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1

Bradley, Catherine A. "Re-workings and Chronological Dynamics in a Thirteenth-Century Latin Motet Family." Journal of Musicology 32, no. 2 (2015): 153–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2015.32.2.153.

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Анотація:
This article examines a family of thirteenth-century discant and motets on the tenor LATUS, tracing complex relationships between the various incarnations of its shared musical material: passages of melismatic discant in two- and three-voices, a three-voice Latin conductus motet, a two-voice Latin and French motet, and a three-voice Latin double motet. I query conventional fundamentally linear models of discant-motet interaction, emphasizing the possibility of simultaneously filial and collateral interrelationships between versions: different motet texts can influence each other, while retaining independent connections with an earlier melismatic discant model. This leads to a reevaluation of traditional evolutionary and stylistic perceptions of sub-genres defined within the category of motet. The article addresses questions of compositional process, reflecting on the types of creative and scribal activities involved in the formulation of motets.
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2

Smith, Norman E. "The Earliest Motets: Music and Words." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 114, no. 2 (1989): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/114.2.141.

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Анотація:
The birth of a genre surely is one of the most fascinating occurrences in the history of music, and no genre of medieval music had a more interesting birth than the motet. Study of the motet in modern times found special impetus and direction in 1898 when Wilhelm Meyer announced his discovery of the origin of the motet in the discant clausulae of the Notre Dame organa. Demonstrating the musical identity of certain Latin motets and discant clausulae, he concluded that the motet arose through the addition of Latin texts to the melismatic upper voices of the two-voice clausulae and was thereby able to explain for the first time the previously baffling and unprecedented verse structures of many motet texts. In doing so, he at the same time made it clear that he understood the French motet to be of later origin than the Latin and brushed aside special questions concerning the French type, such as, for example, its most provocative feature: its characteristic use of refrains. How was one to understand the presence of refrains in a French motet supposedly derived from a sacred, liturgical model? This and other difficult questions refused to disappear, and they continued to be raised from time to time, but Meyer's explanation of the origin of the motet gained general acceptance, most decisively and influentially from Friedrich Ludwig. All of Ludwig's writings on the motet bespeak his endorsement of Meyer's position, but nowhere more explicitly than in the Repertorium:These compositions [discant clausulae] were still more important by virtue of the fact that they served in rather large numbers as musical sources of motets, at first for Latin motets and later, although in more limited numbers, also for French motets - a fact, first recognized for the Latin motets by Wilhelm Meyer in 1898 (Der Ursprung des Motetts), claiming central importance for the history of music about 1200.
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3

Bradley, Catherine A. "Choosing a Thirteenth-Century Motet Tenor: From the Magnus liber organi to Adam de la Halle." Journal of the American Musicological Society 72, no. 2 (2019): 431–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2019.72.2.431.

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Анотація:
This article explores trends and motivations in the selection of plainchant and vernacular song quotations as the foundations of thirteenth-century motets. I argue that particular tenor melodies that received only cursory treatment in the liturgical polyphony of the Magnus liber organi were adopted in motets on account of their brevity and simplicity, characteristics that enabled their combination with upper-voice song forms and refrain quotations. Demonstrating a preference for short and simple tenors within the earliest layers of the motet repertoire, I trace the polyphonic heritage of the tenor omnes, whose simple melody enabled its combination with another more obscure plainchant quotation, aptatur, in a unique double tenor motet. I propose that motet creators—while sensitive to the semantic connotations of tenor texts—exploited the musical ability of tenor quotations to be combined with or stand in for other musical quotations. Newly identifying a plainchant tenor source in a motet by Adam de la Halle, I show that Adam's polyphonic motet quotations of his own three-voice polyphonic rondeaux were achieved by the careful selection of motet tenors to replicate the freely conceived lowest voices of these preexisting rondeaux. The article further reveals profound modal and melodic similarities between the quotations chosen as thirteenth-century motet tenors and the newly composed lowest voices of polyphonic rondeaux and English pes motets. It offers new perspectives on the relationship between the “elite” genre of the motet and types of polyphony that are less well attested in written sources, often considered to inhabit a more “popular” realm of musical practice.
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4

BROWN, THOMAS. "Another Mirror of Lovers? - Order, structure and allusion in Machaut's motets." Plainsong and Medieval Music 10, no. 2 (October 2001): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137101000092.

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Анотація:
Machaut's first twenty motets appear, identically ordered, in a group of manuscripts copied under the composer's supervision. This order highlights connections between individual motets. Proportional relationships between six motets, and an allusion to the mid-point of Le Roman de la rose in the tenth motet, suggest that Machaut intended the motet group to be self-contained and sub-divided into two groups of ten.
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5

Piéjus, Anne. "THE ROMAN MOTET (1550–1600): A COLLECTIVE ISSUE? NEW ATTRIBUTIONS AND REFLECTIONS ON AUTHORSHIP IN THE LIGHT OF A NEW DOCUMENT." Early Music History 40 (October 2021): 253–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127921000036.

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Анотація:
In 1984 Noel O’Regan demonstrated that Roman manuscripts containing Lasso’s motets were reworkings of motets found in published editions. This article reopens an investigation of the Roman manuscript motet books in the light of an autograph booklet by the Oratorian priest and censor of music Giovanni Giovenale Ancina (1599). This document contains two lists of motets, comprising a wide selection that reflects a search for variety in the number of voices (with a preponderance of eight-voice motets), age and style of the motet. It shows a large number of concordances with several manuscript anthologies related to the Oratorian circles. Ancina’s bookletallows us to propose new attributions for motets by Zoilo and Prospero Santini, better known as a chapel master. Finally, a comparison with existing sets of music books qualifies the multiple authorship of the motet in the Roman erudite milieu of that time.
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6

Crook, David. "The Exegetical Motet." Journal of the American Musicological Society 68, no. 2 (2015): 255–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2015.68.2.255.

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Анотація:
What made a motet appropriate for performance on a particular occasion in the sixteenth century? Previous studies have demonstrated that motets performed on a given day generally drew their texts from the liturgy of that day. Yet many of the eighty-five motets assigned to the Sundays and major feasts of the year in Johannes Rühling's Tabulaturbuch (1583) do not. What mattered to this Lutheran organist was not a motet text's previous liturgical association but its ability to gloss—sometimes in surprising ways—the Gospel or Epistle lesson of the day. His approach has strong parallels in a tradition of Lutheran preaching grounded in exegesis of the assigned lessons. The same exegetical approach figures, moreover, in Catholic use of the motet, exemplified both in musical sources, such as Andreas Pevernage's Cantiones sacrae (1578 and 1602), and in performances recorded in the diaries of the Sistine Chapel.
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7

Melamed, Daniel R. "The Authorship of the Motet "Ich lasse dich nicht" (BWV Anh. 159)." Journal of the American Musicological Society 41, no. 3 (1988): 491–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831462.

