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1
Butler, George F. "MILTON'S PANDORA: EVE, SIN, AND THE MYTHOGRAPHIC TRADITION." Milton Studies 44 (January 1, 2005): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26395836.
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2
Delattre, Charles, and Greta Hawes. "Mythographical topography, textual materiality and the (dis)ordering of myth: the case of Antoninus Liberalis." Journal of Hellenic Studies 140 (November 2020): 106–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007542692000004x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract:This article introduces a new analytical framework, ‘mythographic topography’. This approach recognizes the materiality of mythographic writing as preserved by the manuscript tradition and the significance of the spatial dynamics it produces. Mythographic topography encompasses both the formal properties of textual organization and how these shape the reader’s imaginative experience of space and narrative. As an analytical framework, it involves interrogating a text according to three categories (each an ancient meaning of topos): its arrangement of textual passages, its use of space and its activation of narrative tropes. Using the Metamorphoses of Antoninus Liberalis as a case study, we demonstrate how this text requires the reader to consider issues of order, disorder and reordering within a culturally familiar narrative paradigm.
3
Boynton, Susan. "The sources and significance of the Orpheus myth inMusica Enchiriadisand Regino of Prüm'sEpistola de harmonica institutione." Early Music History 18 (October 1999): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900001832.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Throughout history, the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice has taken on the connotations of its specific cultural contexts. Interpreters of the myth have invested the figure of Orpheus with symbolism to suit their own rhetorical purposes. Each retelling has emphasised certain elements of the myth to make it conform to the intended meaning. In all accounts of the story, Orpheus is a musician who charms animals and inanimate objects with his song. In the fifth century B.C., the death of his wife, Eurydice, and his attempt to rescue her from the underworld became part of the mythographic tradition. According to the best-known version of this story, Orpheus persuades the inhabitants of the underworld to return Eurydice to him, but then loses her when he looks back at her, violating the rule imposed by the underworld.
4
Cropper, Margherita Pampinella. "Myrrha: Incestuous Passion and Political Transgression (Inferno, 30)." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 46, no. 1 (March 2012): 82–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458581204600104.
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The myth of Myrrha, as employed by Dante in the Comedy, bears a crucial political message. In the tenth pouch of Malebolge, Myrrha is condemned for her fraudulent act of impersonation as she counterfeited her identity in order to lie with her own father, thus breaking natural laws and social rules. In one of Dante's letters to emperor Henry VII, Myrrha is employed as the mythical counterpart of Florence. Florence's incest is a political one: the attempt to seduce the Pope, as “pater patrum,” against her own mother Rome. With her incessant and furious roaming, Myrrha indeed represents political instability caused by the inability or the unwillingness to comply with social expectations and to abide by the rules of human consortium. Through an overview of mythographic medieval sources and a brief analysis of the perception of the sin of incest in medieval society and literature, this paper attempts to establish which tradition of the myth of Myrrha was available to Dante and his readers in order to understand whether the poet was drawing on a traditional imagery or whether he was inviting the reader to find new meanings.
5
Jacob, Christian. "Le savoir des mythographes (note critique)." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 49, no. 2 (April 1994): 419–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1994.279268.
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La Bibliothèque du Pseudo-Apollodore est l'un des textes les plus représentatifs de la littérature mythographique grecque de l'époque impériale : en trois livres, l'auteur rassemble sous la forme de généalogies l'ensemble des traditions mythiques du monde grec, depuis le règne d'Ouranos jusqu'aux héros de la guerre de Troie. Ce traité, à l'érudition foisonnante, offre un véritable who's who du monde des dieux et des héros. Il résume et cite des sources plus anciennes, aujourd'hui inaccessibles, et constitue de ce fait une étape obligée pour tout chercheur concerné par la mythologie grecque. Mais ce rôle privilégié de témoin de la tradition mythographique a pour contrepartie d'appeler une lecture ponctuelle et documentaire, la Bibliothèque d'Apollodore n'étant plus aujourd'hui qu'une machine à multiplier les notes en bas de pages.
