koalition und den Nichmitgliedern. In diesem Analyserahmen wird die Option mehrerer gleichzeitig parallel existierender Klimaklubs auf ihr Potenzial zur Verbesserung der Zusammenarbeit und Emissionsminderung untersucht. Darüber hinaus wird der Einfluss von politischen Interessengruppen (Lobbys), die die Interessen von Industrie und Umweltverbänden vertreten, auf die Stabilität internationaler Umweltabkommen analysiert. Dies geschieht durch eine politökonomische Ergänzung des Grundmodells. Die Eignung von Handelssanktionen als Mittel zur Förderung der internationalen Kooperation für den Klimaschutz wird ebenfalls in einem analytischen Model untersucht und die Auswirkungen dieser Maßnahmen anschließend in einem angewandten allgemeinen Gleichgewichtsmodell quantifiziert.International cooperation to avoid dangerous anthropogenic climate change has proven to be very hard to achieve. The difficulties to reach a binding international agreement with sufficient reduction targets are evident and extensively discussed in the economic literature. Nevertheless, new ideas towards cooperation are evolving. This thesis offers an exploration of new avenues to international climate cooperation, widening the scope of game theoretic research on international environmental agreements towards global governance literature, political economy and trade. It also extends the potential applicability of the findings from the game theoretic literature on international environmental agreements for climate change mitigation as it discusses potential insights for cases of transnational climate adaptation. The analysis is based on analytical theoretical modelling, using a game theoretical model in which countries first choose between joining and not joining an international coalition. Then the coalition members choose their level of emissions cooperatively in a game between the coalition and the outsiders. It includes the possibility of multiple parallel climate clubs, focusing on their potential to enhance cooperation and emissions abatement. Further, the influence of political pressure groups (lobbies) that represent the interests of the industry and environmentalists on the stability of international environmental agreements is examined. This is done by augmenting the basic model of international environmental agreements with a politico-economic model of political contributions. The potential of trade sanctions to induce international cooperation for climate protection is assessed in an analytical model and the effects of these trade measures are then quantified in a static multi-region, multi-sector computable general equilibrium model of globaltrade and energy.
34
Jones, Ian A. "Withering Iraq| A case-study of the history of state failure in Iraq under a constructivist lens." Thesis, Webster University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10587521.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The popular coined term "state failure," has been used in a variety of ways to explain states that may have not lived up to the Western model of statehood. Many theorists have concluded a variety of reasons for this occurrence, but have usually looked at it through one lens and failed to acknowledge others. This paper proposes that one lens is sufficient in analyzing state failure, that of constructivism. Iraq is a country frequently considered synonymous with state failure. This paper analyzes the history of Iraq based on constructivist ideas of identity and institutions to explain state failure and determine solutions that could benefit the state.
35
Gannon, Richard K. "Recapturing U.S. grand strategy shaping Iraq success with post-conflict lessons from Europe and Japan /." Norfolk : Joint Forces Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA487211.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2008.Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Sep 11, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.
36
Fenton, Anne Marie. "France, Italy and the 2002/2003 Iraq crisis." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FFenton.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning)--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost. Includes bibliographical references (p. 88-96). Also available online.
37
Kayaoglu, Turan. "Sovereignty, state-building, and the abolition of extraterritoriality /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10777.
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38
Gailan, Mohammed. "National Security Concerns And The Kurdistan Region In A New Middle East: From Rebellion To Statehood : The Influences Of Power, Threat Enviornment And Opportunity Structures On The Choice Of Becoming An Independent State." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7009.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Under which conditions do some nations and de facto state actors with relative power assert their statehood and independence? What factors should we focus on when we assess such cases? How much can we relate a nation’s choice and path to statehood and independence to its national security concerns? The aim of this case study has been to answer the questions asked above and explain why nations during some periods do not choose to declare independence and form their own state and during other periods they aim to do so. The case of the Kurdistan region of Iraq has been selected and studied both due the drastic regional changes in the Middle East since Saddam Hussein’s fall and the rise Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. During 2003-2005, the US invaded Iraq, toppled Saddam Hussein and destroyed the Iraqi army. Unlike the expectations that the Kurds would declare independence, they did not do so. However, 14 years after the fall of Saddam Hussein and establishment of the new Iraq, the Kurds aim to declare independence and form their own state. Hence, the puzzle is why not then and 14 years later? Inspired by realism, nationalist movement theory and rational strategic actor, three interrelated hypotheses have been tested and verified, which lay ground for a theoretical and explanatory model for this and similar cases within the fields of security studies and international relations. Process tracing has been used as an additional analytical tool in order to detect critical junctures and the chain of events that have produced the two different outcomes. The empirical material is mainly based on a fieldwork conducted in the Kurdistan region followed up by 12 individual qualitative interviews with a number of highly ranked Kurdish political and military officials including the President of the Kurdistan region, the Foreign Minister of the Kurdistan region, a senior Foreign and Security Advisor, three Peshmerga Generals and six members of both Kurdistan and Iraqi Parliaments. Building on the previous research, the findings of this study suggest that the choice and decision for becoming an independent and sovereign de jure state is closely related to a nation’s national security concerns and it is the same factors that causes a nation to declare/not declare independence during different periods of time. They are: (1) changes in power relations and access to a certain degree of indirect/direct external support and cooperation, (2) the existence/non-existence of national security threats and threat environments and (3) the rise of opportunity structures, strategic thinking and the ability to mobilize resources.