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Анотація:
The eight-voice motet Ich lasse dich nicht (BWV Anh. 159) has been attributed both to J. S. Bach and to his father's cousin Johann Christoph Bach (1642-1703). A new look at the sources and transmission of the motet makes clear that the attribution to the older Bach was a nineteenth-century speculation that must be rejected. With the question of the motet's authorship reopened, the evidence shows that Ich lasse dich nicht is indeed by J. S. Bach. The oldest source, partly in Bach's hand, may be securely dated to the Weimar period, making the motet one of Bach's earliest extant vocal works. This dating challenges the widely-held assumption that Bach wrote all his motets in Leipzig, and forces a reevaluation of the dating of his other motets.
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8

LEACH, ELIZABETH EVA. "Adapting the motet(s)? The case of Hé bergier in Oxford MS Douce 308." Plainsong and Medieval Music 28, no. 02 (October 2019): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137119000032.

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Анотація:
AbstractThe present article seeks to further recent discussion of the diversity of the motet in the long thirteenth century by considering a specific, rather unusual example of motet-related materials in a songbook. It examines a two-stanza pastourelle in the songbook that forms part of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 308, and its connection to a network of related materials in various thirteenth-century motet sources. In so doing, it proposes the ostensibly unlikely scenario that this monophonic song derives from two separate motets that may already have been linked through their shared tenor and possibly also performed together in some way. This article brings the important conclusions of Fred Büttner in regard to these materials to Anglophone scholarship, while nuancing his reasoning in light of more recent scholarly work on thirteenth-century motets copied in songbooks.
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9

SHAFFER, MELANIE. "Finding Fortune in Motet 13: insights on ordering and borrowing in Machaut's motets." Plainsong and Medieval Music 26, no. 2 (October 2017): 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137117000055.

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Анотація:
ABSTRACTOn first glance, Machaut's Tans doucement/Eins que ma dame/Ruina (M13) is a typical motet with few musical or textual anomalies. Perhaps this is why, with the exception of a brief article by Alice V. Clark, little extensive, individual study of M13 has been conducted. This article examines the musico-poetic cues for Fortune found in M13’s many forms of reversal, duality and upset order. The discovery of a new acrostic which references the Roman de Fauvel, whose interpolated motet Super cathedram/Presidentes in thronis/Ruina (F4) is the source of M13’s tenor, further supports a Fortune-based reading of this motet. M13 may therefore be included among the Fortune-prominent motets proposed by Anna Zayaruznaya and Jacques Boogaart (M12, M14 and M15). Understanding that Machaut intentionally ordered his motets, M13 fills a sequential gap, suggesting that M12–15 may serve as a meaningfully ordered group of Fortune-based motets. The acrostic's Fauvel reference also provides additional connections between M13 and F4, offering insight into ways Machaut may have responded to and cleverly cited his sources.
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10

Anderson, Michael Alan. "FIRE, FOLIAGE AND FURY: VESTIGES OF MIDSUMMER RITUAL IN MOTETS FOR JOHN THE BAPTIST." Early Music History 30 (September 8, 2011): 1–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127911000027.

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Анотація:
The thirteenth-century motet repertory has been understood on a wide spectrum, with recent scholarship amplifying the relationship between the liturgical tenors and the commentary in the upper voices. This study examines a family of motets based on the tenors IOHANNE and MULIERUM from the feast of the Nativity of John the Baptist (24 June). Several texts within this motet family make references to well-known traditions associated with the pagan festival of Midsummer, the celebration of the summer solstice. Allusions to popular solstitial practices including the lighting of bonfires and the public criticism of authority, in addition to the cultural awareness of the sun's power on this day, conspicuously surface in these motets, particularly when viewed through the lens of the tenor. The study suggests the further obfuscation of sacred and secular poles in the motet through attentiveness to images of popular, pre-Christian rituals that survive in these polyphonic works.
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11

Bazinet, Geneviève. "SINGING THE KING’S MUSIC: ATTAINGNANT’S MOTET SERIES, ROYAL HEGEMONY AND THE FUNCTION OF THE MOTET IN SIXTEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE." Early Music History 37 (October 2018): 45–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127918000037.

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Анотація:
This article examines Pierre Attaingnant’s motet series (1535–9), with special attention to the rubrics assigned to the titles of books and to individual motets. The role of the rubric as an organisational tool and its relation to contemporary liturgical and devotional practices is explored, revealing a strikingly cohesive series and connections to liturgical books and books of hours. A consideration of the use of the motet texts in other types of books and the uses suggested by Attaingnant’s rubrics reveals that the printer was promoting the use of Paris in his series. This study also revisits the issue of the function of the motet in sixteenth-century France. Finally, in the light of several connections between this series and the French royal court, the role of motets in the devotional life of Francis I and the possibility that this series served as an extension of the king’s political influence are examined.
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12

Clark, Alice V. "New tenor sources for fourteenth-century motets." Plainsong and Medieval Music 8, no. 2 (October 1999): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137100001662.

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Анотація:
The study of the medieval motet in France has recently been rejuvenated, in part by returning to the motet's point of origin – its tenor. Some scholars have focused on the tenor's pitch content, showing how it shapes the motet's harmonies, and how it is in turn shaped by local chant variants; others, by considering the tenor's text and the origin of that text in the liturgy and frequently in the Bible, have shown the motet to be perhaps the quintessential musical manifestation of medieval intertextuality. By bringing together sacred and secular, Latin and vernacular, the motet, better than any other musical genre, exemplifies both the Boethian ideal of music as something much larger than sound and the interconnectedness of all things in the medieval mind. The discovery of hitherto unknown chant sources for motet tenors is therefore an opportunity to reinterpret the texts of the motets they underpin.
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13

Atchison, Mary. "Bien me sui aperceuz: monophonic chanson and motetus." Plainsong and Medieval Music 4, no. 1 (April 1995): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137100000851.

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Анотація:
Borrowing or quoting from the trouvère repertory has long been acknowledged as part of the craft of the composers of the thirteenth-century motet. Single strophes from a few trouvère chansons can be found as complete motet voices; partial strophes frame newly composed text and music in motets-entés, and many textual themes and motifs, melodic motifs and refrains can be traced to trouvère sources. Whilst this practice of borrowing can be identified because of the common texts and melodies, or texts or melodies alone, it is difficult to say to what extent other compositional practices, not dependent upon direct quotation, might have found their source and inspiration in the trouvère repertory. An examination of the monophonic chanson Bien me sui aperceuz, and the three-voice motet Se valours / Bien me sui apercheus / Hie factus est, reveals a web of interrelationships between the chanson and the motet which appears far more subtle than the practice of direct borrowing briefly mentioned above. The cryptic clues to these concealed relationships between the chanson and the motet can be found in their texts, whilst the solution is revealed in their melodies.
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14

Saint-Cricq, Gaël. "A NEW LINK BETWEEN THE MOTET AND TROUVÈRE CHANSON: THE PEDES-CUM-CAUDA MOTET." Early Music History 32 (2013): 179–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127913000077.