6
Revard, Stella P. ""L'Allegro" and "Il Penseroso": Classical Tradition and Renaissance Mythography." PMLA 101, no. 3 (May 1986): 338. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/462419.
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7
Tinkle, Theresa. "Saturn of the Several Faces: A Survey of the Medieval Mythographic Traditions." Viator 18 (January 1987): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.301395.
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8
Kleinhenz, Christopher. "Notes on Dante's Use of Classical Myths and the Mythographical Tradition." Romance Quarterly 33, no. 4 (November 1986): 477–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08831157.1986.11000398.
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9
Wolfe, Jessica. "Spenser, Homer, and the Mythography of Strife*." Renaissance Quarterly 58, no. 4 (2005): 1220–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0987.
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AbstractThis article examines a central narrative and ethical motif of Edmund Spenser’sFaerie Queene —the golden chain—in the context of Spenser’s broader debts to Homeric epic. While largely neglected in favor of more immediate sources, such as Virgil’sAeneidand Tasso’sGerusalemme Liberata, the influence of Homer’sIliadandOdysseyis profoundly felt in Spenser’s mythography of strife. In its representation of the consequences of cosmological and spiritual strife,The Faerie Queenerealizes the classical and late antique allegorical tradition of interpreting Homeric epic as illustrative of the doctrines of pre-Socratic philosophers such as Heraclitus and Empedocles. Its moral landscape structured according to the oppositional yet complementary forces of love and strife, Spenser’s epic enacts the Homeric-Empedoclean epic of the allegorists so as to offer its own etiology of discord, one sympathetic with, but also distinct from, that of Homer.
10
Renger, Almut-Barbara. "“From Aphrodite to Kuan Yin”." International Journal for the Study of New Religions 8, no. 2 (December 6, 2018): 115–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ijsnr.37401.
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A recent development of the commercialization of New Age religiosity is the combination of ancient Asian traditions with elements of European history—even ancient mythography—and modern psychotherapy, on the assumption, increasingly prevalent since 1800, of a common origin of all religions. The original Asian methods and their religious and philosophical contexts are reinterpreted to make them compatible with the cognitive habits and needs of modern Western recipients, particularly as regards the contemporary ideals of health, beauty and youth.
11
Swann, Marjorie. "The Politics of Fairylore in Early Modern English Literature*." Renaissance Quarterly 53, no. 2 (2000): 449–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901875.
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This essay argues that Stuart fairy poetry, rooted in Shakespeare's innovative representation of tiny, consumeristic fairies, attempts to indigenize new forms of elite material display. Rather than the fairies of popular tradition or courtly mythography, Stuart poets depict miniaturized Mabs and Oberons who are notable for their wardrobes, banquets, coaches, and the decor of their palaces. The fairy poetry of William Browne, Michael Drayton, and Robert Herrick must be interpreted not as playful escapism, but as a self-consciously politicized literary mode which reveals these writers’ deep ambivalence toward elite culture — and toward their own artistic role within that culture.
12
Alganza Roldán, Minerva. "Las referencias a Paléfato en la Grande e General Estoria, de Alfonso X el Sabio, dentro de la tradición mitográfica." Myrtia 34 (January 31, 2020): 177–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.412051.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Este artículo analiza las referencias al Περὶ ἀπίστων de Paléfato, procedentes de los Chronici canones de Eusebio y Jerónimo, en la General Estoria de Alfonso X. Tras la presentación de estas obras, en el comentario de cada episodio se abordan las particularidades de las distintas versiones encuadrándolas en la tradición mitográfica antigua y medieval, así como, en su caso, la adaptación a nuevos contextos históricos e ideológicos. El estudio concluye con algunas notas sobre la recepción de Paléfato por parte de Eusebio y en el scriptorium del rey Sabio. This paper analyzes the references to Palaephatus’ Περὶ ἀπίστων, from the Chronici canones by Eusebius and Jerome, in the General Estoria of Alfonso X. After the presentation of these works, in the commentary of each episode the particularities of different versions, their relationships within ancient and medieval mythographical tradition, and, where appropiate, adaptation to new historical and ideological contexts are discussed. The study concludes with some notes on the reception of Palaephatus by Eusebius and in the scriptorium of the Wise King.