39
Visser, Reidar. "The failed gulf state : competing visions for the future of Basra, 1921-1929." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270571.
Повний текст джерела
40
Bayat, Mahboubeh. "Le courant intellectuel en Iran des années 1990 à nos jours : Les débats sur l’Etat et la religion." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO20134.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Les intellectuels iraniens ont toujours été un groupe social important au sein de la société civile iranienne. Depuis 1990, ce champ d’intellectuels aux vois discordantes, s’élève face à la tentative d’islamisation de la société enclenchée par le pouvoir politique. Constitué en différents groupes, ces penseurs se penchent sur la potentialité d’instaurer Etat-Nation démocratique iranien. Cette recherche rend compte des différentes mouvances qui traversent la sphère intellectuelle iranienne actuelle et prend le parti de réfléchir à quatre groupes importants : les intellectuels "religieux", le cercle des philosophes, les historiens et enfin les sociologues politiques. Tous reconnaissent le risque d’une politisation du religieux et conjointement d’une certaine sacralisation du politique. Leurs réflexions construites autour d’un axe commun questionnant les notions «Etat » et « religion » révèlent un profond souci de changement. A travers cette étude qui met en parallèle les différents discours et les arguments de chacun, ce projet aborde les rapports qu’entretiennent ces intellectuels avec d’autres groupes de la société civile tels les femmes ou les étudiants. L’ambition de cette thèse est d’offrir un panorama théorique des interrogations actuelles en réfléchissant aux stratégies de ces intellectuelsThe Iranian intellectual has been always an important part of civil society. Since 1990, this intellectual field with conflicting voices, rising against islamization of society which has been enforced by political power. This intellectual stream is constituted of different groups bend over study of potentiality of establishment of democratic Iranian Nation-State. This study examines various spheres which crossing the actual Iranian intellectual domain and deliberates over four important categories: religious intellectual, philosophical circle, historians and political sociologists. All these thinkers conjointly consider the risk of politization of religion and the sacralization of politics. Their reflections are constructed around a common axe of two notions “State” and “religion”, which reveal the crucial question of change in political system. Through this approach which puts in a parallel direction different discourses and arguments beside each other, this study looks into the relations between the intellectual field and the other units of civil society. The ambition of this research is offering a theoretical panorama on present problematic of intellectual society with probing their strategies
41
Ferguson, Bennie Lee. "What is a nation: The micronationalist challenge to traditional concepts of the nation-state." Thesis, Wichita State University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10057/2410.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
While primarily concerned with questions of legitimacy, particularly in regard to issues such
as sovereignty, recognition, and autonomy as they relate to diminutive nationalistic entities
(otherwise known as “micronations”), this work also seeks to resolve definitional concerns
associated with the concept of “nationalism”in general. In an attempt to simultaneously realize
these objectives, the “micronationalist”phenomenon has been examined in light of academic and
legal research, particularly in connection with traditional international law.
Research for this project entailed consultation of a variety of secondary scholarly sources,
including books, journals, and “online”material. Primary sources included direct personal
communication with the heads of state of various “micronationalist”entities. The governments
of these states also provided material concerning political, cultural, sociological, military, and
economic developments associated with their nations.
Where “micronations”specifically are concerned, the motivations of those who establish
them are found to be divergent in the extreme. Also, even though “micronationalism”is often
associated with the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, such states have existed since antiquity.
Their relationships with larger, more powerful, traditional nations have typically been
characterized by disputes over the aforementioned issues of sovereignty, recognition, and
autonomy.