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Анотація:
This article investigates a corpus of sixteen thirteenth-century motets whose formal structures are rigorously modelled on the AAB formal type of the trouvère chanson. This corpus bears witness that the first specimens of hybridization between polyphony and the high-style lyric chanson arose as early as the 1240s, well before the emergence of fourteenth-century polyphonic song. The analysis of the make-up of the AAB form of the motets first reveals that its elements completely match those of the pedes-cum-cauda formal type of trouvère chansons. The formal impact of song citations within the corpus is then explored, together with the different modalities according to which they are involved in the make-up of the AAB form. Finally, the analysis of the texture of the works brings to light the singularity of their fabric: remodelled by the structures of the trouvère chanson, it breaks with the traditional format of the motet and turns into the texture of a motet-chanson.
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15

Lewis, Ann. "Anti-semitism in an early fifteenth-century motet: Tu, nephanda." Plainsong and Medieval Music 3, no. 1 (April 1994): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137100000620.

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Анотація:
There is much interest at present in the way medieval motets generate meaning, both with their texts and their music. In two articles from a recent issue of Early Music History, for example, a remarkable density of meaning and symbolism, both textual and musical, has been proposed for Machaut's motet 15. Studies of this kind are intended to demonstrate what can be achieved by placing the poems of motets in a literary context and by considering the structure of words and music. Such research also no doubt serves to reinforce the idea that many motets of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries demand a wealth of erudite knowledge to be understood and is thus congenial to the current belief that many motets were intended for an intellectual elite. Whilst there can be no doubt that medieval motets often cultivate a literary style of considerable – indeed intense – obscurity, what I wish to suggest here is that one, very ambitious, motet can be interpreted using some of the most basic tools of the medieval cleric.
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16

Ryan, Mary Ellen. "“Our Enemies Are Gathered Together”." Journal of Musicology 36, no. 3 (2019): 295–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2019.36.3.295.

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Анотація:
The return of the Florentine republic (1527–30) ushered in a tense period of political upheaval. As the city faced an imperial siege and bouts of famine and plague, the government promoted a vibrant spiritual program to combat dangers to its independence. The motet flourished within this environment, but the connections between this repertory and civic life in early sixteenth-century Florence have yet to be fully explored. Since the mid-twentieth century, music historians have examined Florentine manuscript sources of the motet (the Newberry Partbooks and Vallicelliana Partbooks) and have articulated various arguments for the political significance of these collections and the individual pieces they contain. Viewed as a whole, however, the repertory does not typically express partisan support for the Medici or the republic. One underlying thread tying many of these motets together is their function within ritual celebrations, particularly in uniting the community in prayer for collective relief. Philippe Verdelot’s wartime Congregati sunt inimici nostri exemplifies the multiple performance uses of motets in Florentine ritual contexts. Its compositional design and content reveal how Florentines turned to the motet to demonstrate communal solidarity and to seek divine aid in times of crisis.
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17

Kidwell, Susan A. "Elaboration through exhortation: troping Motets for the Common of Martyrs." Plainsong and Medieval Music 5, no. 2 (October 1996): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137100001133.

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Анотація:
It is common knowledge that the repertory of thirteenth-century Latin motets exhibits a great variety of poetic themes. Many of the earliest motets comment upon the feast of their parent chant and are therefore classified as ‘troping’; others praise the Virgin Mary – sometimes regardless of their associated chant; still others avoid obvious connections with the liturgy and either criticize, admonish or exhort listeners to reform. The classification of motet texts according to content has increased our understanding of overall themes and of the chronological relationships between them, but it has also raised questions. Some questions arise from the fact that the general categories of troping, Marian and hortatory texts are not mutually exclusive. Should we distinguish a ‘general’ Marian motet, like Virgo mater salutis (386) / JOHANNE (M 29), which superimposes general epithets and intercessions to the Virgin above a chant in honour of John the Baptist, from a ‘troping’ Marian motet, such as Flos de spina rumpitur (437), built over the Assumption tenor, REGNAT (M 34), which makes specific references to its associated feast? Or does this added taxonomic layer only distract us from the task of interpreting these texts?
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18

Bokulich, Clare. "REMAKING A MOTET: HOW AND WHEN JOSQUIN’S AVE MARIA … VIRGO SERENA BECAME THE AVE MARIA." Early Music History 39 (September 4, 2020): 1–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127920000017.

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Анотація:
How and when did Josquin’s Ave Maria … virgo serena become one of the most famous Renaissance motets? It is widely held that the motet’s modern standing is directly rooted in its Renaissance reception. And yet beyond its relatively robust circulation and placement at the beginning of Petrucci’s first printed book of motets, little evidence remains as to how Josquin’s now-famous motet was perceived during and shortly after the composer’s life. In responding to this paucity of information, Part I of this article traces a reception history for Ave Maria that considers how the motet was reworked in parody masses and motets, analysing the specific ways in which later composers both engaged with and departed from Josquin’s techniques. Part II turns to the work’s modern reception, mining the scholarly literature, survey texts and recordings for clues as to how the motet’s significance has shifted throughout the twentieth century. The article concludes by proposing that this site-specific approach may be useful in comprehending the extensive stylistic changes that occurred between c. 1480 and the mid-sixteenth century.
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19

Tkachenko, E. S. "German Motet in Johannes Brahms’ Works." Observatory of Culture, no. 3 (June 28, 2015): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2015-0-3-58-63.

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Анотація:
German Motet in Johannes Brahms’ Works (by Elizaveta Tkachenko) analyzes the seven motets of the eminent German romantic composer - Johannes Brahms. Works of this genre are considered from the standpoint of their belonging to the Protestant variety, which originated in Germany during the Reformation and was enriched during the next two centuries by exquisite examples of leading Lutheran composers. Just like his great predecessors, Brahms took tunes of Lutheran chorales as a musical foundation for his motets and quotations from the Bible in Martin Luther’s translation as their verbal foundation. Particular attention is paid to the definition of features of the composer’s method of work with canonical texts.
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20

Теплова, А. С. "Three Faces of Medieval English Motet." Научный вестник Московской консерватории 14, no. 3(54) (October 20, 2023): 420–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26176/mosconsv.2023.54.3.02.

