Дисертації з теми "Monarkia"
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Sundström, Peter. "Socialdemokratiska arbetarpartiets syn på monarkin i Sverige." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för hållbar samhälls- och teknikutveckling, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-15149.
Повний текст джерелаLönn, Martinsson Oscar, and Riccardo Alvarez. "Investeringsbeslut för energieffektivisering i monarken." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för ekonomi och teknik (SET), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-22476.
Повний текст джерелаLauriello, Christopher Lewis. "Church and State in Dante Alighieri's "Monarchia"." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104155.
Повний текст джерелаThis study examines Dante Alighieri's presentation of the relation between Church and State and of their foundations in either the Christian faith or philosophic reason. It seeks to demonstrate how Dante's unmodern acceptance of a teleological understanding of the world and man’s place in it allows him to distinguish the two while also showing how both work together even as they understand differently the role that reason should play in human life. It is because of this distinction that Dante's Monarchia shares in the political principle of “separation” that underlies the secular regimes of the West, thereby making his work immediately accessible to modern-day readers. It is because of the way reason and faith also work together in his political treatise, however, that Dante does not endorse, as readers today would, the further separation of his State from Society. This is because for Dante the very ideas of Church and State not only presuppose the existence of the highest goods of man -namely, that terrestrial good that pertains to man insofar as he is a natural being, and that spiritual good that pertains to man insofar as he is a creature capable of being transfigured by the divine grace of God. They also are intended to embody and publicly promote these two goods. Thus for Dante the Church is meant to help man attain his immortal end, which consists in the supernatural act of seeing God "face to face," while the State is meant to help man attain his mortal end, which consists in grasping philosophic truths. And so it is for these teleological and illiberal reasons that Dante's work remains as inaccessible as it does familiar to readers today. Yet it is by virtue of his refusal to forge our distinctively modern course, and so because of his acceptance of an "outdated" Aristotelian principle of teleology, that Dante's philosophic politics establishes a clearer demarcation between Church and State or reason and faith than modern political philosophies do. His Monarchia is therefore an invaluable guide for all those who wish to acquire a better understanding of the nature and limit of each. This latter claim can prove to be true, however, only if the end of his treatise is understood in light of what many scholars have either ignored or denied in their reading of the Monarchia, and that is Dante’s "Latin Averroism."
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Loureiro, Marcello José Gomes. "Iustitiam Dare. A Gestão da Monarquia Pluricontinental : Conselhos Superiores, pactos, articulações e o governo da monarquia portuguesa (1640-1668)." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0149.
Повний текст джерелаAfter the restoration of december 1640, the theme of government by the councils (or courts) was recurrent in the administration of the portuguese monarchy. Therefore, it has become a matter of great debate in the literature. The main purpose of this thesis is to show the importance of government by councils in the portuguese monarchy and to link this model of deliberation to the idea of agreed monarchy. The studied period were the years following december's restoration
Silva, Jorge Claudio Bastos da. "A monarquia portuguesa na obra de Alexandre Herculano." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2011. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=2789.
Повний текст джерелаThe research The Portuguese Monarchy in Alexandre Herculanos work analyses the building of the monarchs ideal model (by Alexandre Herculano) especially focusing on the historical production on which the Portuguese monarchs were detailedly portrayed and discerningly analysed. Considering the Portuguese historical conjuncture marked not only by the establishment of the Liberal State but also by the debates among the different political groups in which the intellectuals partaking is relevant. Concerning Alexandre Herculano, the authors involvement in several debates and political articulations is an evidence of the intelligentsias outstanding role in the Portuguese society of the nineteenth century. Along with the historical context in which Herculanos work was produced, the conceptual universe created by the author reasoned on theoretical and political assumptions was also considered because the monarchs model built by the author was created from this universe of concepts that, according to the theoretical assumptions used in this research, act and expand their sphere of influence towards the contemporary debates to his work.
Mackenney, Poblete Fernando. "Los comicios durante la Monarquia y República Romana." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 1988. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/142746.
Повний текст джерелаГвоздик, Наталія Василівна. "ФАРМАКОГНОСТИЧНИЙ АНАЛІЗ ВИДІВ РОДУ МОНАРДА (MONARDA L.)". Thesis, Тернопіль, 2021. https://repository.tdmu.edu.ua//handle/123456789/17076.
Повний текст джерелаAnséhn, Linn. "Bernadotter i tid och rum : Tre utställningar år 2010 - vad förmedlas och hur?" Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för humaniora (HUM), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-15960.
Повний текст джерелаFabbro, Eduardo. "A golpes de machado : as origens da monarquia Franca." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2006. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/2218.
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A monarquia franca é resultado de um longo período de desenvolvimento interno na sociedade germânica, motivado pelo contato desta com o mundo romano. Partindo de uma estrutura tribal, a monarquia germânica caminha para uma fusão gradual com o sistema de dominação imperial, tornando-se no século V não apenas o núcleo de reorganização do mundo germânico como também uma instituição tipicamente tardo-antiga. A monarquia germânica é compreendida somente à luz de sua inserção na estrutura romana e de sua importância política na organização do baixo império. A monarquia franca é analisada neste quadro, como parte de um processo interno de re-organização do império romano após a derrocada do ocidente. Os reis francos, como generais romanos competentes, souberam integrar o restante das tropas romanas e torná-las um povo sob o qual poderiam reinar.
Raggi, Carola <1992>. "Al-ʿAdl wa al-Iḥsān: un'alternativa alla monarchia alawita". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/11699.
Повний текст джерелаPérez, Latre Miguel. "Diputació i Monarquia. El Poder Polític a Catalunya, 1563-1599." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7475.
Повний текст джерелаEsteves, Germano Miguel Favaro [UNESP]. "O espelho de Sisebuto: religiosidade e monarquia na Vita Desiderii." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93389.
Повний текст джерелаConselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
A partir de estudos sobre a criação e permanência do reino Visigodo na Hispânia, séculos V a VII, procuramos trabalhar com um curto período, final da segunda metade do século VI e a primeira do VII, com atenção dirigida em especial a dois objetos: a Religiosidade e a Monarquia. Como fonte principal da pesquisa, teremos nossa análise voltada à Hagiografia da Vida e Martírio de São Desidério escrita pelo monarca que governou a Hispânia dentre os anos de 612 a 621, o rei Sisebuto. Ver nesta fonte um testemunho das relações de poder político em sua imbricação com o sagrado, ou seja, com o cristianismo, pode-nos mostrar como Sisebuto utilizou-se da Vita mais para suas circunstâncias ideológicas e políticas, legitimando seu poder, do que para o santo mesmo, tornando-se este último, e sua santidade, mais um coadjuvante que um protagonista
Starting from studies of the creation and permanence of the Visigothic kingdom in Hispania, centuries V-VII, we work with a short period, final of the second half of the VI century and the first half of VII century, with special attention to two objects: The Religiosity and the Monarchy. As the main source of the research we will have our analysis turned to Hagiography of the Life and Martyrdom of Saint Desiderius, wrote by the monarch that governed the Hispânia by the years of 612 to 621, king Sisebut. See in this source a testimony of the relationships of political power in its relation with the sacred (Christianity) can show us like Sisebut used the Vita more for his ideological and political circumstances, legitimating his power, for the life’s saint properly, becoming this last one, and his sanctity, more a coactive that a protagonist
Cifani, Gabriele. "Architettura romana arcaica : edilizia e società tra Monarchia e Repubblica." Roma L' Erma di Bretschneider, 2008. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=016392094&linen̲umber=0002&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.