13
Arabatzis, Georges. "Michael Psellos’ ‘Arrangement’ of Hermias’ Commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(1) (February 27, 2018): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2010.1.7.
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The Byzantine philosopher Michael Psellos (11th century) wrote a brief treatise entitled An Explanation of the Drive of the Soul Chariot and the Army of Gods According to Plato in the Phaedrus. The treatise consists of a compilation of excerpts from Hermias’ commentary on the Phaedrus. Psellos does not mention Hermias’ name but rather traces the origins of the treatise back to some “Greek theologians”. Psellos’ text presents a great interpretative challenge: the order of the myths about the charioteer and the parade of gods is reversed so that the former explicates the latter in such a way that the whole Platonic argument is dismissed as “absurd”. The Phaedrus in the Neo ‑Platonic tradition (in Iamblichus in particular) is considered to be a strictly theological dialogue. Yet, Psellos’ arrangement shows that he was not interested in the mythographical or allegorical dimension of the excerpts. He rather focused on the epistemic problem, i.e., a reduction of the trichotomy of the soul into a duality of principles. Thus, he followed certain Aristotelian commentators. Psellos suggests a reduction that is subjectivist or individualist in its nature and he refuses to identify individual intellect with any particular piety.
14
Kluge, Sofie. "Amazonas del mar y sátiros acuáticos." Revue Romane / Langue et littérature. International Journal of Romance Languages and Literatures 44, no. 1 (March 6, 2009): 94–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rro.44.1.06klu.
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The work of Luis de Góngora (1561–1627) arguably represents the peak of early Baroque poetic mythography, but even if myth is a recurring element in Gongorine poetry its appearance varies greatly. From the youthful poetry to the major works of the first decades of the 17th century and beyond we find important nuances and a recurring revaluation and redefinition of myth. Thus, starting off by the both moral and sensual interpretation characteristic of Renaissance literature in the early sonnets, passing through Ovidian aetiology in the Fábula de Polifemo y Galatea and the philosophical meditation on myth in the Soledades, the poet reaches the satirical-burlesque with a moral flavour in the Fábula de Píramo y Tisbe. However, underlying all these different phases we find a persistent ambiguity rooted in the ambiguous post-classical reception of Greco-Roman mythology. On the background of a brief survey of the ambiguous concept of classical mythology permeating Góngora’s work from beginning to end, the present article particularly explores the meditative phase of the Soledades, arguing its importance for our understanding of the Baroque period as well as for the origin of what may be termed the tradition of ’mythological literature’.
15
Kirkland, Russell. "The Sun and the Throne." Numen 44, no. 2 (1997): 109–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527972629786.
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AbstractIn this study, I seek to elucidate the process by which the Japanese royal descent myth evolved into the form with which the modern world is familiar. I analyze and compare the forms of the myth found in the Nihongi and the Kojiki, and explicate their evolution through historical and textual analysis. By examining the interplay of the internal dynamics of the myth itself and the external factors that worked to shape it, I reconstruct the mythographical process, and suggest key factors that may have molded the myth. In particular, I argue that it was the introduction of Buddhism at the Yamato court that stimulated the establishment of an imperial cult at Ise and the reconfiguration of key mythic traditions. According to my analysis, the myth itself originated during the reign of king Keitai (early 6th century). In the original myth, the ancestor of the ruling house was not the sun-goddess Amaterasu, but rather the heavenly ruler Takami-musubi. In the mid-sixth century, a sun-goddess named Ō-hirume was introduced in an effort to combat the rising influence of Buddhism. The artificial figure of Amaterasu was introduced only during the reign of Temmu, late in the seventh century.