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Анотація:
Средневековый английский мотет принадлежит кпериферийным жанровым ответвлениям и до сих пор недостаточно изучен. Лишь с 1909 года стали находить плохо сохранившиеся рукописные источники и по их фрагментам восстанавливать мотеты. Только с 1957 года началась их публикация, открывшая оригинальные подходы к жанру. Помимо создававшихся под материковым влиянием изоритмических мотетов, востровном репертуаре обнаружились иные технические решения: мотеты с гласообменом имотеты на cantus medius (проблемы неаутентичной терминологии в статье обсуждаются параллельно с характеристикой названных феноменов). Фундаментальные жанровые основы у всех этих разновидностей общие: вокальное многоголосие, латинский текст (преимущественно духовного содержания), преобладающая политекстовость, опора на заимствованный первоисточник как норма, допускающая исключения. Однако различная техника композиции (изоритмия, гласообмен, cantus medius) меняет их облик значительно, вплоть до неузнаваемости. Установленные в статье критерии сравнения разъясняются в процессе анализа изоритмического мотета Дж. Алейна и двух анонимных мотетов: с гласообменом и на cantus medius. The medieval English motet belongs to the peripheral branches of the genre and is still insufficiently studied. Only since 1909, poorly preserved handwritten sources began to be discovered and motets were reconstructed from their fragments. It was only in 1957 that their publication began, revealing original approaches to the genre. In addition to the isorhythmic motets created under mainland influence, other technical solutions were discovered in the island repertoire: motets with voice exchange and motets on the cantus medius (the problems of inauthentic terminology are discussed in the article in parallel with the characteristics of these phenomena). The fundamentals of all these genre varieties are common: vocal polyphony, Latin text (mainly of spiritual content), predominant polytextuality, reliance on a borrowed primary source as a norm that allows exceptions. However, different composition techniques (isorhythm, voice exchange, cantus medius) significantly change their appearance to the point of being unrecognizable. The comparison criteria established in the article are explained during the analysis of the isorhythmic motet by J. Aleyn and two anonymous motets: with voice exchange and on cantus medius.
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21

Savon, Dmytro. "Motet “Jesu, Meine Freude” by Johann Sebastian Bach: Comparative Analysis of Editions of Musical Text." Scientific herald of Tchaikovsky National Music Academy of Ukraine, no. 131 (June 30, 2021): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31318/2522-4190.2021.131.243229.

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Анотація:
Relevance and scientific novelty of the selected subject for the research. In the Ukrainian musicology, the motets written by Johann Bach were mainly studied from the compositional means standpoint, considering the system of polyphony, the role of chorale and fugue in dramaturgy as well as the composition of works. Scientists have not previously researched the motets performance specificity. Meanwhile, motets, particularly the one reviewed in the article “Jesu, meine Freude”, are among the most frequently performed works of the choral repertoire. For the first time in the Ukrainian musicology, three edited versions of the motet “Jesu, meine Freude” are analyzed from the standpoint of historically oriented performance. Based on the study of editors’ comments and source literature (mostly German), the question of compliance of the musical text with the task of performing reconstruction of the baroque vocal and choral style was studied. The aim of the article lies in the need to find out specificity of the editors’ interpretation of motet “Jesu, meine Freude” written by Johann Bach and suitability extent of different edited versions for the historical reconstruction of the vocal-choral style of the German Baroque. During the development of particular article, such methods were utilized: historical — the history of edited versions of “Jesu, meine Freude” motet was traced, comparative — the comparative analysis of three edited versions of motet “Jesu, meine Freude” written by Johann Bach (Franz Wulner, Konrad Ameln and Mykhailo Berdennykov) was completed. Main results and conclusions. According to the completed comparative analysis, the first two of the three considered edited versions are textual, while the third one is adopted for performing. Textual versions are characterized by the preservation of the composer’s text in the smallest details, including comments to clearly identify the extent of changes made by the editor in the text. The peculiarities of the version adopted for performing contain the large amount of remarks added by the editor, covering dynamic shades, strokes, tempo notation, etc. It is noted that the choice of version type is determined by performance goals: to perform the works of Johann Bach in an authentic manner, the conductor should focus on facsimile versions, and if they are absent (as in the case of the “Jesu, meine Freude” motet), the one should use textual type of edited versions. The version developed for performing cannot correspond to the authentic performing, as the first does not reflect specific tendencies of the time when it was created. It is specified that the conductor should be familiar with the peculiarities of fixing the means of performance in the musical text of the Baroque era.
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22

BRADLEY, CATHERINE A. "Ordering in the motet fascicles of the Florence manuscript." Plainsong and Medieval Music 22, no. 1 (April 2013): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137112000186.

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Анотація:
ABSTRACTFlorence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut.29.1 (F) is considered the earliest extant manuscript to preserve a collection of motets, with two fascicles devoted to this new genre. Scholars have long emphasised the strict liturgical sequence of the first motet fascicle, in contrast to the seeming lack of order in the second. This article engages with questions of liturgical arrangement in F, exploring the possibility of a liturgical function for motets in this source. It undertakes a re-examination of the ordering of motets in F, proposing two new organisational principles applicable across both fascicles: first, that the arrangement of motets may have been influenced by an awareness of related clausulae and discant materials extant elsewhere in F; and second, that ordering of the collection reflects the relative dissemination or ‘popularity’ of motets and their related materials.
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23

Pesce, Dolores. "A Revised View of the Thirteenth-Century Latin Double Motet." Journal of the American Musicological Society 40, no. 3 (1987): 405–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831675.

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Анотація:
This paper argues that features of the Continental Latin double motet of the latter half of the thirteenth century which were previously considered "peripheral" are also found in motets linked to the Notre-Dame tradition. Furthermore, the Latin repertory as a whole reveals stylistic diversity, including the use of textures characteristic of French double motets from early through mid-century. This revised view of the repertory as stylistically multi-faceted is supported by a study of manuscript transmission, particularly in the Bamberg and Darmstadt codices.
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24

Maurey, Yossi. "A COURTLY LOVER AND AN EARTHLY KNIGHT TURNED SOLDIERS OF CHRIST IN MACHAUT'S MOTET 5." Early Music History 24 (July 14, 2005): 169–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127905000082.

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Анотація:
The tenor occupies a special role in vernacular motets of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries: not only does it underpin the melodies of the upper voices contrapuntally, it also provides intellectual and interpretative undergirding for the texts of these pieces. The biblical or liturgical context of a tenor, drawing on well-understood exegetical and literary traditions, often facilitates an allegorical reading of the upper voices, and vice versa. Because of the foundational nature of the tenor within the Ars nova motet in particular, the identification of the exact musico-liturgical sources of this voice, where possible, is of special significance. While the origins of most of Machaut's twenty-one Latin tenors have been identified, the tenor of one work, Motet 5 (Aucune gent/Qui plus aimme/ T. Fiat voluntas tua, hereafter M5), is alleged to have a most unusual source. I offer new observations about the tenor of M5 that emphasise certain compositional procedures congruent with Machaut's practice in writing his motets and may tie together the various secular and sacred references in the piece.
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25

Zazulia, Emily. "Out of Proportion." Journal of Musicology 36, no. 2 (2019): 131–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2019.36.2.131.