Повний текст джерелаArossi, Gustavo. "O conceito de Optimus Homo no Monarchia de Dante Alighieri." Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10923/3423.
Повний текст джерелаThis research aims to present the political thinking of Dante Alighieri. It is quite common of us to think that the Florentine poet has only addressed the subjects related to poetry. However, it is necessary to point out that, even prior to becoming a poet, Dante Alighieri is a political philosopher of the Middle Ages. Living within an environment of troubled relations of power, especially between the Church and the Empire, Dante attempts to rationally present theses to solve the problem about who should govern in order to avoid the clash between powers in the Western Christianity. Through this perspective, the sommo poeta formulates a model of government focused on the distinction between powers: spiritual power and temporal power. Furthermore, it focuses on the individuals and in their political engagement the complete fulfillment of mankind, thus devising the concept of optimus homo. Undoubtedly a better man will be the one who participates in the political community, the one who gets involved in the so-called ethical and political issues and who respects the State and the Law.
Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo apresentar o pensamento político de Dante Alighieri. É muito comum pensarmos que o poeta florentino apenas tratou de questões relativas à poesia. Entretanto, é necessário esclarecermos que, antes mesmo de ser poeta, Dante Alighieri é um filósofo da política na Idade Média. Vivendo num ambiente de conturbadas relações de poder, sobretudo entre Igreja e Império, Dante procura de forma racional apresentar teses para solucionar o problema acerca de quem deveria governar a fim de evitar o embate entre poderes na Cristandade Ocidental. Nesta perspectiva o sommo poeta elabora um modelo de governo centrado na distinção entre poderes: poder espiritual e poder temporal. Ainda, centra no homem em sua participação política a plena realização do gênero humano, conferindo assim o conceito de optimus homo. Sem dúvida alguma será melhor o homem que participar da comunidade política, aquele que se envolver com as chamadas questões ético/políticas e que respeitar o Estado e o Direito.
Gabbani, Ilaria. ""L'Italiano". Un foglio letterario nella Parigi della Monarchia di Luglio." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA175/document.
Повний текст джерелаThe research aims at reconstructing a neglected episode in the cultural life of the Italian exiles in the Age of the Risorgimento and is centered on a literary magazine published in Paris, from May to October 1836: «L'Italiano. Foglio letterario».«L'Italiano» was envisaged by Mazzini in Switzerland, together with his companions ofexile, and was eventually published with the aid of a group of Italian refugees in Paris. The journal was originally conceived within the context of the «Giovine Italia», but had to face up to a number of intellectuals whose cultural and political background was extremely various and whose intent was to cooperate in order to «principiare una nazionalità, sia pure letteraria».While «L’Exilé» (1832-1834) – the nearest antecedent of this magazine – aspired to provide an history of Italian literature for the Italian and French readers, «L'Italiano» presented rather a program of «critica educatrice» and it was especially addressed to the Italian intellectuals.The circle which arised around the journal was cemented not only by an ethic and engaged conception of literature, but also by a spiritualist philosophy: even if the proponents defended the Italian character of this philosophy, it was developed through a continuous exchange with French Philosophers of the Age of Reaction, such as Pierre Leroux and Philippe Buchez.The journal's proposal was centered on dramatic theatre and melodrama, insofar as theywere considered as instruments for political mobilization, apt to set on an emotional and symbolic dimension the idea of nation, as well as to affect the working-class, without the need for written words
Questo lavoro si propone di ricostruire una pagina poco nota della diaspora risorgimentale, sorta attorno a un giornale letterario che si pubblicò a Parigi tra il maggio e l'ottobre del 1836, «L’Italiano. Foglio letterario». Concepito in Svizzera da Mazzini e da alcuni suoi compagni d’esilio, «L’Italiano» vide finalmente la luce grazie alla collaborazione di un gruppo di esuli italiani residenti nella capitale francese. Rispetto all’idea originaria, sorta in seno alla Giovine Italia, il giornale dovette confrontarsi con intellettuali dai percorsi culturali e politici assai diversi tra loro, che si trovarono a cooperare per «principiare una nazionalità, sia pure letteraria».Diversamente dal suo precedente parigino, «L'Exilé» (1832-1834), che ambiva a offrire al pubblico italiano e francese una storia della letteratura italiana, «L'Italiano» proponeva, invece, un programma di «critica educatrice» rivolto principalmente agli intellettuali della penisola. Oltre alla condivisione di una concezione etica e civile della letteratura, il sodalizio culturale sorto attorno al giornale si fondava sull’adesione a una filosofia di stampo spiritualista che, pur rivendicando un’origine tutta italiana, si alimentava grazie al confronto con alcuni pensatori francesi della Restaurazione, come Pierre Leroux e Philippe Buchez.La proposta letteraria del giornale poggiava sul teatro drammatico e sul melodramma, in cui riconosceva dei dispositivi di mobilitazione politica che, oltre a proiettare l’idea di nazione su un piano emotivo e simbolico, potevano raggiungere le classi popolari senza la mediazione della parola scritta
Eline, Ekström. "Krishantering av kunglig karaktär : En talanalys av två monarkiska tal." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-451234.
Повний текст джерелаEsteves, Germano Miguel Favaro. "O espelho de Sisebuto : religiosidade e monarquia na Vita Desiderii /." Assis : [s.n.], 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93389.