It was concluded that “nationalism”itself (or, more specifically, “nationhood”) is at best an
ambiguous and nebulous term. There is an absence of consensus within both the legal and
academic communities regarding this issue, as well as among the governments of traditional
nations, leading to the current proliferation of “micronationalist”states.Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History
42
Garcia, Colleen Elizabeth. "Regulating nation-state cyber attacks in counterterrorism operations." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FGarcia.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Combating Terrorism: Policy and Strategy))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Denning, Dorothy ; Russell, James. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Cyber attack, international law, China, Russia, United States, al Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, FARC, Botnet, worm, virus, malicious code, hack, jus in bello, jus ad bellum, Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC), laws of war, counterterrorism operations (CT), cyber strategy, military strategy, foreign policy, national policy, use of force, armed attack, enforcement, evaluation Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-60). Also available in print.
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Kostagiannis, Konstantinos. "Realist conceptualisations of power and the nation-state." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/15859.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis is a project of intellectual history which focuses on the development of notions of power and the nation-state in realist thought. The main aim of the thesis is to offer a comprehensive account of how different conceptions of power in the work of various realist thinkers influence their perceptions of the nation-state. Although both power and the state are considered as central to realism, their connection has not been adequately discussed and remains largely implicit. The thesis aims at illuminating such a connection. The authors under examination are both key realist thinkers and representative of the diversity of realist thought as well as of the development from classical to structural realism. As such, the thesis focuses on the works of E.H. Carr, H. Morgenthau (as classical realists), J. Herz (as a transitional figure) and J. Mearsheimer (as a structural realist). The thesis engages with each realist’s theory in a three-step process. First, it analyses their conceptualisation of power and the role it plays in their ontological and epistemological assumptions. Then, using that conceptualisation of power as a starting point, it discusses its impact on the way the realist under examination understood the nation-state. Finally, the way the aforementioned realists engaged with the foreign policies of given nation-states is employed as an illustration of their theoretical framework. The thesis identifies a close interplay between power and the nation-state in all realists examined. Power plays a central role in each realist’s ontology and as such influences profoundly the way they conceptualised the nation-state. The latter can thus be approached as a manifestation of power which is unfixed in time. The realists examined approach the state as a historically conditioned entity. As such, it is argued that it is power that constitutes the core analytical category of realism rather than the state whose very conception is dependent upon that of power. In terms of the development of realism, a process of gradual narrowing down of the concept of power from classical to structural approaches is observed. The multifaceted conception of power advanced by early realists is abandoned in favour of an approach which understands power as material capabilities. While this approach is compatible with a scientific vision of politics as manifested after the second debate it reduces significantly realism’s analytical purchase both in understanding power and the nation-state. This is evident in the precarious balance that neorealists have to attain when theorising nationalism, the ideological corollary of the nation-state, which can more fully be accounted for by classical realists. Finally, by removing power from the field of epistemology, structural variants of realism lack the reflexivity of earlier realists and as such find it difficult to engage in foreign policy debates without compromising the core assumptions of their theory. The thesis is structured as follows: In the introduction, the thesis is put in the context of existing literature on realism and the way questions of power and the nation-state have been addressed in the past. Questions of methodology and selection of authors are also addressed in the introduction. The following four chapters are dedicated to analysing the theories of the selected realists. The concluding section summarises the findings and main argument of the thesis.
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Garner, Michael Wilson Jr. "Nation State Threat Actions Against Critical Energy Infrastructures." Thesis, Utica College, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10686214.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this capstone project was to examine vulnerabilities of the Energy Industry that could be exploited by Nation State Threat Actors and the impact as a result of a cyber-attack. The research questions were developed to identify key areas of concern as they relate to our nation’s most critical infrastructure. This study explored what systems are currently being deployed within U.S. power grids and what response plans exist in the event of a cyber-attack against those systems. It included an investigation on how an Internet of Things device can be exploited and leveraged against current U.S. power grids and what Nation States pose potential threats. This study looked at a history of attacks against foreign energy infrastructure and examined the analysis that were done after those attacks. Those findings were then compared to existing systems used within the U.S. Energy Industry. The literature review process examined the current U.S. power grid system design, response plans to cyber-attacks on power grids, Nation States that could be identified as potential threats against the U.S. power grids and other critical infrastructures. The findings of this project found that the reality of a cyber-attack against the Energy Industry is not only possible but is probable.