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Анотація:
Guillaume Du Fay’s Nuper rosarum flores (1436) has been subject to symbolic interpretation ever since Charles Warren suggested that the structure of the motet reflects the architectural proportions of the cathedral of Florence. More recent analyses have accepted the premise that the motet’s form has extramusical meaning, in particular, that mensural and architectural proportions can be directly analogized. These tantalizing connections have led scholars to canonize this motet, now a mainstay of music history textbooks. The extent and specificity of the extramusical associations Nuper rosarum flores enjoys—an occasion, a place, and a secure attribution—are rare in the fifteenth century. This fact alone makes the motet appear to be exceptional. But reading Nuper rosarum flores alongside the norms of genre and notation and against the grain of the work’s modern historiography suggests that it isn’t all that special—or at least that it is no more special than Du Fay’s other ceremonial motets. The interpretive history of Nuper rosarum flores exemplifies what I call “false exceptionalism,” which relates to a more general problem in music studies—the alluring but often elusive relationship between musical form and social meaning.
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26

Desmond, Karen. "W. de Wicumbe's Rolls and Singing the Alleluya ca. 1250." Journal of the American Musicological Society 73, no. 3 (2020): 639–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2020.73.3.639.

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Abstract A set of thirteenth-century parchment fragments, including the remnants of two rolls and one manuscript codex, preserves a largely unstudied repertoire unique to medieval England. In addition to a single motet and a setting of a responsory verse, the Rawlinson Fragments preserve twelve three-voice Alleluya settings. While polyphonic Alleluyas are well known from the continental Magnus liber repertoire, these insular Alleluya settings are quite different. Most significantly, while composed on the text and pitches of plainchant, they include newly composed texts in at least one voice—that is, they are polytextual chant settings. Aspects of their musical style certainly draw on other polyphonic genres—organum, conductus, and motet. This article presents the paleographical and codicological evidence that corroborates an early date for these fragments (in the 1240s), confirms their connection to Reading Abbey, and situates their repertoire within a broader context. My analysis points to intriguing points of overlap with both the plainchant prosula tradition and the Magnus liber organa and motets. It reopens broader questions about the copying and performance practices of liturgical polyphony, including previous suggestions that motet texts may have been sung within the performance of the Magnus liber organa, regardless of the scribal copying conventions that separated organum and motet in the surviving Magnus liber manuscripts. The article also considers the role of the Rawlinson Fragments’ main scribe, Benedictine monk W. de Wicumbe, who was active within the monastic communities of Leominster and Reading as a composer of plainchant and polyphony, and as precentor, most likely in charge of his community's musical life.
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27

ZAYARUZNAYA, ANNA. "Quotation, perfection and the eloquence of form: introducing Beatius/Cum humanum." Plainsong and Medieval Music 24, no. 2 (September 25, 2015): 129–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096113711500011x.

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Анотація:
ABSTRACTThe newly reconstructed motet Beatius/Cum humanum is remarkable in several respects. It ranks among the longest of Ars Nova motets, and divides neatly into three parts of which the middle is an eighty-breve untexted hocket section. It also contains an extended quotation – textual as well as musical – from the Fauvel motet Firmissime/Adesto. The quoted material speaks of ‘Trinity and unity’, turning a spotlight onto the tripartite form of Beatius/Cum humanum. Firmissime/Adesto has occasioned comment because it is built up of duple (‘imperfect’) notes even though it praises the perfect Trinity. Beatius/Cum humanum can be read as participating in the same conversation. By shifting the salience of the number three from local rhythmical organisation to the global level of form, it serves as an example of how music can depict perfection ex imperfectis.
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28

Saint-Cricq, Gaël. "GENRE, ATTRIBUTION AND AUTHORSHIP IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY: ROBERT DE REIMS VS ‘ROBERT DE RAINS’." Early Music History 38 (September 11, 2019): 141–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127919000044.

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Анотація:
This article presents a textbook case for the examination of generic interplay in the thirteenth century, investigating four works that offer transgeneric reworkings relating polyphony to trouvère song. These works are found as anonymous motets and clausulae in polyphonic gatherings, but their upper voices are also copied as multi-strophic songs in songbooks, where they are attributed to the trouvère Robert de Reims. This case therefore touches on the issues of generic borders and mixing, on trouvère involvement in this generic interplay, and on the relationships between attribution and authorship in the Middle Ages. The investigation has important outcomes for the reconstruction of the genetic map of the motet, revealing works playing havoc with the vectors of transmission customarily established in the interplay of motet, chanson and clausula, and revealing early trouvère involvement in the repertoire as an essential key to the comprehension of cross-over activity between song and polyphony.
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29

EVERIST, MARK. "Motets, French Tenors, and the Polyphonic Chanson ca. 1300." Journal of Musicology 24, no. 3 (2007): 365–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2007.24.3.365.

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Анотація:
Despite frequent attempts to explain the emergence of a coherent type of polyphonic song in the early 14th century, our understanding is dominated by views drawn from lyric poetry, romance, criticism of musical and literary register, traditions of performance, and other abstract conceptualizations of this remarkable moment in the history of music. But there exists an extensive body of musical evidence that points to an energetic and sophisticated experimentation with musical and poetic elements that anticipated the style of polyphonic song cultivated by Machaut and his contemporaries. One such experimental repertory consists of the 22 motets based on vernacular tenors copied into the seventh and eighth fascicles of the Montpellier Codex (F-MOf H 196) and in the Turin motet book (I-Tr vari 42) ca.1300. The vernacular tenors that underpin these motets exhibit the types of repeating structures familiar from secular monody around 1300: six- and eight-line rondeaux and various other types of structure as described by Ludwig, Gennrich, and Walker. What has been less systematically explored is the degree to which the upper voices of the motets reflect the repetitions that characterize their tenors. The composers of these motets were attempting——within the stylistic restraints that the genre imposed on them——to create polyphonic works whose entire texture followed the structure of the tenor: in other words, to construct a musical entity that had much in common with the polyphonic song of the next generation, but that still retained the overlapping phrase patterns and poetic line length of the motet as had been traditional for nearly a century.
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30

Rothenberg, David J. "Angels, Archangels, and a Woman in Distress: The Meaning of Isaac's Angeli archangeli." Journal of Musicology 21, no. 4 (2004): 514–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2004.21.4.514.