Повний текст джерелаBanca: Ana Paula Tavares Magalhães
Banca: Terezinha Oliveira
Resumo: A partir de estudos sobre a criação e permanência do reino Visigodo na Hispânia, séculos V a VII, procuramos trabalhar com um curto período, final da segunda metade do século VI e a primeira do VII, com atenção dirigida em especial a dois objetos: a Religiosidade e a Monarquia. Como fonte principal da pesquisa, teremos nossa análise voltada à Hagiografia da Vida e Martírio de São Desidério escrita pelo monarca que governou a Hispânia dentre os anos de 612 a 621, o rei Sisebuto. Ver nesta fonte um testemunho das relações de poder político em sua imbricação com o sagrado, ou seja, com o cristianismo, pode-nos mostrar como Sisebuto utilizou-se da Vita mais para suas circunstâncias ideológicas e políticas, legitimando seu poder, do que para o santo mesmo, tornando-se este último, e sua santidade, mais um coadjuvante que um protagonista
Abstract: Starting from studies of the creation and permanence of the Visigothic kingdom in Hispania, centuries V-VII, we work with a short period, final of the second half of the VI century and the first half of VII century, with special attention to two objects: The Religiosity and the Monarchy. As the main source of the research we will have our analysis turned to Hagiography of the Life and Martyrdom of Saint Desiderius, wrote by the monarch that governed the Hispânia by the years of 612 to 621, king Sisebut. See in this source a testimony of the relationships of political power in its relation with the sacred (Christianity) can show us like Sisebut used the Vita more for his ideological and political circumstances, legitimating his power, for the life's saint properly, becoming this last one, and his sanctity, more a coactive that a protagonist
Mestre
Wahlström, Hofgren Carolina. "Monarkin upp för diskussion : – Hur debatten runt händelserna år 2010 såg ur ett deliberativt demokratiskt perspektiv." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för samhällsvetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-26891.
Повний текст джерелаBerggren, Niklas, and Henke Gustafsson. "Dags att vända blad för monarkins fasad : Putsarbeten på Stockholms slott." Thesis, KTH, Byggteknik och design, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-49122.
Повний текст джерелаThe restoration work of the Gotland sandstone at the Royal Palace in Stockholm began in spring 2011. In the first stage the sandstone of "norra Logårdsflygelns" facade will be restored. The restoration of the sandstone will cause damage to the plastered surfaces. Before work was started the plaster was in good condition considering its age, although some ballast were washed up on the surface. With the damage that will occur, it has since emerged to develop a plaster for patching. The patching plaster that we have developed through this thesis matches the existing plaster in color, texture, ageing and technical characteristics. For the production of patching plaster, we have studied the two original recipes used in the polishing of the facade. We have also conducted laboratory experiments with material replaced in the original recipe because they are not still available on the market. During the laboratory, we have determined by screening the existing plaster ballast fractions and its distribution. The replacement ballast that we have developed is following the existing ballasts term curves. The laboratory sessions resulted in a prescription for 25 kg plaster. This recipe contains precise amounts of binders, ballast and pigments. When the restorations are performed, the polished surface must be treated by brush and water to achieve the right structure. In this thesis we have developed methods for the treatment of the two extremes of the surface. We have also presented a plaster that can be used when the complete castle is plasterd. We have not done any lab work with this plaster but we have chosen an existing NHL-plaster. This plaster is working well with the palace’s façade and its construction. We suggest that the uncoloured plaster is painted with an NHL-lime color. In this thesis, we have not taken into account the economic aspects of material selections and work methods.
[Verfasser], Monarin Uervirojnangkoorn. "Genetic algorithms for phase determination in macromolecular crystallography / Monarin Uervirojnangkoorn." Lübeck : Zentrale Hochschulbibliothek Lübeck, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1036153274/34.
Повний текст джерелаRomao, Paôla Manfredini. "De Isidoro a Ildefonso." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFPR, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1884/34722.
Повний текст джерелаMelin, Eduardo. "Análise sobre a política de supremacia papal de Bonifácio VIII, frente à autonomia nacional da França de Felipe IV (1296-1303) /." Assis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/182330.
Повний текст джерелаBanca: Germano Miguel Favaro Esteves
Banca: Ana Paula Tavares Magalhães
Resumo: Propomo-nos, neste trabalho, a analisar os tratados políticos que discutem as teorias acerca da hegemonia dos poderes dentro do Ocidente medieval. Para isso, utilizaremos de fontes diretas da diplomacia papal, as bulas e as produções intelectuais de pensadores políticos que se formulam no decorrer da querela entre Bonifácio VIII e Filipe IV de França (1296-1303). Percebemos que, nessas fontes, o desenvolvimento e enriquecimento das ideias políticas, ou mesmo a idealização de modelos de governo, é resultado de um aparato histórico e legal, seja no Direito Canônico ou no Direito Romano. Tais produções intelectuais estão situadas e interligadas à lei, pois partem de uma concepção teleológica da sociedade. Desse modo, tencionamos neste trabalho analisar o fortalecimento da Monarquia francesa como representante do poder temporal, utilizando a obra de João Quidort, "De regia potestate et papali", que nos apresenta a distinção dos poderes e suas funções, contrapondo a obra "ecclesiastica De potestate", de Egídio Romano, a qual representa o auge da plenitude do poder papal e a obra "De Monarchia", de Dante Alighieri, que expõe um modelo de governo singular, embora tenda a defender a hegemonia temporal.
Abstract: We propose, in this work, to analyze the political treatises that discuss theories about the hegemony of powers within the medieval West. For this purpose, we will use direct sources of papal diplomacy, the bulls and the intellectual productions of political thinkers formulated during the quarrel between Boniface VIII and Philip IV of France (1296-1303). We realize that, in these sources, the development and enrichment of political ideas, or even the idealization of models of government, is the result of a historical and legal apparatus, whether in Canon Law or Roman Law. Such intellectual productions are situated and interconnected with the law, since they depart from a teleological conception of society. In this way, we intend in this work to analyze the strengthening of the French Monarchy as representative of temporal power, using the work of John Quidort, "De regia potestate et papali", which presents us with the distinction of powers and their functions, contrasting the work "Ecclesiastic De potestate "by Egidio Romano, which represents the pinnacle of the fullness of papal power and Dante Alighieri's work" De Monarchia ", which exposes a singular model of government, although it tends to defend temporal hegemony
Mestre
Sundström, Peter. "Den svenska monarkins legitimitet : Institutionens och statschefens förenlighet med tre olika legitimitetsdimensioner." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35932.
Повний текст джерелаFERNANDES, A. K. S. "A administração espanhola no Espírito Santo durante a monarquia dual (1580-1640)." Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2017. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/9270.
Повний текст джерелаEssa é uma pesquisa inicial sobre o exercício de cargos e formas de enriquecimento das elites do Espírito Santo. O recorte temporal corresponde às primeiras décadas do século XVII, período em que se insere o principal documento histórico analisado: uma carta do rei Felipe II ao capitão-mor da capitania do Espírito Santo, de 13 de agosto de 1617, ordenando uma devassa na alfândega, e o auto de testemunhas convocadas para prestar depoimento. Nossa análise buscará identificar o grupo de indivíduos mais abastados da capitania, a origem social dos indivíduos que compõem essa elite e as atividades econômicas por eles praticadas. Ainda, nos dedicamos ao estudo da fiscalidade no período filipino, atentando para as atividades da Alfândega do Espírito Santo, instituição responsável pela arrecadação fiscal, pelo controle do tráfego de mercadorias e pela fiscalização das rendas da Coroa, mas também palco de atividades ilícitas, sobretudo pelos envolvidos com as atividades alfandegárias.