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Sokolowski, Asaf Zeev. "A breakdown of cosmopolitanism : self, state and nation." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/2647.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this study in political theory I challenge the way in which national identity and liberalism are traditionally counterposed, by arguing that this opposition does not of existence rooted in time and space. On the proposed understanding, Locke’s position is a reaction to Hobbes’s demand for the complete surrender of individual particularity in exchange for an immutable state of perfect stability. It is argued that Locke appreciates the requirement of stability for generating future-oriented motivations in individuals, but exhibits a more humble approach to the human capacity to rule its own existence. The unbound autonomy to take charge of reality that Hobbes grants to humanity is replaced by a constrained ability to administer its existence within the corporeal confines of time and space. It is argued that the timespace constraints that Locke insists are metaphysically inherent to humankind, conflict with the boundary-free assumptions of cosmopolitanism. Conversely, it is maintained, Hobbes’s radical argument for dislodging humankind from spatiotemporal constraints serves as a platform for a cosmopolitan outlook, albeit a markedly authoritarian one. obtain in the work of one of the key figures in liberal thought, John Locke. This controversial assertion is supported by arguing that the conventional reading of Locke is tainted by Hobbesean preconceptions. Rejecting the view that Locke builds upon, or enhances, Hobbes’s position, this thesis instead maintains that Locke is replying to, and moreover divorcing himself from Hobbes. Thus Locke’s stance is portrayed as a distinctive and far more substantial contribution to political theory than he has traditionally been credited with. Furthermore, the distancing of Locke from Hobbes serves to expose the roots of the misconception of Locke’s political thought as a precursor of, and foundation for, a boundary-free cosmopolitanism. It is argued here that Locke’s political theory has become entangled with Hobbes’s due to a lack of attention to the formative relation between metaphysics and politics in their thought. This has obscured the metaphysical foundation of the social problem they are attempting to resolve, reducing it to the language of a clash of conflicting interests, so that the difference between their political prescriptions is presumed merely to echo the different degrees of potential conflict they observe, rather than being a substantive difference. The conventional framing of such conflict as a security problem, a concern for the harm of one’s person and possessions, is replaced here with that of an insecurity problem: an anxiety about the inability to identify regular rules that attach attributes, including possessions, to persons. In social terms, the future having not been secured, it cannot be trusted to connect with the past and present in a continuum. On the interpretation proposed here, Locke and Hobbes offer radically different measures for the artificial generation of this ‘continuum’. Their divergence concerns the degree of control they assume political solutions can exert over the social parallel of the metaphysical ‘continuum’ problem. It is maintained that Hobbes proposes to reverse the causes of anxiety about the future by artificially generating a constant environment, detached from the fluctuations inherent to a mode.
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Chernilo, Daniel. "Sociology and the nation-state : beyond methodological nationalism." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3656/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The equation between society and the nation-state in sociology has been subject to severe criticisms in recent times. This equation has been given the name of ‘methodological nationalism’ and is underpinned by a reading of the history of sociology in which the discipline’s key concept, society, and modernity’s major sociopolitical referent, the nation-state, allegedly converge. At the critical level, my thesis argues that this is too restrictive a view of the history of the discipline and at the positive level it reconstructs the conventional version of sociology’s canon in relation to nation-states. The first part of the thesis surveys the main trends in the current sociological mainstream, reviews the rise of the critique of methodological nationalism and establishes a distinction between a referential and a regulative role of the idea of society in sociology. The body of the thesis constructs a history of the sociology of the nation-state in its classical (K. Marx, M. Weber and E. Durkheim), modernist (T. Parsons and historical sociology) and cosmopolitan (U. Beck and M. Castells) moments. As an essay on the history of sociology, this thesis seeks to uncover how the conceptual ambivalences of sociology reflect the actual ambivalences in the position and legacy of nation-states in modernity.
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Janse, van Rensburg Thelma. "Framed communities : translating the State of the Nation." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80266.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Every year, the South African President delivers a State of the Nation Address. This speech provides him with the opportunity to raise his opinion on the current state of affairs in the country. As can be expected, the country's different media channels then report extensively on the speech. These reports can, however, be regarded as much more than simple commentaries on the speech – they are in fact, reframed versions of the speech that affect and shape the opinions and ideologies of their readers. These media channels also provide the perfect vehicles through which links can be established between citizens to support their belief that they form part of an established community (Bielsa and Bassnett 2009:33). Wherever communication is present or necessary, it is impossible to escape the process or effect of framing, as framing implies “‘how speakers mean what they say’” (Tannen and Wallat, 1993:60; in Baker, 2006:105). Therefore, the presence