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Анотація:
Henricus Isaac's grand six-voice motet Angeli archangeli (Angels, archangels) sets a text from the liturgy of the Feast of All Saints (November 1), but its only preexistent musical material is a cantus firmus in the tenor voice, drawn from the tenor of the mid 15th-century chanson Comme femme desconfortéée (As a woman in distress), attributed to Binchois. Scholars have assumed that Angeli archangeli is a motet for All Saints but have been at a loss to explain why Isaac chose the cantus firmus he did. This study attempts to explain Isaac's puzzling juxtaposition of Latin text and secular cantus firmus by suggesting that Angeli archangeli is not a motet for All Saints, but rather for the Assumption of the Virgin. Liturgical analysis of the motet text reveals that its connection to the Feast of All Saints (November 1) is weaker than has previously been assumed. Additionally, examination of numerous other sacred works that incorporate the Comme femme desconfortéée tenor demonstrates that it was widely understood as a Marian cantus firmus ca. 1500. The Marian associations of the cantus firmus help to explain why one manuscript source (VatS 46) groups the work with other Marian motets, and why another (LeipU 1494) transmits it with a Marian contrafact text (O regina nobilissima). Finally, by relating the musical construction of Angeli archangeli to the Assumption of the Virgin as depicted in late medieval liturgy, iconography, and in Jacobus de Voragine's widely read Legenda aurea, it is suggested that the text of Angeli archangeli, though drawn from the All Saints liturgy, actually describes Mary's assumption into heaven. Sacred text and secular cantus firmus thus collaborate in communicating a complex but clear theological/devotional meaning.
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31

Szelest, Marcin. ""Sancte Simon magno mundi": nowo zidentyfikowany motet Giovanniego Battisty Coccioli." Muzyka 63, no. 3 (October 2, 2018): 65–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/m.512.

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Przedmiotem artykułu jest dwuchórowy motet na dziewięć głosów o incipicie tekstu Sancte Simon magno mundi, zachowany w postaci intawolacji organowej w rozpoczętej w roku 1619 tabulaturze braniewsko-oliwskiej (Wilno, Biblioteka im. Wróblewskich Litewskiej Akademii Nauk, F 15-284, k. 45v–46r) z atrybucją „Joannis Baptistæ”. Podobnie skrótowe atrybucje w tym źródle oraz w innych, pochodzących z północnych terenów Rzeczpospolitej, odnosiły się wyłącznie do dobrze znanych kompozytorów lokalnych, a w dwóch z tych rękopisów imionami „Joannes Baptista” określano Giovanniego Battistę Cocciolę, twórcę działającego na Warmii i w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim (potwierdzone źródłowo lata działalności 1606–1625). Autor podsumowuje i uzupełnia informacje na temat dorobku twórczego tego kompozytora, podając do wiadomości niezauważoną dotychczas wzmiankę o istnieniu jeszcze jednego jego druku autorskiego, który nie zachował się do naszych czasów (Motetti a cinque, wyd. przed 1621). Tekstu motetu Sancte Simon magno mundi nie udało się odnaleźć. Odnosi się on z pewnością do św. Szymona Apostoła, który wprawdzie nie cieszył się rozwiniętym indywidualnym kultem, ale był patronem Szymona Rudnickiego, biskupa warmińskiego w latach 1605–1621. Rudnicki utrzymywał ścisłe kontakty z kolegium jezuickim w Braniewie, gdzie powstało znane dziś źródło omawianego motetu, a Cocciola został w roku 1606 odnotowany jako muzyk tego biskupa. Ten szczególny splot okoliczności pozwala z dużym prawdopodobieństwem przypisać autorstwo motetu Sancte Simon magno mundi Coccioli, który przypuszczalnie dedykował go swojemu patronowi. Motet ten należy do niewielkiej ilościowo grupy utworów, w których jako ostinato wykorzystano melodię wezwania z litanii do Wszystkich Świętych. Zdradza on bardzo duże pokrewieństwo z przeznaczonym na taką samą obsadę motetem Beatissimus Marcus Antonia Gualtieriego, wydanym w jego druku autorskim z roku 1604. W obydwu utworach umieszczone w najwyższym głosie ostinato pojawia się siedem razy w niezmiennej postaci i w równych odstępach. Motet Gualtieriego również odnosi się do świętego, którego imię nosił patron kompozytora, biskup Marco II Cornaro, będący adresatem dedykacji zbioru. Wydaje się bardzo prawdopodobne, iż Cocciola świadomie wzorował się na utworze Gualtieriego, jednocześnie stosując w swojej kompozycji bardziej kunsztowne środki: prezentację ostinata na trzech różnych stopniach skali, imitacyjne rozpoczęcie, większe zróżnicowanie rytmiczne, rezygnację z powtórzeń materiału muzycznego i efektowniej zaplanowaną końcową kulminację.
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32

Brown, Howard Mayer. "The Mirror of Man's Salvation: Music in Devotional Life About 1500." Renaissance Quarterly 43, no. 4 (1990): 744–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862788.

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Анотація:
Composers working during the last quarter of the fifteenth century wrote many more motets than previous composers had done. At any rate, far more have come down to us. This apparent explosion of activity coincided with the founding, reorganization, or revitalization of a number of cathedral or princely chapel choirs. Moreover, the character of the motet as a musical genre also seems to have changed at about the same time. By far the largest number of motets composed before 1475 set texts celebrating the Virgin Mary, or else they were compositions written to celebrate particular political or social occasions.
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33

Everist, Mark. "Review." Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 20 (1987): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14723808.1987.10540921.

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Анотація:
The origins of The Earliest Motets (to c.1270): A Complete Comparative Edition lie in Hans Tischler's 1942 Yale doctoral dissertation, in which all the motets in D-W677, 1-Fl Plut.29.1 and D-W1099 were systematically transcribed. Tischler's dissertation has contained the only available transcriptions of the unica in these sources for nearly forty years, though works with concordances have been accessible in publications by Aubry, Rokseth, Anglès and Anderson. The Earliest Motets (henceforth EM) takes his dissertation as its core, and adds the motets of E-Mn 20486, F-Pn lat. 15139, F-Pn n.a.f. 13521, D-Mbs Mus.Ms. 4775, the chansonniers, and odd motet voices and texts found in various narrative works and poetry anthologies. Such a publication is therefore a major landmark of twentieth-century musicology.
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34

Clark, Alice V. "Listening to Machaut's Motets." Journal of Musicology 21, no. 4 (2004): 487–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2004.21.4.487.

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Анотація:
In a significant number of his motets, Guillaume de Machaut uses melodic repetition to provide audible cues to their talea structure. He further breaks or alters that repetition in order to call attention to final talea statements, thereby providing a sounding clue to the motet's end. The use of this technique in a genre well known for its intellectual complexities seems to show a special concern for the unprepared listener, a concern that is less clearly manifested in the work of other motet composers in 14th-century France. This has implications both for how we see Machaut in relation to his contemporaries and for how we may approach his motets today.
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35

Allsen, J. Michael. "Tenores ad longum and rhythmic cues in the early fifteenth-century motet." Plainsong and Medieval Music 12, no. 1 (April 2003): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137103003036.