DE, LUCA EMANUELE. "Identità nazionale, monarchia, impero. Costruire la Spagna nell'età del liberalismo (1782-1868)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Trieste, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11368/2924792.
Повний текст джерелаMost of historiography on contemporary Spain interprets terms such as nation and empire, national construction and imperialism, as if they were contradictory or self-disclaiming. After the American revolutionary processes of the first quarter of the nineteenth century, the imperial Spanish dimension would have been replaced by the purely national one, where the different liberal families, through a revolutionary process, firstly introduced a constitutional monarchical system and then clashed for the political articulation and internal cultural heritage of the nation. According to this reading, only during the Restauración borbónica, and then with the crisis of 1898, an "imperial conscience" would re-emerge as a component of a "mature" nationalism and capable of characterizing the colonial adventures in Africa of the twentieth century. However, as proposed by Josep Fradera, from the end of the eighteenth century - with the crisis atlántica and the process of Iberian-American independences - until the end of the "Isabeline era", Spain, from a metropolitan center of a great global empire, passed to be an "imperial nation". This research is focused on the political and cultural aspects of this passage: probing the permanence of the empire in the form of "imperial conscience" - a terminology taken from Anglo-Saxon and post-colonial historiography, especially from Alda Blanco's studies - in the era of liberalism and understand how this process engages in the construction of a national-patriotic imagery and rhetoric. Which role did the imperial dimension play in the different contexts that composed the complex and varied Spanish geography, for the definition of the nationalist constellation in the nineteenth century? The loss of most of the Ibero-American colonies until 1824 led to a double process in the Atlantic context: a different inclusion / exclusion of Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines within the political, economic and administrative boundaries of the (imperial) nation; and the reconstruction of cultural and symbolic relationships with the former colonies through symbolic constructions such as panhispanism and hispanoamericanism. At the same time the imperial conscience was nourished by the search for new territories to be discovered, governed and colonized, especially in Africa. How to interpret this progressive "reorientation" towards Guinea and, in particular, Morocco, which will be so important in 20th century foreign policy? Spain was not any imperial nation or monarchy. In fact, it occupied a specific role within the European political and cultural order: leyenda negra and mito romántico conveyed and coagulated long-term representations and stereotypes - on the history, the ethnic character, the personalities that succeeded on the throne of Spain, colonialism, customs perceived as folkloric - which together established an "European image" of Spain, to paraphrase Edward Said. Furthermore, this image was based on a "semi-orientalization" of the Iberian country: a hybrid country, both picturesque and decadent, as much European as exotic and close to the Muslim Arabic tradition. These different matrices of representations were non-marginal components in the construction of a national-patriotic narrative and genealogy. This, since the end of the eighteenth century, remained linked to the rhetorical dimension of the empire and then to an (often vain) research of a renewed international role of the nation during the nineteenth century. Analyzing narrative sources - such as periodicals or novels rather than historiography, orientalistic studies and travel diaries - and through the identification of emblematic events such as the Guerra de Africa (1859-1860), it's shown that the loss most of the colonies did not mean abandoning the imperial propensity of Spain. It was, if anything, a transformation because of the different political and cultural conditions opened by the Era of liberalism.
Reis, Jaime Estevão dos [UNESP]. "Território, legislação e monarquia no reinado de Alfonso X, o Sábio (1252-1284)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103168.
Повний текст джерелаCoordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Alfonso X, o Sábio (1221 - 1284), ascendeu ao trono de Castela em 1252, após a morte de seu pai, Fernando III (1199 - 1252). Considerado um dos monarcas mais poderosos do século XIII, herdou do pai uma política de centralização do poder real fundamentada na consolidação do território da monarquia e na unificação legislativa. Apoiando-se em um corpus documental formado por crônicas, códigos jurídicos e documentos régios do século XIII, esta tese mostra que Alfonso X foi um continuador dessa política de centralização. Sob seu reinado definiram-se as fronteiras do território da Coroa de Castela. Alfonso X completou o projeto de unificação jurídica esboçado por Fernando III ao substituir os vários códigos jurídicos locais, os chamados fueros, por uma legislação régia de caráter centralizador. Ao instituir uma legislação que garantisse a supremacia do poder real, Alfonso X provocou uma reação da nobreza ao seu projeto político.
Alphonse X, the Wise (1221 - 1284) ascended to the Castile throne in 1252, after his father's death, Fernando III (1199 - 1252). Considered one of the most powerful monarchs of the13th century, he inherited from his father a politics of centralization of the real power based on the consolidation of the monarchy territory, and on the legislative unification. Leaning on a documental corpus formed by chronicles, juridical codes and royal documents of the 13th century, this theory shows that Alphonse X was a continuator of that centralization. Under his reign, the borders of the territory of the Crown of Castile were defined. Alphonse X completed the project of juridical unification outlined by Fernando III when substituting the several local juridical codes, the so called fueros, for a royal legislation of centralizing character. When he implemented a legislation that would guarantee the supremacy of the royal power, Alphonse X provoked a reaction from the nobility to his political project.
Tegenborg, Falkdalen Karin. "Kungen är en kvinna : retorik och praktik kring kvinnliga monarker under tidigmodern tid." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Historiska studier, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-60249.
Повний текст джерелаdigitalisering@umu
Ferreira, Paula Botafogo Caricchio. "Deputados portugueses e redatores fluminenses na construção da monarquia constitucional portuguesa (1821-1822)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-18042011-155431/.