16
Miola, Robert S. "Lesse Greeke? Homer in Jonson and Shakespeare." Ben Jonson Journal 23, no. 1 (May 2016): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2016.0154.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Throughout their careers both Jonson and Shakespeare often encountered Homer, who left a deep impress on their works. Jonson read Homer directly in Greek but Shakespeare did not, or if he did, he left no evidence of that reading in extant works. Both Jonson and Shakespeare encountered Homer indirectly in Latin recollections by Vergil, Horace, Ovid and others, in English translations, in handbooks and mythographies, in derivative poems and plays, in descendant traditions, and in plentiful allusions. Though their appropriations differ significantly, Jonson and Shakespeare both present comedic impersonations of Homeric scenes and figures – the parodic replay of the council of the gods (Iliad 1) in Poetaster (1601) 4.5 and the appearance of “sweet warman” Hector (5.2.659) in the Masque of the Nine Worthies (Love's Labor's Lost, 1588–97). Homer's Vulcan and Venus furnish positive depictions of love and marriage in The Haddington Masque (1608) as do his Hector and Andromache in Julius Caesar (1599), which features other significant recollections. Both Jonson and Shakespeare recall Homer to explore the dark side of honor and fame: Circe and Ate supply the anti-masque in the Masque of Queens (1609), and scenes from Chapman's Iliad supply the comical or tragical satire, Troilus and Cressida (c. 1601). Both poets put Homer to abstract and philosophical uses: Zeus's chain and Venus's ceston (girdle), allegorized, appears throughout Jonson's work and function as central symbols in Hymenaei (1606); Homer's depiction of the tension between fate and free will, between the omnipotent gods and willing humans, though mediated, inflects the language and action of Coriolanus (c. 1608). Ben Jonson and William Shakespeare practice a kind of inventive imitatio which, according to classical and neo-classical precept, re-reads classical texts in order to make them into something new.
17
Węcowski, Marek. "The Hedgehog and the Fox: Form and Meaning in the Prologue of Herodotus." Journal of Hellenic Studies 124 (November 2004): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900006595.
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AbstractThe paper focuses on Herodotus' authorial self-representation, and on the problem of the intellectual tradition and genre(s) behind theHistories. The main assumption is that the opening sections of the work are a natural place to present its subject and principles to the public. Despite and beyond the notoriously loose grammatical structure of the first sentence, this paper offers a formal analysis of the whole ‘extended preface’ (incipitthrough 1.5.4), a carefully organized large-scale ‘pedimental composition’. A detailed examination of this structure yields the following results: (1) the stories about the abductions of women form an ironic attack against a peculiar model of causality of some contemporary Greek poets and writers, whose pragmatic outlook deprives the world of its ethico-religious dimension. (2) Conversely, Herodotus himself propounds a symbolic view of the world and seeks a monistic principle encompassing the past and the whole range of human experience. He ultimately finds it in the idea of the ‘cycle of human affairs’. This idea is the carefully stated subject of theHistories. (3) Although he belongs to the agonistic and display-oriented intellectual world of the sophistic era, Herodotus poses as a ‘sage’ capable of penetrating the whole variety of ‘all things’. Thus, he refers his reader to the tradition of wisdom literature. (4) Not unlike Thucydides, Herodotus' research into the greatest military conflict thus far forms in his view the best possible paradigmatic diagnosis of the human condition – much better than that of his fellow wise men (poets, philosophers, etc.) because based on the firm ground of verifiable historical data. (5) Although Herodotus is intent upon seeing the world from the standpoint of a single organizing principle, one of the most salient features of theHistoriesis the notion of the ‘marvellous’ (thômaston), which clearly elicits the pragmatic or factual attitude of the thinkers he dislikes. Many problems we experience when interpreting this author are due to the tension between the two attitudes. (6) This inherent breach in Herodotus' mind should be seen as a result not of a development or evolution of his work and thought, but of the contemporary debate between two diametrically opposed types of knowledge,viz.between the exponents ofpolymathiê, orVielwisserei, and those ofsophiê, or ‘wisdom’. Herodotus' contemporaries active in the field ofarkhaiologia(including mythography, genealogy, etc.) andperiêgêsis(geography, ethnography, etc.) were widely considered ‘polymaths’. Herodotus' ambition to apply the monistic (and symbolic) bent of wisdom literature to the subject-matter dominated thus far by the ‘pluralistic’ (and pragmatic) way of thinking was at least partly responsible for this discontinuity in his thought, but also accounts for the originality of theHistories.