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Анотація:
This article deals primarily with a small repertory of early fifteenth-century motets that survive with tenores ad longum - substitute parts for notationally difficult tenors: works by Dunstaple, Binchois, Ciconia, Brassart, Velut, Carmen and Antonius de Civitate. The eight cases, together with Du Fay's O Sancte Sebastiane and the fourteenth-century motet Inter densas, are discussed individually, with consideration of the reason for inclusion of a tenor ad longum or other rhythmic cues, and who might have been responsible for the part.
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36

Everist, Mark. "The Refrain Cento: Myth or Motet?" Journal of the Royal Musical Association 114, no. 2 (1989): 164–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/114.2.164.

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Анотація:
Of all the genres of thirteenth-century vernacular polyphony, none is more elusive than the so-called refrain cento. Such types of composition as the motet enté and the motet with a single terminal refrain make regular appearances in the literature on the thirteenth-century motet. Most of these genres are defined by the presence or absence of a refrain, the musico-poetic entity which seems to drift from chanson to rondeau, to verse narrative, to motet. The nature of the problem concerns the degree to which the pieces which have been termed refrain cento can actually be seen to constitute a genre. Generic considerations will therefore be given some weight in this article.
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37

CLARK, SUZANNAH. "‘S’en dirai chançonete’: hearing text and music in a medieval motet." Plainsong and Medieval Music 16, no. 1 (April 2007): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137107000605.

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Анотація:
Abstract.The texts of thirteenth-century vernacular motets have held centre stage in many recent debates about this polytextual genre: the purported unintelligibility of the words in performance has led to questions about how motets were meant to be understood, especially by third-party listeners, both medieval and modern. The irony is that the purpose of the music has gone unheard in this debate. Using a single motet as point of focus, this article suggests various ways in which the music clarifies rather than obscures the meaning of the text in performance. These range from the use of simple musical devices, such as musical repetition or changes in texture that draw attention to significant moments in the text, to the exploitation of refrain melodies, which I argue carries out an ‘intersonic’ duty that serves as an interpretive companion to the more traditional ‘intertextual’ readings of recent scholarship.
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38

Reynolds, Christopher. "Motive, Structure and Meaning in Willaert’s Motet Videns Dominus." Journal of Musicology 32, no. 3 (2015): 328–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2015.32.3.328.

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Анотація:
This study of Adrian Willaert’s motet, Videns Dominus flentes sorores Lazari, demonstrates how the construction and distribution of motives indicate a particular reading of the text, the story of Jesus raising Lazarus from the dead. While this reading has important elements in common with artistic renderings of the story of Jesus resurrecting Lazarus, it also demonstrates the ability of music to express a kind of meaning unavailable to artists. Willaert created a symmetrical structure with the command of Jesus to Lazarus placed in the exact middle of the motet, with events on either side ordered concentrically to represent Lazarus’s return to life. Key events in Willaert’s motet recur in Jacobus Vaet’s Videns Dominus (1562), and Hieronymus Praetorius’s double-choir motet, Videns Dominus flentes sorores Lazari (1599).
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39

Bradley, Catherine A. "CONTRAFACTA AND TRANSCRIBED MOTETS: VERNACULAR INFLUENCES ON LATIN MOTETS AND CLAUSULAE IN THE FLORENCE MANUSCRIPT." Early Music History 32 (2013): 1–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127913000016.

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Анотація:
Dated to the 1240s, the Florence manuscript (F: Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut. 29.1) is the earliest surviving source to contain a collection of motets. The exclusively Latin-texted motets in F are widely regarded as the oldest layer(s) of pieces in this new genre. This study closely analyses three motets in F, demonstrating that they are Latin contrafacta reworkings of vernacular motets extant only in chronologically later sources. It traces the influences of secular, vernacular refrains in two supposedly liturgical clausulae in F, proposing that these clausulae are textless transcriptions of French motets, and engages with wider questions concerning scribal practices, the relationship between sine littera and cum littera notations and issues of consonance and dissonance. Reasons as to why clausulae might have been transcribed in F and the possible extent of vernacular influences in this manuscript are explored. These findings challenge established chronological narratives of motet development. The three case studies offer methodological models, demonstrating ways in which relationships between clausulae and Latin and French motets can be tested and their relative chronologies established.
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40

Wolinski, Mary E. "The compilation of the Montpellier Codex." Early Music History 11 (October 1992): 263–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900001248.

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Анотація:
The manuscript Montpellier, Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire, Section Médecine, H 196 (hereafter called Mo) has long claimed a place as one of the musical monuments of the thirteenth century. It is one of the most comprehensive sources of the early motet and is by far the largest anthology of French three-voice motets. It has long been thought that Mo was compiled in a number of stages that reflect gradual changes in musical notation and style during the second half of the thirteenth century. This assumption has been used to date repertory, theorists and composers.
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41

Fábián, Apolka. "Analytical Aspects of the Three Versions of Confitebor Tibi, Domine by Claudio Monteverdi." Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai Musica 68, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbmusica.2023.2.22.

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Анотація:
"This work focuses on the musical analysis of Monteverd’s composition styles in his sacred music. The motets, Confitebor tibi, Domine were printed in 1640 in collection of Selva morale e spiritual. Even in these rigidly bound works, Monteverdi gives full intensity to the meaning of every word of the text, trying to bring it to life in a vivid and convincing way. These three versions of Psalm 111 present different compositional techniques, through which Monteverdi wishes to emphasize the content of the text. Keyword: Renaissance music, Claudio Monteverdi, motet, sacred music"
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42

Aspøy, Arild. "Handlingsrommet og motet." Stat & Styring 24, no. 01 (April 1, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn0809-750x-2014-01-01.

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43

Bent, Margaret. "Varieties of motet." Early Music XXVIII, no. 1 (February 2000): 114–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/earlyj/xxviii.1.114.

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44

Dunlop, Margaret. "Response to motet." Nursing Inquiry 7, no. 3 (September 2000): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1440-1800.2000.00044-2.x.

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45

Rose-Steel, Tamsyn, and Ece Turnator. "Medieval Music in Linked Open Data: A Case Study on Linking Medieval Motets." International Journal of Humanities and Arts Computing 10, no. 1 (March 2016): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ijhac.2016.0158.