Повний текст джерелаThis study analyses the historic review of the Atlantic constitutionalism right before the Brazils kingdom independence. In pursuit of this, the research looks into two types of documents: the speeches that occurred during the meeting of the Extraordinary General and Constitutional Courts of the Portuguese Nation, performed in Lisbon between 1821 and 1822 and the periodical from Rio de Janeiro which were published at the same period. It intends to explore the conviction, which seems to be generalized between these representatives, that the Portuguese constitutional experience, for being the last of a series of actions which aimed to reorganize the empires and to solve the crisis of the Old Colonial System, would be capable to use ancient constitutional experiences and establish the most liberal constitutional monarchy of the Atlantic, conserving its unit in both sides of the ocean. In this sense, besides the many different ways of diagnosing the mistakes and right actions of those who have represented Britain, Spain and France, the plurality of the representatives and journalists from Rio de Janeiro agreed about the definition of the three fundamental bases in which they should concentrate their efforts: the regulation of press freedom, the existence of an electoral process and the conception of nations sovereignty. With this analysis, this study intends to contribute to the comprehension of the Portuguese constitutional monarchys construction between 1821 and 1822 and to the process of Brazilian Kingdom independence. For this, it explores the historical appropriation of the Atlantic constitutionalisms around those three bases and the increasing radicalization of the political positioning of these liberal men until the political independence of Brazils Kingdom and, the flop of their initial conviction which aimed to keep both empires as one
García, Arancón María Raquel. "Teobaldo II de Navarra, 1253-1270 : gobierno de la monarquia y recursos financieros /." [Navarra] : Gobierno de Navarra, Departamento de educación y cultura, Institución Principe de Viana, 1985. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36165165p.
Повний текст джерелаReis, Jaime Estevão dos. "Território, legislação e monarquia no reinado de Alfonso X, o Sábio (1252-1284) /." Assis : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103168.
Повний текст джерелаBanca: Leila Rodrigues da Silva
Banca: Angelita Marques Visalli
Banca: Adriana Vidotte
Banca: Ruy de Oliveira Andrade Filho
Resumo: Alfonso X, o Sábio (1221 - 1284), ascendeu ao trono de Castela em 1252, após a morte de seu pai, Fernando III (1199 - 1252). Considerado um dos monarcas mais poderosos do século XIII, herdou do pai uma política de centralização do poder real fundamentada na consolidação do território da monarquia e na unificação legislativa. Apoiando-se em um corpus documental formado por crônicas, códigos jurídicos e documentos régios do século XIII, esta tese mostra que Alfonso X foi um continuador dessa política de centralização. Sob seu reinado definiram-se as fronteiras do território da Coroa de Castela. Alfonso X completou o projeto de unificação jurídica esboçado por Fernando III ao substituir os vários códigos jurídicos locais, os chamados fueros, por uma legislação régia de caráter centralizador. Ao instituir uma legislação que garantisse a supremacia do poder real, Alfonso X provocou uma reação da nobreza ao seu projeto político.
Abstract: Alphonse X, the Wise (1221 - 1284) ascended to the Castile throne in 1252, after his father's death, Fernando III (1199 - 1252). Considered one of the most powerful monarchs of the13th century, he inherited from his father a politics of centralization of the real power based on the consolidation of the monarchy territory, and on the legislative unification. Leaning on a documental corpus formed by chronicles, juridical codes and royal documents of the 13th century, this theory shows that Alphonse X was a continuator of that centralization. Under his reign, the borders of the territory of the Crown of Castile were defined. Alphonse X completed the project of juridical unification outlined by Fernando III when substituting the several local juridical codes, the so called fueros, for a royal legislation of centralizing character. When he implemented a legislation that would guarantee the supremacy of the royal power, Alphonse X provoked a reaction from the nobility to his political project.
Doutor
Malmgren, Therese. "Prinsessa av modern media : en ideationell analys och kritisk diskursanalys rörande rapporteringen av prinsessan Estelles födelse och den svenska monarkin, förd på svenska nyhetssajter." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kommunikation, medier och it, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-17223.
Повний текст джерелаRibeiro, Filipe Nicoletti. "Império das incertezas: política e partidos nas décadas finais da monarquia brasileira (1868-1889)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-11122015-142218/.
Повний текст джерелаThe present thesis aims to study the two major political parties in the Brazilian monarchy, the so-called Conservative and Liberal parties, during the regime\'s final decades. Taking into account fundamental themes to the period\'s political strife, such as the electoral system, provincial autonomy and slavery, how major changes, throughout the 1880s affected the Empire\'s political party system. Those changes, recurrently discussed by historians, were driven by an aggravation of political tensions, together with the strenghtening of forces outside the traditional representative institutions, radicalized in those years. The emergence of an organized movement aiming to abolish slavery and the growing claims of the population for greater intervention in public affairs profoundly divided the country\'s political elite. If to some resistance was the only solution, others showed disposition in taking part in the advancement of a project of a Democratic monarchy, a term some of them used profusely. That project had, among its priorities, the unconditional abolition of slavery, the vigorous expansion of voting rights, the State reform, the concession of larger provincial autonomy and measures toward land reform.
Benatti, Marica <1973>. "Simulacri imperiali portoghesi: la "Entrada Real" di Lisbona del 1619 e la Monarchia Duale." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2007. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/58/1/Microsoft_Word_-_Tesi_def.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаBenatti, Marica <1973>. "Simulacri imperiali portoghesi: la "Entrada Real" di Lisbona del 1619 e la Monarchia Duale." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2007. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/58/.
Повний текст джерелаOssa, García Ximena Marcela. "Tendencia secular para la edad de la menarquia y factores asociados en mujeres mapuches y no mapuches de la región de la Araucanía." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2008. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/116516.
Повний текст джерелаNo disponible a texto completo
Antecedentes La tendencia secular hacia una menarquia más temprana se ha descrito en múltiples estudios, especialmente, en los países más desarrollados. Se estima que factores genéticos y el mejoramiento de factores medioambientales han influido en este proceso, resolviendo problemas sanitarios relevantes que tenían bloqueada la completa expresión del potencial biológico. También se postula que poblaciones, como las indígenas, sometidas a inequidades socioeconómicas y estrés psicosocial, pueden potenciar distintas estrategias reproductivas, acelerando la maduración puberal y, tener una tendencia similar, pero por causas distintas. En Chile, los estudios demuestran que la edad de menarquia ha descendido, pero no se conoce lo que ha ocurrido en regiones menos prósperas y con población indígena, que aún mantiene un menor nivel de desarrollo. Objetivo Estimar la tendencia secular de la edad de la menarquia en mujeres mapuche y no mapuche y su asociación a factores sociodemográficos, familiares y nutricionales. Método Estudio longitudinal de tendencia, de diseño observacional de cohortes históricas en 688 mujeres (10-46 años) del sistema público de salud y educación, estableciendo cuatro cohortes no concurrentes de nacimiento. Los datos fueron recolectados a través de una entrevista estructurada. El análisis estadístico final se realizó mediante modelos de regresión lineal múltiple y de riesgos proporcionales de Cox. Resultados La edad de menarquia se ha adelantado en 13,8 meses (IC, 95%; 16,9–10,7) entre la cohorte más joven y la más antigua, sin diferenciación interétnica. Factores sociodemográficos, nutricionales y familiares han influido en este proceso. La cohorte más joven tiene un riesgo de una menarquia más temprana de 2,2 (IC, 95%; 1,6–2,7) veces con respecto a su símil más antigua. Las mujeres indígenas han mantenido una edad más tardía que las no indígenas a través del tiempo. Conclusiones Se ha producido una tendencia secular hacia una menarquia más temprana en los últimos treinta años en la población indígena y no indígena. El nivel de ingreso, el número de hermanos y la convivencia durante la infancia son los factores que más han influido en este proceso. En las mujeres indígenas la tendencia se ha manifestado en forma continua y progresiva y en las no indígenas, se ha expresado más claramente en los últimos veinte años. Probablemente, el mejoramiento de las condiciones de vida ha influido más en el grupo indígena por ser de mayor vulnerabilidad.