and effects of framing should not be ignored, instead, translation scholars should be aware of framing and how this process affects translated texts. Mona Baker introduced the idea that the translated and reformulated narratives that we are exposed to constitute the everyday stories that shape the way we perceive reality (Baker 2006:3). By studying these translated versions of the speech one can gain insight into the ideologies of the intended target readership (Bielsa and Bassnett 2009:10). In the ever-growing field of Translation Studies it is important to focus on finding an approach that provides enough freedom for scholars to elaborate on existing approaches and include new findings and results. This thesis focuses on the narrative approach and explores Baker's views by taking a deeper look at rewritten versions of the SONA in the shape of newspaper articles. It also suggests that this approach has the potential to provide scholars with a much-needed framework.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Elke jaar gee die President van Suid-Afrika ʼn staatsrede waarin hy sy mening lug oor die huidige stand van sake in die land. Dit is te verwagte dat die verskillende mediakanale dan breedvoerig oor hierdie toespraak verslag lewer. Hierdie verslae is egter veel meer as eenvoudige kommentaar op die President se toespraak, hulle is in effek, hergekonstrueerde weergawes van die toespraak, wat sodoende deel van ʼn nuwe raamwerk uitmaak – ʼn raamwerk wat ʼn belangrike rol speel in die vorming van lesers se menings en ideologieë. Hierdie mediakanale bied ook die perfekte mediums om kommunikasie tussen die onderskeie lede van ʼn gemeenskap in werking te stel sodat hulle sal glo dat hulle deel vorm van ʼn gevestigde gemeenskap (Bielsa en Bassnett 2009:33). Waar kommunikasie ter sprake is, is dit onmoontlik om die proses van herskrywing te vermy, aangesien die plasing van inligting in ʼn nuwe raam verwant is aan “‘hoe sprekers bedoel wat hulle sê’” (Tannen en Wallat, 1993:60; in Baker, 2006:105). Dus moet die effek van herskrywing nie onderskat word nie; inteendeel, vertalers moet bewus wees van die implikasies daarvan en hoe dit vertaalde tekste beïnvloed. Mona Baker het vorendag gekom met die idee dat die manier waarop ons realiteit waarneem, beïnvloed word deur die vertaalde en herskryfde narratiewe waaraan ons elke dag blootgestel word (2006:3). Vertalings word spesifiek geskep met die doellesers in gedagte, daarom kan verdere insig oor die ideologieë van die doellesers verkry word deur hierdie vertalings verder te bestudeer (Bielsa en Bassnett 2009:10). In die steeds groeiende veld van vertaalteorie, is dit belangrik om ʼn benadering te vind wat kenners genoeg vryheid toelaat om bestaande teorieë uit te brei en nuwe resultate en bevindings tot die vertaalwetenskap te kan byvoeg. Hierdie studie bestudeer dus Baker se argumente en die impak van ʼn narratiewe benadering op vertaalteorie deur te fokus op herskrywings van die staatsrede in die vorm van koerantberigte. Dit suggereer ook dat hierdie narratiewe benadering van herskrywing deur inligting binne ʼn nuwe raam te plaas, die potensiaal het om aan wetenskaplikes ʼn nuwe teoretiese ondersoekbasis te bied.
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Chen, Qi. "Empire, nation-state, and the globalisation of aestheticism." Thesis, University of London, 2011. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.549572.
Повний текст джерела
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Bakti, Andi Faisal. "Islam and nation formation in Indonesia." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69611.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis deals with Islam and nation formation in Indonesia. It attempts to describe the particular relationship between Islam and the development of the Indonesian nation. It examines the role of Islam in promoting the process of nation formation in Indonesia until the early 1930's. Since the coming of Islam to the Archipelago, the 'ulama' and their writings played a central role in the integration of the Malay world. The use of the Malay language as a lingua franca accelerated the process of integration as well as the process of mutual understanding among the people, the majority of whom were Muslim. When European colonialism appeared on the scene, the Muslims resisted it labelling the foreigners as non-Muslims. Opposition came from the royal, the aristocratic and the 'ulama' sectors. All in their way demonstrated resistance to every aspect of imperialism and colonialism. At the beginning of the 20th century, Muslims began to turn to socio-religious organizations in their efforts to achieve independence. This was a period of significant Muslim contributions to Indonesian nationalism. Some favored a structural approach while others pursued a cultural means. Indeed, people began to think in more democratic terms, and began to realize their inferior position within the colonial system. The response of the colonial government helped, in spite of itself, to foster national unity. The significance of this thesis lies in the fact that there has not yet been any attempt to trace the background of the formation of the Indonesian state with particular reference to the role of Islam.
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Potapkina, Viktoria. "Nation building in contested states." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666804.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis provides an overview of current nation building processes in contested states. With a specific focus on the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, and Kosovo, original data is presented, collected in English in a single work for the first time. The work presents an analysis and comparison of contested states from an internal perspective, looking at the processes that help legitimize such entities from within and creating support for their ongoing existence.
The work strives to begin filling the gaps in available literature on contested states, as well as to contribute to the overall understanding of nation and state building, state formation and sovereignty. The goal of this work is to provide a new way of looking at the puzzle that contested states are by offering insight into the understanding of their ongoing existence.