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Анотація:
In Fall 2013, the Council on Library and Information Resources (CLIR), funded by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, engaged five postdoctoral fellows placed in five different institutions to explore issues related to data curation for medieval studies. In May 2015, these fellows convened a two-day workshop on the sharing and publishing of Linked Open Data (LOD). Funded by a CLIR/Mellon microgrant, the workshop brought together librarians, technologists, and scholars to brainstorm on the challenges posed to medievalists in sharing data on digital platforms. 2 The workshop offered a forum in which to discuss the complexity of medieval data and the challenges of sharing and publishing it. It enabled participants to appreciate LOD's potential to express complicated data sets in our area of study and aid the navigation of those data sets, as well as understand how LOD can facilitate scholars to share and publish research outcomes more effectively. In this article, we take the lessons learned from the workshop and apply them to a set of complex data: 13th-century French motets, short pieces of music usually consisting of three lines and incorporating manifold connections and references. Following an outline of LOD, a detailed explanation of the motet and the manner of its composition will set the scene for elucidating the levels of complexity to be found in motet metadata, and hence why the LOD model can aid us in negotiating the data. We will then demonstrate an effective application of LOD by proposing a proof-of-concept system for organizing a select set of motets.
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46

Williamson, Magnus. "Royal image-making and textual interplay in Gilbert Banaster's O Maria et Elizabeth." Early Music History 19 (October 2000): 237–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026112790000200x.

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This essay stems from the recent discovery of the cantus firmus of the motet O Maria et Elizabeth by Gilbert Banaster (d. 1487). The chant, which will be discussed in detail, is the respond Regnum mundi. Banaster's motet is known to the scholarly community on account of its unusual text, which concludes with a prayer for an unspecified king. It will be argued that Banaster chose Regnum mundi as his cantus firmus on account of its thematic relevance to the motet text, and that in so doing he collaborated in the appropriation of devotional means to serve dynastic ends.
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47

Thomas, Jennifer. "Reading Michele Pesenti’s Tulerunt Dominum meum." Journal of Musicology 32, no. 3 (2015): 367–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2015.32.3.367.

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Анотація:
For his example of Phrygian mode in his 1547 Dodecachordon, Heinrich Glarean chose a motet first published in Petrucci’s 1503 Motetti B, Michele Pesenti’s Tulerunt Dominum. Glarean’s effusive response to Pesenti’s motet indicates that he had not only studied but had also heard the work; he marvels at the “great emotion and innate sweetness” that conveys so well its subject, which begins with Mary Magdalene’s lament at the empty tomb of Jesus and culminates in an expression of hope. Pesenti’s artistry lies in his ability to acknowledge, structurally and aesthetically, three distinct textual moods while creating an elegant musical structure based on motivic development, manipulation of mode and texture, rhythmic pacing, and the precise nature and placement of significant musical events. Pesenti’s large-scale planning is manifest in his versatile and carefully plotted use of a melodic paradigm that he transforms at strategic moments throughout the motet. It paints text, it carries a hidden message, and it creates musical highpoints. Finally, in a conceptual variation using all the main motives of the motet, its musical climax identifies the central message of the text. A close reading of Tulerunt Dominum reveals the artistry that caught Glarean’s ear: its composer was a thoughtful interpreter of text and a masterful handler of musical form, mode, and rhetoric—someone who could create a motet that would receive attention on its own merits.
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48

Saucier, Catherine. "Johannes Brassart’s Summus secretarius." Journal of Musicology 34, no. 2 (2017): 149–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2017.34.02.149.

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The motet Summus secretarius remains an enigma in the polyphonic output of the south Netherlandish composer Johannes Brassart (ca. 1400/5–1455). While extant sources (I-Bc Q15 and GB-Ob 213) attest to Brassart’s authorship, the message and function of this motet have long perplexed musicologists seeking to identify the work’s elusive subject and understand its cryptic language. Who is the “highest secretary” hailed at the outset, and what is this figure’s relationship to the biblical and cosmological references in the ensuing lines? Summus secretarius reveals its secrets when examined within the context of the medieval cult of St. John the Evangelist. Taking cues from Brassart’s careful musical treatment of words quoted from the Gospel of John (1:1), we can decipher the motet’s language and symbolism using a diverse array of exegetical writings, images, and liturgical music that illuminate the unique status of John as Christ’s most intimate confidant, the seer and evangelist privy to his secrets. Brassart would have experienced the evangelist’s cult most vividly through his service as singer, chaplain, priest, and canon at the collegiate church of Saint-Jean l’Evangéliste in Liège—the most likely place for the motet’s composition and performance. Summus secretarius demonstrates to an exceptional degree the hermeneutic richness of enigmatic language in the unique texts of freely composed fifteenth-century motets.
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49

Антоненко, Е. Ю. "Concerto and Motet in Russian Sacred Music of the Second Half of the 18th Century: Different Genres or Historical Terms?" Музыкальная академия, no. 2(782) (June 26, 2023): 134–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.34690/312.

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Анотація:
В то время как сочинения русских композиторов в жанре русского хорового концерта эпо­хи классицизма в рукописных источниках именуются исключительно концертами, ряд манускриптов не­мецких авторов, работавших в России в конце XVIII ― начале XIX века, содержит название «мотет». Использование разных терминов при обозначении произведений одного жанра объясняется сходством российского концерта и немецкого мотета середины XVIII века, описания которого мы находим в трактатах немецких музыкантов-теоретиков. Проанализировав употребле­ние понятий «мотет» и «концерт» в запис­ках Якоба фон Штелина «Известия о музыке в России» (1769), мы пришли к выводу, что в большинстве случаев при их соседстве под мотетом Штелин понимает жанр партесного концерта, а под концертом — хоровой концерт эпохи классицизма. Суждения отечественных музыковедов о разграничении понятий «мотет» и «концерт» в отношении жанра русского духовного концерта эпохи классицизма, а также утверждение о происхождении жанра от итальянского мотета того времени критически рассмотрены нами в свете взглядов немецких теоретиков XVIII века. Concerning the genre of the sacred choral concerto in Russia in the epoch of classicism, there is no discrepancy in the manuscript sources where such works are designated as “concertos.” At the same time, in several choral concertos’ manuscript sources of German composers working in Russia at the end of the 18th—beginning of the 19th centuries the use of the “motet” as a genre definition was revealed. This could be explained by the likeness of the Russian concerto and the German motet of the 18th century, defined in German treatises of the time. Having analysed how Jacob von Stäehlin uses the definitions of “motet,” and “concerto” in his “Nachrichten von der Musik in Russ­land,” we conclude that in most cases by the “motet” Stäehlin means partesny concerto, and by the “concerto” he refers to the new sacred choral concerto genre. Russian musicologists’ ideas on the use of the terms “motet” and “concerto” for the choral concerto as well as a statement of this genre’s provenance from the Italian motet are critically considered in our paper in the view of 18th-cen­tury German theorists.
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50

CALDWELL, JOHN. "An early English motet." Early Music XXVI, no. 1 (February 1998): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/earlyj/xxvi.1.189.

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