Almeida, Pedro Tavares de. "A construção do estado liberal. Elite política e burocracia na "Regeneração" (1851-1890)." Doctoral thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/2345.
Повний текст джерелаFernandes, Liliana Raquel Rodrigues. "Maçonaria e implantação da República." Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/2811.
Повний текст джерелаAtravés da presente dissertação pretendemos contribuir para uma reflexão e um melhor entendimento da Maçonaria e respectivas esferas de influência, nomeadamente em território nacional e num período particularmente conturbado da vida política portuguesa: a passagem da Monarquia à República. Procuramos, assim, proporcionar uma síntese geral sobre a bibliografia existente acerca deste assunto, levantando um pouco do “véu” e dissipando uma certa aura de “mistério” que, de algum modo, ainda pairam sobre as relações entre a Ordem, o Republicanismo, o Carbonarismo e o 5 de Outubro, incidindo sobre as suas repercussões no decurso da curta vida da Primeira República Portuguesa (1910 - 1926), fortemente marcada pela instabilidade.
Through the present dissertation, we intend to contribute to both a reflection and a better understanding of Freemasonry and its influences, specifically in our country and in a particularly agitated period of the Portuguese political history: the changing from a Monarchy to a Republic. Therefore, we try to present a general synthesis of the existing bibliography on this issue, both lifting a little of the “veil” and dissipating a certain “mystery” aura, which, somehow, still surround the relations among Freemasonry, Republicanism, “Carbonária” and the 5th of October, analysing its implications during the short life of the First Portuguese Republic (1910 - 1926), which was strongly characterized by instability.
RUÍZ, ROMERO BRENDA. "EL TRABAJO INFANTIL EN LA RESERVA DE LA BIOSFERA DE LA MARIPOSA MONARCA: CASO EJIDO EL ROSARIO, OCAMPO, MICHOACÁN MÉXICO." Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11799/62586.
Повний текст джерелаTELLEZ, LÁZARO PERLA. "PARTICIPACIÓN DE LA POBLACIÓN INFANTIL DIFERENCIADA POR GÉNERO EN LA ACTIVIDAD TURÍSTICA EN LAS COMUNIDADES DE EL CAPULÍN Y MACHEROS: RESERVA DE LA BIOSFERA DE LA MARIPOSA MONARCA." Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11799/62588.
Повний текст джерелаCollins, Jane E. "Biochemical and physiological investigations of volatile oil production in Monarda citriodora var. citriodora." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337898.
Повний текст джерелаHauer, Roseneia do Rocio Prestes. "A VISIBILIDADE DA MULHER SUBALTERNA. ANAHY DE LAS MISIONES: A MONARCA DAS COXILHAS." UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE PONTA GROSSA, 2016. http://tede2.uepg.br/jspui/handle/prefix/415.
Повний текст джерелаCoordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
In the classic eighteenth-century narratives, which ones represent Farrapos’ War, the protagonism stands for phallocentric discourse. In a very sensitive and deeply way, the movie Anahy de las misiones (1997), unlike the classics, addresses the marginalized and subaltern woman issues, giving her the center and the voice of narrative. The director Sérgio Silva, director/actor, launches another look about Farroupilha Revollution and in this essay we intend to discuss what were these strategies which modified the discourse and brought as featured, in the work, the marginalized woman, subaltern, understanding the objectives of authorial and resumption films. It also intends to set up the effects this war brought for those women and the consequences for them and also for their people. Because for Weinhardt (2004), it is impossible to pass ten years of war only with great deeds. This essay justifies itself towards the fact that subaltern woman needs a higher power intervention to speak and to be heard. It also justifies itself because of the necessity of discussing about Gender issues, which is already constitute as a social emergency; and also for the help in comprehension of our diverse and intricate Brazilian society. To follow with the objectives we extract dialogues and scenes of Anahy and articulate it with historians, sociologists and philosophers studies, besides the Gender Theory – Butler, Scott, Lamas – literary and cinematographic. Furthermore, we will approach Derridean questions about deconstruction, for, “neglecting this inversion phase means forgetting the conflictual and subordinating structure of opposition.” (DERRIDA, 2001, p.48). The movie, released in 1997, it is part of the Resumption’s cinema decade, in which the greatest objective is to leverage national identity’s questions and its complex formation.
Nas narrativas clássicas oitocentistas, as quais representam a Guerra dos Farrapos, o protagonismo fica por conta do discurso falocêntrico. De uma maneira muito sensível e profunda, o filme Anahy de Las Misiones (1997), ao contrário dos clássicos, aborda a questão da mulher subalterna e marginalizada dando a ela o centro e a voz da narrativa. O diretor Sérgio Silva, o diretor/autor, lança outro olhar sobre a Revolução Farroupilha e pretende-se, neste trabalho, discutir quais foram essas estratégias que modificaram esse discurso e trouxeram como destaque, na obra, uma mulher marginalizada, subalterna, entendendo os objetivos do cinema autoral e do cinema de Retomada. Também, pretende levantar os efeitos que essa guerra trouxe para estas mulheres e as consequências desses efeitos sobre ela e os seus. Para Weinhardt (2004), não se consegue passar dez anos de guerra somente com grandes feitos. Esse trabalho justifica-se perante o fato de que a mulher subalterna necessita de intervenção de um poder maior para falar e ser ouvida. Justifica-se também pelo fato da necessidade de discutir sobre as questões de Gênero, o que já se constitui como urgência social; e pelo auxílio da compreensão da nossa intrincada e diversa sociedade brasileira. Para seguirmos com os objetivos extraímos diálogos e cenas de Anahy e articulamos com os estudos de historiadores, sociólogos, filósofos, além das teorias sobre Gênero – Butler, Scott, Lamas – e das teorias literária e cinematográfica, além de entrevistas com o diretor Sérgio Silva. Além disso, abordaremos as questões derridianas sobre a Desconstrução, pois, “descuidar-se dessa fase de inversão significa esquecer a estrutura conflitiva e subordinante da oposição”. (DERRIDA, 2001, p.48) O filme, lançado em 1997, faz parte da década do cinema de Retomada, onde o objetivo maior é alavancar as questões da identidade nacional e a sua complexa formação.