18
Naydysh, V. M. "MYTHOLOGY AND THEOLOGY. Second Article." RUDN Journal of Philosophy 23, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 210–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2019-23-2-210-221.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The concept of interpretation (as a procedure for determining the values of those abstractions that are used in the theorization of knowledge, in the process of developing an abstract model of the subject) is applicable to any forms of knowledge, including systems of religious knowledge, designing the ideal model of the subject of religious veneration. The author analyzes the epistemological features of theology as a form of spiritual culture, its formation in ancient culture. It is shown that the epistemological basis for overcoming mythological consciousness was the decentralization of thinking, i.e. development of the ability of consciousness in the construction of the image, the picture of the world to correct the position of the subject, to take into account the relativity of the reference system, from the standpoint of which the subject perceives the object and transforms it into an operational system of thinking. Decentration of thinking provided the overcoming of the subjective mental boundaries of the field, giving the thinking nature of universality. Historical stages and moments of this process - the transformation of mythology into forms of folk art, mythopoetic epic, in the form of religious consciousness. In line with such transformations of archaic consciousness, cultural and historical prerequisites of theology emergence were formed. They are represented in mythopoetic art (Homer, Hesiod, etc.), ancient mythography, early traditions of critical and rationalistic interpretation of the myth, etc. The article shows the formation of allegorical theology, which became possible in the era of individualization of artistic creativity, when the visible was the difference between the motive and the purpose of activity, creative idea and its embodiment, figuratively-poetic and rationally-conceptual ways of reflecting the world, when the image of reality and its personal meaning began to be realized as different States of consciousness. The main function of any theology is the interpretation of abstract models of the subject of religious veneration (the imaginary image of the supernatural).
19
Ramelli, Ilaria. "Alcune osservazioni sulle occorenze di Crux in Manilio, Séneca, Giovenale, Marziale." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 12 (January 1, 1999). http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.12.1999.4355.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
II supplizio della croce appare un tema particolarmente presente e diffuso nella letteratura latina del i secólo d.C. Manilio, nel V libro del suoi Astronómica, per la prima voita attñbuisce la croce ad Andrómeda, operando una vistosa innovazione all'interno della tradizione mitografica. Ma anche Petronio, tucano. Séneca, Giovenale e Marziale parlano piú volte della croce. Séneca ne appare Impresslonato in modo speclale e Marziale cita il caso di uno schiavo crocifisso per avere Incendiato Roma. Cosi Giovenale sembra fare allusione ai supplizl inflitti ai Cristiani con l'accusa di avere incendiato Roma (64 d.C.).The torment of the cross is a theme that Is partlcularly present in the Román literatura of the ist century A.D. Manilius for the first time ascrlbes the cross to Andrómeda, with a remarkable innovation in the mythographic tradition. But also Petronius, Lucan, Séneca, Juvenai and Martial In several occasions mention the cross. Séneca appears particuiariy impressed by this torment. Martial represents a slave hanging from the cross as guilty of the fire of Rome. And so Juvenai seems to allude to the torments infiicted to the Christians as scapegoats of the fire of Rome (64 A.D.).
20
Acerbo, Stefano. "The εὐνοµώτατος ἔρανος in Pindar O. 1.25-27 and the Myth of Pelops". Mnemosyne, 10 грудня 2020, 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10057.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The reference to Pelops emerging from the cauldron in verses 25-27 of Pindar O. 1 is one of the most enigmatic passages in the ode. Scholars have regarded it as an allusion to the tale of a cannibalistic banquet or as a new story invented by Pindar himself, but both of these interpretations fail to satisfy. Many of the problems caused by this passage derive from the evidence used to reconstruct pre-Pindaric traditions. A second boiling to restore Pelops, preserved only in a scholium to O. 1, is an ad hoc interpretation of the annotator. Based on evidence provided by Apollodorus the mythographer, a different version of this episode may be inferred, whereby the cauldron evokes mythical representations, involving rejuvenation and immortality, which can fully account for the enigmatic passage of O. 1.