Soares, Ana Cristina Costa. "O problema da autonomia do Supremo Tribunal Federal: tribunal desconhecido ou monarca absoluto?" Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2014. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/814.
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Este trabalho teve por objetivo investigar a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal como instituição que exerce um papel indispensável na vida democrática brasileira. A intensidade com que essa instituição se desincumbe de sua importante missão não permaneceu a mesma ao longo dos anos. O protagonismo e autonomia atual não se identificam com o papel secundário exercido pelo Supremo no período anterior ao advento da Constituição de 1988. Com um desenho conformado pelo constituinte de 1987 após o fim do regime militar, a Constituição de 1988, bem como mudanças significativas na organização da sociedade brasileira, possibilitaram a ampliação de uma vida democrática no país. Teóricos que estudam essa mudança confirmam um movimento no sentido de uma judicialização da política no Brasil promovida por essas condições e pelo Supremo, que impõe ao Tribunal uma necessária inserção no jogo político entre os poderes representativos do Estado. Para compreender esse movimento o trabalho realizou estudo comparativo entre os modelos de cortes constitucionais e entre os debates teóricos sobre a atuação das cortes. A judicialização da política e o ativismo judicial serviram como base interpretativa das decisões do Supremo e a sua consequente autonomia.
This thesis aimed to investigate the acts of the Supreme Court as an institution which plays an essential role in the Brazilian democratic life. The intensity with which this institution performs its important mission has not remained the same over the years. The current role and autonomy do not correspond to the secondary role played by the Supreme Court in the period of time before the Constitution of 1988. With a design composed by the constituent of 1987 after the end of military rule, the 1988 Constitution, as well as significant changes in the organization of the Brazilian society, allowed the expansion of democratic life in the country. Theorists who study such change confirm a movement towards a judicialization of politics in Brazil promoted by these conditions and by the Supreme Court, which impose a necessary inclusion in the political game between the representative branches of government. In order to understand this movement, a comparative study between the models of constitutional courts and between theoretical debates about the role of the courts was performed. The judicialization of politics and judicial activism served as interpretative basis for decisions of the Supreme and its consequent autonomy.
Lindahl, Jonas. "Vidareutveckling av en belastningsmodul till Monarks cykelergometrar : För en enklare och resurssnålare konstruktion." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för kvalitets- och maskinteknik, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-42667.
Повний текст джерелаBetyg 2021-07-05
Arvidsson, Jonas. "Mest för syns skull? : en studie av effekten på Sveriges utlandsexport av statsbesök." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7032.
Повний текст джерелаDetta är en undersökning av Sveriges statsbesöks effekt på Sveriges export. För att mäta effekten använder jag mig av en empirisk modell, den så kallade handelsgravitationsmodellen. Jag finner att det är svårt att hitta starka och statistiskt signifikanta bevis på att Sveriges statsbesök har en positiv effekt på exporten. När man isolerar för statsbesök i Europa utanför Norden finner jag till och med tecken på att de kan ha en negativ effekt. Jag har även jämfört effekten av Sveriges statsbesök med effekten av Storbritanniens och funnit att Sverige har en generellt lägre effekt än Storbritannien, oavsett vilken modell som används.
Ramos, Ana Flavia Cernic. "Politica e humor nos ultimos anos da monarquia : a serie "Balas de Estalo" (1883-1884)." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279782.
Повний текст джерелаDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Mestrado
Historia Social
Mestre em História
Arias, Ademir Aparecido de Moraes. "A traição nas canções de gesta e o fortalecimento da monarquia capetíngia: França, 1180-1328." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-11082016-160211/.
Повний текст джерелаTreason is a theme that we have been studying for some time, using as sources the Songs of Geste, a poetic genre current in the regions that made up the Frances kingdom, between the eleventh and the fifteenth centuries. That poetrys golden period coincided as the dynasty of government known as the \"direct Capetian\" which reign and father to son succession persisted without interruption from 987 to 1328. Created and disseminated in the various Frances territorial manorials, especially in the northern kingdom, the Songs of Geste treated in their plots of various problems of moral and political force at that time. In a society whose cohesion, at least in its ruling layer, was based on loyalty and creating vassalian ties, treason constituted a serious threat to stability and peace. Both Christian morality as the moral chivalry condemned those who practiced it, but that did not stop their constant occurrence. We studied five epic poems: the Chanson de Roland (C1100), the Girart de Vienne (1180-1185), the Renaut de Montauban (early thirteenth century), the Gaydon (1230-1240) and Jehan de Lançon (half of the century XIII). Roland, is the oldest of those poems, has a respected monarch, and differs from the later poems whose plots value the characters known since the nineteenth century as \"Vassals Rebels\". From the analysis of treason in this poetry and the relationship between vassals and the king, we could draw some important points. Initially the connected to the vocabulary question because traïson / traître / traïr designate one of the most serious crimes described there, thanks to its connection with the neo testamentary tradition of Jesus delivery by Judas Iscariot, supplanting other terms Latin or not (proditio, felonie). In Chansons, the treason is primarily directed against the barons and knights and the executors are of the same social condition of their victims. Only belatedly it calls an attack against the monarch. Another point is the defense, in the poems, from the right to the war to the lord if he does not achieve his justices obligations to his vassal. Thus, the heroes in the fight against Charlemagne were not shown by the poet as traitors but as victims of persecution. Those knights keep respect for their master and aspire to be forgiven and reintegrated to the royal court. Responsibility for treason is directed to a specific lineage, that of Ganelon, responsible for Roncesvales disaster in the Chanson de Roland. But if here the treason was an individual crime, since the end of the twelfth century there is a readjustment work in which the fact of belonging to that family already makes the character capable of being a traitor. Their treasons can go from false accusation to the poisoning of other characters. The proof of treason is often done through the judicial duel and the guilty, beyond sentenced to death, they might have their bodies destroyed to prevent the resurrection at the end of time.
Terenzi, P. "L'AQUILA NEL REGNO. I RAPPORTI POLITICI FRA CITTA' E MONARCHIA NEL MEZZOGIORNO TARDOMEDIEVALE (1467-1503)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/239335.
Повний текст джерелаGuimaraes, Marcella Lopes. "Estudo das representaçoes de monarca nas Crônicas de Fernao Lopes (séculos XIV e XV)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFPR, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1884/24735.
Повний текст джерелаSantos, Marcelo Tadeu dos. "A majestade do monarca : justiça e graça nos sermões de Antônio Vieira (1653-1662)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2010. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/7617.
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A dissertação analisa trinta e um sermões proferidos por Antônio Vieira, entre 1653 e 1652, quando o jesuíta era o chefe da missão do Maranhão e Grão-Pará e a região experimentava um conflito que enfrentava os súditos portugueses à coroa, em torno da escravização dos indígenas. O objetivo é perceber, por meio desses documentos, a maneira como o poder do monarca era compreendido em suas atribuições de justiça. Neste sentido, os atributos da graça e da mercê aparecem articulados, a partir de uma argumentação de fundo político-teológico, na construção da legitimidade do monarca enquanto garante da paz e da justiça. Nos sermões de Vieira, essa interação é explicada pela função de árbitro e juiz que corresponde à “cabeça política” dentro do modelo político corporativo, que nasce na Idade Média e se estende ao Antigo Regime. O papel do soberano, portanto, não é o de monopolizar o exercício do poder, tiranizando os súditos, mas o de coordenar um universo jurídico plural e dinâmico. Partindo de uma perspectiva de estudo centrada nas relações de poder e, sobretudo, descobrindo a importância dos vínculos políticos criados pelas redes clientelares, afirma-se, finalmente, a estreita conexão entre a economia do serviço/benefício e a teologia cristã que lhe dá sentido. O rei legisla, sem desconhecer que existem outros vínculos jurídicos que atam os homens em sociedade, e cuidando para que todos concorram para o bem da respublica christiana e da salvação. Como ser o melhor pastor desse rebanho é o roteiro proposto por Vieira e que esta dissertação pretende elucidar. _______________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
This master’s thesis analyses thirty one sermons preached by Antônio Vieira, between 1653 and 1652, when the Jesuit was the chief of the Maranhão and Grão- Pará Mission. By then the region was facing a conflict that opposed the Portuguese subjects to the crown, because of the slavery of Indians. The main goal is to present, based on those documents, how the monarch power was understood specially in its dimension of justice. In this sense, the attributes of grace and boon appear articulated, in a political and theological argumentation, that show the legitimacy of the king as the warrant of peace and justice. In Vieira’s sermons that interaction is explained by the function of referee and judge that attained to the “political head” in the corporative model, which was born in the Middle Ages and extends to de Ancien Régime. The sovereign in his role is not supposed to monopolize the exercise of power, tyrannizing the subjects, but to coordinate a juridical universe that is plural and dynamic. From a perspective of study centered on the relations of power and founding out the importance of the political bounds created by the patronage nets, emerges the strong connection between the economy of service/benefit and the christian theology that gives it sense. The king legislates knowing that exist other juridical bounds that tied up men in society, and looks for everyone to protect the respublica christiana in order to achieve salvation. How to be the best shepherd to the flock is the “screenplay” proposed by Vieira, which we intended to explain.
Filip, Krčmar. "Torontalska županija 1860–1918." Phd thesis, Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, Filozofski fakultet u Novom Sadu, 2016. http://www.cris.uns.ac.rs/record.jsf?recordId=100648&source=NDLTD&language=en.
Повний текст джерелаTorontalska županija (lat. Comitatus Torontaliensis, mađ. Torontál vármegye, nem. Torontaler Comitat) je naziv za političko-administrativnu oblast nekadašnje Ugarske kraljevine, koja je, uz duže ili kraće prekide i povremene promene svog teritorijalnog obima, postojala na području zapadnog Banata od Srednjeg veka pa do 1918. godine i raspada Austrougarske monarhije. NJen najveći deo je nakon Prvog svetskog rata ušao u sastav novoformirane jugoslovenske države, a njeni recidivi mogu se pratiti ne samo u periodu međuratne, već i posleratne, socijalističke Jugoslavije. Tokom srednjeg veka njeno sedište bio je Turski Bečej (današnji Novi Bečej), a kasnije Veliki Bečkerek (današnji Zrenjanin).Uprkos svom dugom postojanju, Torontalska županija je danas – izuzimajući uske akademske krugove – mahom nepoznata široj javnosti, čak i na samom području gde je decenijama, pa i vekovima, predstavljala istorijsku realnost i svakodnevnicu. Prostor Banata je od njenog silaska sa istorijske scene pa do danas doživeo velike političke, administrativne i demografske promene, ali i radikalne preobražaje u shvatanju sopstvene prošlosti; oni su u velikoj meri uticali na to da se Torontalska županija, nekada važan politički činilac i nezaobilazni faktor u kreiranju istorije Banata nađe na marginama zavičajne istoriografije. Dobar deo krivice za takvo stanje snose i lokalne i regionalne ustanove kulture koje se nisu u dovoljnoj meri i na adekvatan način bavile ovom problematikom.Polazeći od ovih pretpostavki, glavni cilj i težište disertacije čini opšti istorijski pregled Torontalske županije u periodu od 1860. do 1918. godine, pri čemu su neminovno morale biti obrađene i ranije epohe njenog razvoja. Naznačeno razdoblje predstavlja zaokruženu i jasno omeđenu celinu, tokom koje je ovaj deo Banata prolazio kroz period dinamičnog političkog, privrednog, društvenog i kulturnog napretka, uključujući se u moderne civilizacijske i evropske tokove. Ovaj segment prošlosti Banata, danas nedovoljno istražen u okviru srpske istoriografije, obilovao je značajnim, danas zaboravljenim događajima, koji su svojevremeno oblikovali svakodnevnicu banatskog podneblja i postali integralni deo njegove kulturno-istorijske baštine.Osvrt na političku istoriju Županije od 1860. do 1918. postavljen je u precizno definisane prostorne okvire i propraćen sažetim prikazom privrednih i kulturnih prilika u datom periodu. Osim toga, u tezi je dat i opširan pregled istorijskih izvora i literature o Torontalskoj županiji, koji su pronađeni i konsultovani tokom višegodišnjeg istraživanja arhivske i bibliotečke građe Istorijskog arhiva Zrenjanin, ali i zbirki Narodnog muzeja Zrenjanin i Muzeja „Atila Jožef” u Makou (Mađarska). Osim arhivskih dokumenata, u pisanju su obilato korišćene zvanične županijske publikacije (podžupanski izveštaji,popisi stanovništva, šematizmi, statuti, besede velikih župana) i štampa mađarske i nemačke provenijencije, odnosno novinski listovi koji su figurirali kao zvanična županijska glasila – nemački Gross-Becskereker Wochenblatt i mađarski Torontál). Budući da je za svo vreme svog postojanja Torontalska županija predstavljala izraz mađarske nacionalne i državotvorne ideje, sasvim je razumljivo da je u mađarskoj istoriografiji ona češće obrađivana i ostavila više traga nego što je to bio slučaj u srpskoj naučnoj literaturi i produkciji. U tome bi, između ostalog, valjalo i tražiti najjače motive za nastanak doktorske teze.